Fredrik von Malmborg, Martin Björklund, Johan Nordensvärd
This paper analyzes through qualitative and quantitative analysis of European Union (EU) policy documents the framing of EU policy on energy-efficient buildings from the 1970s to 2022. We find that it has been framed in different ways over the decades and the framing has expanded to include more and more benefits. Through this expansion, energy efficiency has been linked to other policy areas, such as security, environmental, economic, and social policy. The shifts in framing can be seen as responses to external events. The expansion can also be explained using two metaphors to analyze how the framing differs depending on political positioning. One where policy is seen as a Swiss knife, able to solve multiple political problems, and one where policy is seen as a Trojan horse, where new policy domains are snuck in by policymakers disguising it as energy efficiency policy to increase EU competency in relation to national governments.
{"title":"Framing the benefits of European Union policy expansion on energy efficiency of buildings: A Swiss knife or a Trojan horse","authors":"Fredrik von Malmborg, Martin Björklund, Johan Nordensvärd","doi":"10.1002/epa2.1184","DOIUrl":"10.1002/epa2.1184","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This paper analyzes through qualitative and quantitative analysis of European Union (EU) policy documents the framing of EU policy on energy-efficient buildings from the 1970s to 2022. We find that it has been framed in different ways over the decades and the framing has expanded to include more and more benefits. Through this expansion, energy efficiency has been linked to other policy areas, such as security, environmental, economic, and social policy. The shifts in framing can be seen as responses to external events. The expansion can also be explained using two metaphors to analyze how the framing differs depending on political positioning. One where policy is seen as a Swiss knife, able to solve multiple political problems, and one where policy is seen as a Trojan horse, where new policy domains are snuck in by policymakers disguising it as energy efficiency policy to increase EU competency in relation to national governments.</p>","PeriodicalId":52190,"journal":{"name":"European Policy Analysis","volume":"9 3","pages":"219-243"},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/epa2.1184","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45464205","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Energiewende (energy transition) has become a worldwide critical challenge. Unlike extensive literature that explains Germany's energy transition focusing on federal actors, this study analyzes the role of Schleswig-Holstein in federal wind energy policy-making. Schleswig-Holstein was an economically poor state governed by the Christian Democratic Union from 1950 to 1988 and supported nuclear energy in the late 1970s and early 1980s. By integrating the notions of “leaders,” “pioneers,” and “entrepreneurs,” and exploring the relationship between these change agents and “followers,” this study elucidates a nuanced classification of actors. An examination of proceedings of the federal assembly, the second chamber, and the Schleswig-Holstein state parliament revealed that Schleswig-Holstein changed its role from a potential veto-coalition player in the 1970s to a constructive pusher of repowering older windmills in the 2009 Renewable Energy Act revision. This study also highlights that leaders, pioneers, and entrepreneurs do not necessarily overlap and do capture different change agents.
{"title":"Change agents in Germany's energy transition: Role of the state of Schleswig-Holstein in wind electricity development from the 1970s to 2009","authors":"Rie Watanabe","doi":"10.1002/epa2.1179","DOIUrl":"10.1002/epa2.1179","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Energiewende (energy transition) has become a worldwide critical challenge. Unlike extensive literature that explains Germany's energy transition focusing on federal actors, this study analyzes the role of Schleswig-Holstein in federal wind energy policy-making. Schleswig-Holstein was an economically poor state governed by the Christian Democratic Union from 1950 to 1988 and supported nuclear energy in the late 1970s and early 1980s. By integrating the notions of “leaders,” “pioneers,” and “entrepreneurs,” and exploring the relationship between these change agents and “followers,” this study elucidates a nuanced classification of actors. An examination of proceedings of the federal assembly, the second chamber, and the Schleswig-Holstein state parliament revealed that Schleswig-Holstein changed its role from a potential veto-coalition player in the 1970s to a constructive pusher of repowering older windmills in the 2009 Renewable Energy Act revision. This study also highlights that leaders, pioneers, and entrepreneurs do not necessarily overlap and do capture different change agents.</p>","PeriodicalId":52190,"journal":{"name":"European Policy Analysis","volume":"9 3","pages":"244-270"},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42909548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Although street-level bureaucrats (SLBs) play a key role in the implementation of market-based instruments (MBIs), their participation is widely understudied. This paper addresses this blind spot by engaging the concept of street-level bureaucratic policy entrepreneurship. Using the case of conservation banking, a market-based environmental policy in the United States, we explore why this novel instrument has only been adopted in a handful of jurisdictions. We examine both non-adoption and adoption of conservation banking to find that SLBs are likely to engage in such entrepreneurial acts when a new policy form is particularly useful in legitimizing regulatory enforcement. Implementing a MBI is, however, not straightforward. Organizational conditions can restrain SLB autonomy to implement MBIs, preferring instead to persist with baseline policies, which further underscores the importance of SLB risk-taking behavior. SLBs must strategically straddle their unique position between the market and the hierarchy to enroll different actors into the new policy arrangement, all within dynamic political–economic conditions.
