Pub Date : 2021-02-11DOI: 10.1163/15700674-12340090
S. Henny
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Pub Date : 2021-02-11DOI: 10.1163/15700674-12340088
Ilil Baum
Jewish-Christian intellectual relations in late medieval Spain are discussed in light of a curious fragment in Hebrew script from the Vatican Library. The fragment contains an unknown translation from Latin to Catalan (in Hebrew characters) of the work of the Catalan Franciscan monk Petrus Thomae, De distinctione predicamentorum. This translation is also compared with Thomae’s Tractatus brevis de modis distinctionum as it demonstrates an intermediate version between these two works by Petrus Thomae, though it resembles the first more closely. These traces invite a discussion on the existence of “Jewish Scotism” among the Jews of Catalonia, and after the expulsion, among their descendants, who probably made their way to Italy. The text is among the latest evidence of the use of Catalan in Hebrew characters on the cusp of the sixteenth century.
根据梵蒂冈图书馆的一段奇怪的希伯来文片段，讨论了中世纪晚期西班牙的犹太-基督教知识关系。该片段包含加泰罗尼亚方济各会僧侣Petrus Thomae的作品的拉丁语到加泰罗尼亚语（希伯来语）的未知翻译，De distinctione predictmentorum。这一译本也与托马的《短曲》（Tractatus brevis de modis distinctionum）进行了比较，因为它展示了佩特鲁斯·托马这两部作品之间的中间版本，尽管它与第一部更为相似。这些痕迹引发了加泰罗尼亚犹太人以及驱逐后他们的后代（他们可能前往意大利）对“犹太苏格兰主义”存在的讨论。该文本是十六世纪末希伯来文中使用加泰罗尼亚语的最新证据之一。
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Pub Date : 2021-02-11DOI: 10.1163/15700674-12340087
Caroline Gruenbaum
This article analyzes Melekh Artus (King Arthur), a unique Hebrew translation of sections from the old French prose Merlin and mort Artu in the Lancelot-Grail cycle. Written in a single fragment from 1279 in northern Italy, this translation proves close Jewish engagement with old French texts. Through satirical biblical references and subtle critique of his material, the author reframes the Arthurian narrative to promote universal morals. Rather than Judaize the Arthurian canon and its Christian characters, he validates them as viable models for his Jewish audience.
{"title":"The Quest for the “Charity Dish”: Interpretation in the Hebrew Arthurian Translation Melekh Artus (1279, Northern Italy)","authors":"Caroline Gruenbaum","doi":"10.1163/15700674-12340087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340087","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article analyzes Melekh Artus (King Arthur), a unique Hebrew translation of sections from the old French prose Merlin and mort Artu in the Lancelot-Grail cycle. Written in a single fragment from 1279 in northern Italy, this translation proves close Jewish engagement with old French texts. Through satirical biblical references and subtle critique of his material, the author reframes the Arthurian narrative to promote universal morals. Rather than Judaize the Arthurian canon and its Christian characters, he validates them as viable models for his Jewish audience.","PeriodicalId":52521,"journal":{"name":"Medieval Encounters","volume":"26 1","pages":"517-542"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41615376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-29DOI: 10.1163/15700674-12340080
Pere Casanellas
Despite bans on the reading or possession of Bibles in the vernacular, numerous medieval Catalan translations of the Bible survive, in particular a complete Bible from the fourteenth century, some ten psalters, and a fifteenth-century version of the four Gospels. Moreover, Catalan was the second Romance language in which a full Bible was printed (1478), following the Tuscan Bible of 1471. Most of these translations were commissioned by Christians for the use of Christians. In some cases, however, it is clear that the translators were converted Jews. In some others, the translations appear to have been written by Jews for Jewish readers. We also find one case in which Catalan was the source rather than the target language: the first extant translation of the four Gospels into Hebrew (late fifteenth century) was undertaken, probably by a Jew, using the aforementioned fourteenth-century Catalan Bible.