{"title":"Between hierarchies and markets: How street-level bureaucratic autonomy leads to policy innovations","authors":"Stéphanie Barral, Ritwick Ghosh","doi":"10.1002/epa2.1178","DOIUrl":"10.1002/epa2.1178","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Although street-level bureaucrats (SLBs) play a key role in the implementation of market-based instruments (MBIs), their participation is widely understudied. This paper addresses this blind spot by engaging the concept of street-level bureaucratic policy entrepreneurship. Using the case of conservation banking, a market-based environmental policy in the United States, we explore why this novel instrument has only been adopted in a handful of jurisdictions. We examine both non-adoption and adoption of conservation banking to find that SLBs are likely to engage in such entrepreneurial acts when a new policy form is particularly useful in legitimizing regulatory enforcement. Implementing a MBI is, however, not straightforward. Organizational conditions can restrain SLB autonomy to implement MBIs, preferring instead to persist with baseline policies, which further underscores the importance of SLB risk-taking behavior. SLBs must strategically straddle their unique position between the market and the hierarchy to enroll different actors into the new policy arrangement, all within dynamic political–economic conditions.</p>","PeriodicalId":52190,"journal":{"name":"European Policy Analysis","volume":"9 4","pages":"418-439"},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44508214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Colin Knox, Karl O'Connor, Markus Ketola, Paul Carmichael
This article explores the intersection of policy implementation, conflict/peacebuilding, and the role of the EU PEACE program in Northern Ireland (NI). Conflict societies see a great investment of external funds, attempting to promote conflict resolution. Specifically, this article analyses the fourth wave of such funding in NI to examine why the EU PEACE program has not fully brought about its intended policy outcomes. Using Matland's conflict-ambiguity model of policy implementation, we identify how EU funds can be skewed to support local political interests. Simultaneously, the EU PEACE program continues to adhere to strict implementation criteria that makes little sense given the local context. Therefore, contrary to its objectives, the implementation of EU funding can compound rather than ameliorate divisions in postconflict NI. Instead of prescribing strict implementation criteria, EU policy could focus on improving the administrative capacity and discretion of local administration in devising locally relevant implementation strategies.
{"title":"EU PEACE funding: The policy implementation deficit","authors":"Colin Knox, Karl O'Connor, Markus Ketola, Paul Carmichael","doi":"10.1002/epa2.1177","DOIUrl":"10.1002/epa2.1177","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article explores the intersection of policy implementation, conflict/peacebuilding, and the role of the EU PEACE program in Northern Ireland (NI). Conflict societies see a great investment of external funds, attempting to promote conflict resolution. Specifically, this article analyses the fourth wave of such funding in NI to examine why the EU PEACE program has not fully brought about its intended policy outcomes. Using Matland's conflict-ambiguity model of policy implementation, we identify how EU funds can be skewed to support local political interests. Simultaneously, the EU PEACE program continues to adhere to strict implementation criteria that makes little sense given the local context. Therefore, contrary to its objectives, the implementation of EU funding can compound rather than ameliorate divisions in postconflict NI. Instead of prescribing strict implementation criteria, EU policy could focus on improving the administrative capacity and discretion of local administration in devising locally relevant implementation strategies.</p>","PeriodicalId":52190,"journal":{"name":"European Policy Analysis","volume":"9 3","pages":"290-310"},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/epa2.1177","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47535963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>This special issue of <i>European Policy Analysis</i> on COVID-19 policies follows two previous ones addressing that topic. The first one was published in the fall 2020 to examine the initial reactions of governments to the shock of the crisis (Colfer, <span>2020</span>), and the second one in fall 2022, to analyze how governance processes had evolved with the prolongation of the crisis (Malandrino & Mavrot, <span>2022</span>). This spring 2023 marks the 3rd year of the pandemic, which gives us even more hindsight to assess the questions raised by one of the most challenging public health events faced by nations worldwide in the recent past. This new special issues hence gathers contributions that address key transversal issues related to pandemic management: how to integrate scientific evidence into crisis management, and whether the inclusion of evidence even guarantees good outcomes. Is there a national administrative style that can help explain the output performance of crisis management? What does policy learning look like when the policy cycle happens within a reduced timeframe and under high political pressure? How legitimate are the policy instruments implemented during the pandemic in the public's eyes? The questions raised in this special issue are key not only to studying the crash test the pandemic has represented for governments and democracies but also to drawing lessons for future crises that wait around the corner. These crises will no doubt share some common characteristic with the COVID-19 pandemic: the need for arbitration between various policy requirements (e.g., somatic and psychological health needs, public health and the economy), the challenge of adopting sustainable governance principles in the general context of political short-termism, finding a balance between decisive public action and the requirement of democratic processes, the integration of scientific evidence into policy-making processes and the necessity of fighting against skepticism (e.g., corona-skepticism, climate-skepticism).</p><p>At a time of returning to normalcy with the relative mitigation of the epidemics and the ending of emergency regimes in most parts of the world, two questions arise: what did the COVID-19 crisis say about political systems from a governance perspective, and how did the crisis add to our reflections from a political science perspective? Regarding the first aspect, the crisis shed light on the possibilities of over and under reactions, as well as on the importance of the level of trust in the government to navigate the pandemic in ways acceptable to citizens (Capano et al., <span>2020</span>). The temporal development of the event also showed effects of policy convergence in the first phase because of the exceptional character of the situation, followed by a diversification in governance paths related to the ways policy feedback affected the political calculus in each country (Sayers et al., <span>2022</span>). A fundamenta