{"title":"Bible Translation by Jews and Christians in Medieval Catalan-Speaking Territories","authors":"Pere Casanellas","doi":"10.1163/15700674-12340080","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340080","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Despite bans on the reading or possession of Bibles in the vernacular, numerous medieval Catalan translations of the Bible survive, in particular a complete Bible from the fourteenth century, some ten psalters, and a fifteenth-century version of the four Gospels. Moreover, Catalan was the second Romance language in which a full Bible was printed (1478), following the Tuscan Bible of 1471. Most of these translations were commissioned by Christians for the use of Christians. In some cases, however, it is clear that the translators were converted Jews. In some others, the translations appear to have been written by Jews for Jewish readers. We also find one case in which Catalan was the source rather than the target language: the first extant translation of the four Gospels into Hebrew (late fifteenth century) was undertaken, probably by a Jew, using the aforementioned fourteenth-century Catalan Bible.","PeriodicalId":52521,"journal":{"name":"Medieval Encounters","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41486806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-29DOI: 10.1163/15700674-12340083
Benoît Grévin
What was the reason behind the new, still partly understudied, European “wave of translations” of the Qurʾān characteristic of the years 1440‒1530? Can we find a pattern behind the translation processes and techniques used by John of Segovia and his Muslim coworker, the team commissioned by Egidio da Viterbo, and the Sicilian Jewish convert Guglielmo Raimondo Moncada (alias Flavius Mithridate)? This new generation of Qurʾānic translations presents interesting innovations in contrast to the older works of Robert of Ketton and Marcos de Toledo. Even if the loss (Juan de Segovia) or the non-completion (Moncada) of part of these texts makes it difficult to draw definitive conclusions, there are still significant observations to be made about them: these translations were all bilingual or multilingual, featuring conscious strategies of presentation of the Arabic and Latin versions, and a new approach to the Muslim exegesis. And yet, these new and sophisticated works were no match for the older Iberian versions, and it was the Kettonian translation that became the first Latin translation printed in its entirety, whereas the new works of the years 1440‒1530 were lost or poorly transmitted. This paper tries to explain this paradox. Furthermore, through a comparative new methodology, it also aims at gauging the possible links between the older and the newer Latin translations of the Qurʾān suggesting specific a relationship between the Qurʾān of Marcos de Toledo and Moncada’s partial translation of MS. Vat. Ebr. 457.
1440年至1530年，欧洲对《古兰经》进行了新的、仍有部分研究不足的“翻译浪潮”，其背后的原因是什么？我们能找到塞戈维亚的约翰和他的穆斯林同事、埃吉迪奥·达·维特博委托的团队以及西西里犹太皈依者Guglielmo Raimondo Moncada（化名Flavius Mithridate）使用的翻译过程和技术背后的模式吗？与Ketton的Robert和Marcos de Toledo的旧作品相比，新一代的《古兰经》译本提出了有趣的创新。即使这些文本的丢失（Juan de Segovia）或未完成（Moncada）使得很难得出明确的结论，但仍有重要的观察结果：这些翻译都是双语或多语言的，具有有意识地呈现阿拉伯语和拉丁语版本的策略，以及穆斯林注释的新方法。然而，这些新的和复杂的作品无法与旧的伊比利亚版本相媲美，正是凯特顿译本成为了第一个完整印刷的拉丁译本，而1440年至1530年的新作品丢失或传播不良。本文试图解释这一悖论。此外，通过一种比较新的方法，它还旨在衡量《古兰经》的旧拉丁译本和新拉丁译本之间的可能联系，这表明了马科斯·德·托莱多的《古兰经与蒙卡达对瓦特女士的部分翻译之间的具体关系。Ebr。457
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Pub Date : 2020-12-29DOI: 10.1163/15700674-12340085
M. C. Aparicio
{"title":"Islamic Law and the Crisis of the Reconquista: The Debate on the Status of Muslim Communities in Christendom, written by Alan Verskin","authors":"M. C. Aparicio","doi":"10.1163/15700674-12340085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340085","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52521,"journal":{"name":"Medieval Encounters","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49070049","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-29DOI: 10.1163/15700674-12340081
M. Penelas
This article examines the biblical material contained in two universal histories written by the Christians of al-Andalus: the so-called Kitāb Hurūshiyūsh (KH) and the “Mozarabic universal history” (MUH) preserved at MS Raqqada 2003/2. A thorough comparison of the parallel passages from the Books of Samuel and Kings shows that KH, which has proved to be one of the sources of MUH for profane history, was not used by the latter’s compiler for the large fragments relating to sacred history. Both KH and MUH contain copious material concerning biblical history that was derived from sources different than the Bible. Thus, Giorgio Levi Della Vida and I, as editors of MUH and KH respectively, have observed that the biblical material derived from the Vulgate in both texts was enriched with information from Jerome’s and Isidore’s works. In this article I show that both contain a substantial amount of information absent from Jerome’s and Isidore’s works and that canonical biblical material is largely interspersed with material from non-canonical and non-biblical sources, including information well rooted in the Jewish tradition. This is especially the case in MUH.