本期《欧洲新冠肺炎政策分析》特刊是在前两期《欧洲新冠肺炎政策分析》特刊的基础上发表的。第一篇发表于2020年秋季,研究各国政府对危机冲击的最初反应(Colfer, 2020),第二篇发表于2022年秋季,分析治理过程如何随着危机的延长而演变(Malandrino &;Mavrot, 2022)。今年春天是2023年大流行的第三个年头,这使我们能够更加后见之明地评估世界各国最近面临的最具挑战性的公共卫生事件之一所带来的问题。因此,这一新的特刊汇集了涉及与大流行管理有关的关键横向问题的文章:如何将科学证据纳入危机管理,以及纳入证据是否甚至保证了良好的结果。是否有一种国家行政风格可以帮助解释危机管理的输出绩效?当政策周期发生在一个缩短的时间框架内,并在巨大的政治压力下,政策学习是什么样子的?在公众眼中,大流行期间实施的政策工具有多合法?本期特刊提出的问题不仅是研究疫情对各国政府和民主国家的冲击测试的关键,也是为即将到来的未来危机吸取教训的关键。毫无疑问,这些危机将与COVID-19大流行具有一些共同特征:需要在各种政策要求(例如,身体和心理健康需要、公共卫生和经济)之间进行仲裁,在政治短期主义的一般背景下采用可持续治理原则所面临的挑战,在决定性的公共行动与民主进程的要求之间找到平衡,将科学证据纳入决策过程,以及必须反对怀疑主义(例如,冠状病毒怀疑主义),climate-skepticism)。在世界大部分地区,随着疫情的相对缓解和紧急状态制度的结束,局势趋于正常,在此之际,出现了两个问题:从治理角度来看,2019冠状病毒病危机对政治制度说明了什么?从政治学角度来看,这场危机对我们的反思有何启发?关于第一个方面,这场危机揭示了反应过度和反应不足的可能性,以及对政府以公民可接受的方式应对疫情的信任程度的重要性(Capano et al., 2020)。由于形势的特殊性质,事件的时间发展也显示出第一阶段政策趋同的影响,随后是与政策反馈影响每个国家政治计算的方式相关的治理路径多样化(Sayers et al., 2022)。在需要使用科学证据来管理这种高度不确定性的危机(在此期间,大量数据受到密切监测)与避免指责政策制定过程技术化的必要性之间产生了根本的紧张关系(Kuhlmann et al., 2022)。在这方面,鉴于民粹主义政府在面对突发公共卫生事件时采取反科学态度的后果,疫情中的民粹主义治理特别引起了学术界的关注(Bayerlein et al., 2021)。更一般地说,还评估了政治制度特征对大流行管理风格的影响。与总统制相比,议会制不太可能引发强烈的政治个性化,鉴于凝聚力和非两极分化对成功的危机管理的重要性,这可能是一项资产(Lecours等人,2021)。人们发现联邦系统遇到了具体的挑战:纵向和横向协调(Schnabel &Hegele, 2012)以及需要在联邦解决方案和地方偏好之间找到平衡(Bandelow et al., 2021)。然而,中央集权体制也面临着政治责任向中央政府集中的独特挑战。此外,这场危机提醒我们,尽管事件已经被框定,但既存在的政策和权力关系也导致了手头的问题(Bergeron et al., 2020)。最后但并非最不重要的是,这场危机表明,我们仍然没有能力解决保健方面的社会不平等问题,这种不平等被定义为基于社会构建的保健资源重新分配的可避免的差距(Aïach &Fassin, 2004)。至于大流行对研究的影响,我们可以说,它使对民主合法性和社会凝聚力等关键问题的研究活跃起来。这场危机使得分析工具和概念得以测试和改进,因为这一事件扰乱了治理常规。 仅举几个例子,COVID-19危机作为一个全球性事件,非常适合进行政策学习和教训总结的比较研究(Zaki &Wayenberg, 2021)。鉴于需要在认知不确定性的情况下部署有效的政策组合,政策设计和工具视角是评估危机治理需求和结果的有效分析视角(Dunlop et al., 2020)。政策网络方法研究了通过提供规范化的互动模式(詹金斯-史密斯等人,2018),网络如何有助于构建对危机的政治反应(Weible等人,2020)。从政策叙事框架的角度来看,2019冠状病毒病大流行及其新政策措施为分析准确、可识别和可操作的叙事如何在制定和实施政策答案方面发挥作用提供了契机(Mintrom &奥康纳,2020)。从多个流的角度来看,大流行病提供了一个机会,观察问题流、政策流和政治流如何结合起来,打开特定的机会窗口,以解决与公共卫生有关的问题(Amri &Logan, 2021),以及更普遍的可持续性。这个清单可能更长,但总的来说,危机提供了研究进入紧急时期、危机在中期延长以及危机后正常化阶段的机会。这些不同的阶段对政策过程的研究非常丰富,必须研究covid -19后实质性政策领域的政策制定,以寻求危机的长期影响(Capano et al., 2022)。本期特刊在这两个层面上都有丰富的学习内容。在一个以证据为基础的政策日益成为口头禅的时代(卡帕诺&;Malandrino, 2022), Kurzer和Ornston(2023)敦促政策制定者在高度不确定性时期谨慎应用科学顾问的建议。他们的贡献旨在解释之前大型研究的结果,这些研究发现,将科学知识纳入政策制定可以减缓对大流行的反应。这篇文章回顾了在丹麦、荷兰和瑞典发生的第一波COVID-19大流行,这三个国家的特点是对科学家的信任度相对较高。然而,在这三个国家,公共卫生机构都忽视了大流行病的严重性和应对措施的紧迫性,从而推迟了采取应对措施的时间。然而,丹麦的情况好于荷兰和瑞典,因COVID-19死亡的人数较低。作者将这种相对良好的表现与政府对国家专家建议失去信任,并因此背离这一建议联系起来。这种机制尤其适用于嵌入社会行动者和观点的新社团主义网络中的国家公共机构。作者认为,这种嵌入性促使国家公共机构采用“更柔和”和更细致的建议,以避免强制和最大限度地达成共识,但这些推荐的措施可能在大流行这样的严重背景下不起作用。此外,这种做法可以延迟采取纠正措施。基于行政风格理论,Casula和Malandrino(2023)分析了意大利COVID-19紧急情况特别专员的案例,重点关注其行政机构在政府应对大流行中发挥关键作用的两个领域的行动,即公共采购和疫苗接种。更具体地说,他们将两种机构的配置与2021年发生的政府更迭进行了比较。本文的理论框架基于公共组织行政风格的功能和位置取向概念(Knill et al., 2019)。虽然高度功能性取向和产出绩效之间的联系可以被理解为更直接和直观,但本文的作者表明,在类似功能取向的条件下,公共组织的位置取向起作用。为了在两种配置中实现特别专员机构的功能定位概念,他们利用其对问题出现、解决方案搜索优化和政策促进变量的贡献。同样,为了分析其位置取向,他们依赖于其支持动员,战略使用正式权力和倡导能力。总而言之,他们的研究为第二代行政风格研究做出了贡献,同时利用该国的政治更替,揭示了不同的行政机器如何以不同的方式面对同一危机。Zaki等人分析了比利时的大流行管理情况。 (2023)在危机情况下调查不同类型
{"title":"Three years of COVID-19 pandemic: Coping with crisis governance in the long term","authors":"Céline Mavrot, Anna Malandrino","doi":"10.1002/epa2.1175","DOIUrl":"10.1002/epa2.1175","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This special issue of <i>European Policy Analysis</i> on COVID-19 policies follows two previous ones addressing that topic. The first one was published in the fall 2020 to examine the initial reactions of governments to the shock of the crisis (Colfer, <span>2020</span>), and the second one in fall 2022, to analyze how governance processes had evolved with the prolongation of the crisis (Malandrino & Mavrot, <span>2022</span>). This spring 2023 marks the 3rd year of the pandemic, which gives us even more hindsight to assess the questions raised by one of the most challenging public health events faced by nations worldwide in the recent past. This new special issues hence gathers contributions that address key transversal issues related to pandemic management: how to integrate scientific evidence into crisis management, and whether the inclusion of evidence even guarantees good outcomes. Is there a national administrative style that can help explain the output performance of crisis management? What does policy learning look like when the policy cycle happens within a reduced timeframe and under high political pressure? How legitimate are the policy instruments implemented during the pandemic in the public's eyes? The questions raised in this special issue are key not only to studying the crash test the pandemic has represented for governments and democracies but also to drawing lessons for future crises that wait around the corner. These crises will no doubt share some common characteristic with the COVID-19 pandemic: the need for arbitration between various policy requirements (e.g., somatic and psychological health needs, public health and the economy), the challenge of adopting sustainable governance principles in the general context of political short-termism, finding a balance between decisive public action and the requirement of democratic processes, the integration of scientific evidence into policy-making processes and the necessity of fighting against skepticism (e.g., corona-skepticism, climate-skepticism).</p><p>At a time of returning to normalcy with the relative mitigation of the epidemics and the ending of emergency regimes in most parts of the world, two questions arise: what did the COVID-19 crisis say about political systems from a governance perspective, and how did the crisis add to our reflections from a political science perspective? Regarding the first aspect, the crisis shed light on the possibilities of over and under reactions, as well as on the importance of the level of trust in the government to navigate the pandemic in ways acceptable to citizens (Capano et al., <span>2020</span>). The temporal development of the event also showed effects of policy convergence in the first phase because of the exceptional character of the situation, followed by a diversification in governance paths related to the ways policy feedback affected the political calculus in each country (Sayers et al., <span>2022</span>). A fundamenta","PeriodicalId":52190,"journal":{"name":"European Policy Analysis","volume":"9 2","pages":"96-100"},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/epa2.1175","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46282915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Administrative style is a central concept in public policy and administration research. Despite the developments in the field, less is known about the effect different administrative styles have on policy output. To contribute to filling this gap, the article offers an original framework to explore the link between administrative styles and policy output based on the consolidated distinction between functional and positional orientations as constitutive elements of administrative styles. This framework is applied to an under-investigated case of public organization in the Italian context, that is, the administrative apparatus headed by the Extraordinary Commissioner for the Covid-19 Emergency, to test the general hypothesis that what makes the difference in determining output performance is an administration's positional orientation, not only its functional one. Doing so, the article contributes to “second generation” administrative style research and provides a theoretical and analytical framework to be tested in future cross-national and cross-sectoral comparisons.