本文考察了安达卢斯基督徒撰写的两部普世史中包含的圣经材料：所谓的Kitāb Hurúshiyúsh（KH）和保存在拉卡达女士2003/2年的“莫札拉普世史”（MUH）。对《塞缪尔书》和《列王书》中的平行段落进行彻底的比较表明，KH被证明是亵渎历史的MUH来源之一，但后者的编纂者并没有将其用于与神圣历史有关的大片段。KH和MUH都包含大量关于圣经历史的材料，这些材料来源于不同于《圣经》的来源。因此，Giorgio Levi Della Vida和我分别作为《MUH》和《KH》的编辑，观察到两本书中源自《Vulgate》的圣经材料都丰富了Jerome和Isidore作品中的信息。在这篇文章中，我发现两者都包含了大量Jerome和Isidore作品中没有的信息，而经典的圣经材料在很大程度上穿插着非经典和非圣经来源的材料，包括植根于犹太传统的信息。MUH的情况尤其如此。
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Pub Date : 2020-12-29DOI: 10.1163/15700674-12340079
Gemma Avenoza
This study explores the political and cultural context of Fr. Gonzalo de Ocaña’s translation of the Homiliarum in Ezechielem of Pope Gregory I. It sheds light on the personality of the translator, offering new information about his life. It also delves into the political circumstances in which Queen María of Castile requested this translation from her chaplain. In fact, Ocaña’s prologue to his translation provides unique historical evidence of his own personal position vis-à-vis the political strife between the Queen’s brothers and her husband, John II of Castile, a struggle that had brought Castile close to ruin. The translation of this patristic text is also important because it provides us with a literal version of extensive passages from the Book of Ezequiel and constitutes the only known translation of this book of the Old Testament made from the Vulgata in the fifteenth century. Ocaña’s use of the Latin source is by no means a trivial issue, for the only two known versions of the Book of Ezekiel translated from Latin into Spanish, the pre-Alfonsine Bible and the General estoria, were prepared much earlier, in the thirteenth century.
本研究探讨了Gonzalo de Ocaña神父翻译教皇格列高利一世的《传道书》的政治和文化背景，揭示了译者的个性，为他的生活提供了新的信息。它还深入探讨了卡斯蒂利亚女王María要求她的牧师翻译的政治环境。事实上，Ocaña对他的翻译的序言提供了独特的历史证据，证明了他自己对-à-vis的个人立场，即女王的兄弟和她的丈夫卡斯蒂利亚的约翰二世之间的政治斗争，这场斗争使卡斯蒂利亚接近毁灭。这部教父文本的翻译也很重要，因为它为我们提供了《以撒基尔书》中大量段落的文字版本，也是15世纪《武加塔》中唯一已知的《旧约》译本。Ocaña对拉丁语来源的使用绝不是一个微不足道的问题，因为已知的《以西结书》只有两个版本是从拉丁语翻译成西班牙语的，前阿方索圣经和一般故事，在更早的时候，在十三世纪就准备好了。
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Pub Date : 2020-12-29DOI: 10.1163/15700674-12340084
G. Mandalà
{"title":"Narrating Muslim Sicily. War and Peace in the Medieval Mediterranean World, written by William Granara","authors":"G. Mandalà","doi":"10.1163/15700674-12340084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340084","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52521,"journal":{"name":"Medieval Encounters","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49556639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-29DOI: 10.1163/15700674-12340078
Fatma Sinem Eryılmaz
In late medieval-early modern Iberia, translations of sacred texts often involved changes beyond those concerning linguistic and cultural frameworks. The sacred nature of the source text turned it into a potentially powerful tool for a variety of purposes. Translations were used to advance didactic and cultural policies and to disseminate political and religious propaganda. They became building blocks for communal identities under fatal threat. When need be, they could be manipulated both as weapons of self-defense or of belligerent attack against rival religiosities and institutions that harbored them. The power generated by the divine authority that spoke through sacred texts also made their translations and their translators, targets of suspicion and victims of strict control, and at times, destruction. The five articles that I introduce represent a wide spectrum of these possibilities as they examine translation projects of Christian, Jewish, and Muslim sacred texts and the transformations they catalyzed.
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