{"title":"Exploring the link between administrative styles and policy output: The case of the Italian Extraordinary Commissioner for the Covid-19 Emergency","authors":"Mattia Casula, Anna Malandrino","doi":"10.1002/epa2.1176","DOIUrl":"10.1002/epa2.1176","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Administrative style is a central concept in public policy and administration research. Despite the developments in the field, less is known about the effect different administrative styles have on policy output. To contribute to filling this gap, the article offers an original framework to explore the link between administrative styles and policy output based on the consolidated distinction between functional and positional orientations as constitutive elements of administrative styles. This framework is applied to an under-investigated case of public organization in the Italian context, that is, the administrative apparatus headed by the Extraordinary Commissioner for the Covid-19 Emergency, to test the general hypothesis that what makes the difference in determining output performance is an administration's positional orientation, not only its functional one. Doing so, the article contributes to “second generation” administrative style research and provides a theoretical and analytical framework to be tested in future cross-national and cross-sectoral comparisons.</p>","PeriodicalId":52190,"journal":{"name":"European Policy Analysis","volume":"9 2","pages":"119-141"},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/epa2.1176","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47185640","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Active Labor Market Policies (ALMPs), which include state-funded apprenticeships, have long been used as a way of encouraging unemployed youth into skilled and semiskilled trades. However, new forms of “nonstandard” employment are now dominating young people's experience of the labor market. In fact, unpaid internships are becoming a normal part of a modern curriculum vitae and viewed as a necessary rite of passage for a successful school-to-work transfer, especially in the middle-class professions. Through the use of freedom of information requests, policy documents, evaluation reports, and semistructured interviews, this paper examines the role of unpaid internships in shaping the four most recent ALMPs targeted at Irish youth since the Great Recession (2008). It theorizes that the increased prevalence of unpaid internships in the entry-level jobs market leads to Irish policymakers designing youth unemployment ALMPs based on a private-sector unpaid internship model. This paper will first situate youth unemployment policy within the literature on ALMPs and unpaid internships. It will then combine process tracing as a within-case research method with a comparative case study of the four ALMPs. In conclusion, this paper finds that Irish youth unemployment policy designed during periods of economic crisis tends to prioritize the needs of host organizations and mirror employment norms established through unpaid internships. Conversely, during periods of economic growth, the Irish youth unemployment policy reverts to a more regulated model that protects the entry-level jobs market. Furthermore, this paper recommends that European states should prohibit the use of unpaid internships to avoid further entrenching precarious and discriminatory work patterns.
{"title":"Trading labor for experience: The role of unpaid internships in shaping Active Labor Market Policies in Ireland since the Great Recession","authors":"Jonathan Arlow","doi":"10.1002/epa2.1171","DOIUrl":"10.1002/epa2.1171","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Active Labor Market Policies (ALMPs), which include state-funded apprenticeships, have long been used as a way of encouraging unemployed youth into skilled and semiskilled trades. However, new forms of “nonstandard” employment are now dominating young people's experience of the labor market. In fact, unpaid internships are becoming a normal part of a modern curriculum vitae and viewed as a necessary rite of passage for a successful school-to-work transfer, especially in the middle-class professions. Through the use of freedom of information requests, policy documents, evaluation reports, and semistructured interviews, this paper examines the role of unpaid internships in shaping the four most recent ALMPs targeted at Irish youth since the Great Recession (2008). It theorizes that the increased prevalence of unpaid internships in the entry-level jobs market leads to Irish policymakers designing youth unemployment ALMPs based on a private-sector unpaid internship model. This paper will first situate youth unemployment policy within the literature on ALMPs and unpaid internships. It will then combine process tracing as a within-case research method with a comparative case study of the four ALMPs. In conclusion, this paper finds that Irish youth unemployment policy designed during periods of economic crisis tends to prioritize the needs of host organizations and mirror employment norms established through unpaid internships. Conversely, during periods of economic growth, the Irish youth unemployment policy reverts to a more regulated model that protects the entry-level jobs market. Furthermore, this paper recommends that European states should prohibit the use of unpaid internships to avoid further entrenching precarious and discriminatory work patterns.</p>","PeriodicalId":52190,"journal":{"name":"European Policy Analysis","volume":"9 3","pages":"311-336"},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/epa2.1171","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45552608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This comparative paper adds to the literature by exploring the connection between policy entrepreneurship and collaboration among street-level bureaucrats (SLBs) in two countries. We asked if SLBs, as policy entrepreneurs, promote collaborative efforts in their work. If so, in what ways? The study was based on qualitative research and in-depth semistructured interviews with 20 SLBs in social services in Israel and Germany. Our findings suggest that as policy entrepreneurs, SLBs use diverse ways of working together, and a higher level of policy change demands a higher level of collaboration. We offer three generic types of SLB policy entrepreneurs: collaborative policy entrepreneurs, collaborative-coordinator policy entrepreneurs, and coordinator-cooperative entrepreneurs. We suggest administrative cultures and policy styles may shed light on the presence of types of SLB policy entrepreneurs.
{"title":"Street-level bureaucrats as policy entrepreneurs and collaborators: Findings from Israel and Germany","authors":"Lihi Lahat, Tanja Klenk, Noga Pitowsky-Nave","doi":"10.1002/epa2.1173","DOIUrl":"10.1002/epa2.1173","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This comparative paper adds to the literature by exploring the connection between policy entrepreneurship and collaboration among street-level bureaucrats (SLBs) in two countries. We asked if SLBs, as policy entrepreneurs, promote collaborative efforts in their work. If so, in what ways? The study was based on qualitative research and in-depth semistructured interviews with 20 SLBs in social services in Israel and Germany. Our findings suggest that as policy entrepreneurs, SLBs use diverse ways of working together, and a higher level of policy change demands a higher level of collaboration. We offer three generic types of SLB policy entrepreneurs: collaborative policy entrepreneurs, collaborative-coordinator policy entrepreneurs, and coordinator-cooperative entrepreneurs. We suggest administrative cultures and policy styles may shed light on the presence of types of SLB policy entrepreneurs.</p>","PeriodicalId":52190,"journal":{"name":"European Policy Analysis","volume":"9 4","pages":"397-417"},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/epa2.1173","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42033440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While national policy styles have (re)gained academic attention in recent comparative public policy work, the concept still needs a widely accepted operationalization that can allow the collection and analysis of data across contexts while steering away from construct validity threats. We build on Tosun and Howlett's (2022) work and employ a mixed-methods approach, which relies on exploratory factor analysis and hierarchical cluster analysis. We put forth an operationalization, using Bertelsmann's Sustainable Governance Indicators (SGI) as proxies, that achieves conceptual clarity and distinctiveness, informational robustness, and statistical power. Ultimately, we construct two composite indicators—mode of problem-solving and inclusiveness—calculate them in 41 countries and present policy style classifications based on their combinations. We report the distribution of countries across four policy styles (administrative, managerial, accommodative, adversarial) and conclude with an analysis of the clusters, assessments of robustness, and comparison with other national policy style classification schemes.
{"title":"Advancing the operationalization of national policy styles","authors":"Nikolaos Zahariadis, Vassilis Karokis-Mavrikos, Theofanis Exadaktylos, Alexandros Kyriakidis, Jörgen Sparf, Evangelia Petridou","doi":"10.1002/epa2.1172","DOIUrl":"10.1002/epa2.1172","url":null,"abstract":"<p>While national policy styles have (re)gained academic attention in recent comparative public policy work, the concept still needs a widely accepted operationalization that can allow the collection and analysis of data across contexts while steering away from construct validity threats. We build on Tosun and Howlett's (2022) work and employ a mixed-methods approach, which relies on exploratory factor analysis and hierarchical cluster analysis. We put forth an operationalization, using Bertelsmann's Sustainable Governance Indicators (SGI) as proxies, that achieves conceptual clarity and distinctiveness, informational robustness, and statistical power. Ultimately, we construct two composite indicators—mode of problem-solving and inclusiveness—calculate them in 41 countries and present policy style classifications based on their combinations. We report the distribution of countries across four policy styles (administrative, managerial, accommodative, adversarial) and conclude with an analysis of the clusters, assessments of robustness, and comparison with other national policy style classification schemes.</p>","PeriodicalId":52190,"journal":{"name":"European Policy Analysis","volume":"9 3","pages":"200-218"},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/epa2.1172","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48561908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}