Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.148
Safet Bandžović
Many states, like Yugoslavia, emerged from conflicting historical currents. A critical examination of the socio-historical multi-directional flows after the chaotic April War of 1941 and the rapid disintegration of monarchical Yugoslavia also encompasses rational knowledge of opposing political and national perspectives dating back to 1918 when it was established, with its problematic events between the two World Wars, their causes, and consequences. The turbulent interwar legacy and the failure to address acute problems within the state influenced the dramatic situation and conflicts in occupied Yugoslavia, leading to polarization, collaboration, and alignments. The state of war is a complex crisis situation. The breakup of Yugoslavia was met with divided opinions on whether (and if so, how and on what basis) to reestablish the state. Each Yugoslavia (the „old” and the „new”) also represented a „new constitutional concept of the relationship between its major nations/political groups” (Dejan Jović). The successful antifascist liberation struggle from 1941 to 1945 was primarily led by the partisan movement, with the dominant role of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY). Vladimir Dedijer wrote that in 1941, a revolutionary war began, and „no one dreamed what its nature would be.” It was a civil war, destroying the idea that this state could be rebuilt in the form it took in 1918. It was a complex war („a war of all against all”) with numerous burdens (national, religious, social, historical). Anti-Yugoslav forces were long more numerous than pro-Yugoslav forces, which eventually triumphed. The speech of Yugoslav antifascism is most symbolically recognizable by the phrase: „Death to fascism – freedom to the people,” and „brotherhood and unity.” By the decision on the federal organization of the state at the Second Session of the Anti-Fascist Council of National Liberation of Yugoslavia (AVNOJ) in Jajce in 1943, the foundational pillar of the previous Yugoslavia—state and national unitarism—was denied. AVNOJ's decisions were of a framework and principle nature. The federation was established, but until the end, the forms of all its units related to their borders and the structure of alliance members („unitary or complex”) were not fully defined. The emergence of the federal Bosnia and Herzegovina was accompanied by harmonization at the top of the CPY and the People's Liberation Movement. The specificity of the „AVNOJ formula” was also reflected in the fact that in 1943, a federal state was formed, and in 1944, the members of the federation (republics). At that time, their provincial antifascist councils were constituted as the highest legislative and executive representative bodies. Many accompanying issues addressed in the decisions in Jajce on the structure of Yugoslavia remained under detailed consideration and clarification by the state-party leadership and AVNOJ in 1945. These issues have continued to be the subject of more detailed review a
{"title":"Bosna i Hercegovina i konstituisanje Avnojske Jugoslavije (1943-1945)","authors":"Safet Bandžović","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.148","url":null,"abstract":"Many states, like Yugoslavia, emerged from conflicting historical currents. A critical examination of the socio-historical multi-directional flows after the chaotic April War of 1941 and the rapid disintegration of monarchical Yugoslavia also encompasses rational knowledge of opposing political and national perspectives dating back to 1918 when it was established, with its problematic events between the two World Wars, their causes, and consequences. The turbulent interwar legacy and the failure to address acute problems within the state influenced the dramatic situation and conflicts in occupied Yugoslavia, leading to polarization, collaboration, and alignments. The state of war is a complex crisis situation. The breakup of Yugoslavia was met with divided opinions on whether (and if so, how and on what basis) to reestablish the state. Each Yugoslavia (the „old” and the „new”) also represented a „new constitutional concept of the relationship between its major nations/political groups” (Dejan Jović). The successful antifascist liberation struggle from 1941 to 1945 was primarily led by the partisan movement, with the dominant role of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY). Vladimir Dedijer wrote that in 1941, a revolutionary war began, and „no one dreamed what its nature would be.” It was a civil war, destroying the idea that this state could be rebuilt in the form it took in 1918. It was a complex war („a war of all against all”) with numerous burdens (national, religious, social, historical). Anti-Yugoslav forces were long more numerous than pro-Yugoslav forces, which eventually triumphed. The speech of Yugoslav antifascism is most symbolically recognizable by the phrase: „Death to fascism – freedom to the people,” and „brotherhood and unity.” By the decision on the federal organization of the state at the Second Session of the Anti-Fascist Council of National Liberation of Yugoslavia (AVNOJ) in Jajce in 1943, the foundational pillar of the previous Yugoslavia—state and national unitarism—was denied. AVNOJ's decisions were of a framework and principle nature. The federation was established, but until the end, the forms of all its units related to their borders and the structure of alliance members („unitary or complex”) were not fully defined. The emergence of the federal Bosnia and Herzegovina was accompanied by harmonization at the top of the CPY and the People's Liberation Movement. The specificity of the „AVNOJ formula” was also reflected in the fact that in 1943, a federal state was formed, and in 1944, the members of the federation (republics). At that time, their provincial antifascist councils were constituted as the highest legislative and executive representative bodies. Many accompanying issues addressed in the decisions in Jajce on the structure of Yugoslavia remained under detailed consideration and clarification by the state-party leadership and AVNOJ in 1945. These issues have continued to be the subject of more detailed review a","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"3 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.52
Zsolt András Udvarvölgyi
Gyula Germanus or Hajji Julius Abdul-Karim Germanus, Hungarian Muslim Orientalist Professor (1884-1979) was a well-known scholar and popular figure in Hungary from the turn of the century until late seventies. He was an Arabist, teacher, professor, writer, traveller, literary historian as well MP in Hungary (1958-1966) and member of many academies abroad. He converted to Islam in Delhi in 1930, and he was the first Hungarian to make a pilgrimage to Mecca (Hajj) in 1935. In this paper, I would like to describe in more detail his first major trip abroad, which took him to Bosnia and Herzegovina in the summer of 1902. The 17-year-old Germanus, a newly graduated, well-informed, educated, multilingual and already interested in Eastern culture, had a lifetime of experiences on his journey. Based partly on one of his memoirs and partly on a radio play he wrote and found in the Germanus bequest, I will outline in detail a chronicle of his days in Bosnia. First he travelled by train from Budapest to Banja Luka, where he visited the only Trappist monastery in the Balkans, and then he wrote a brief history of the Trappist order in his book. He then travelled with his companions by coach along a wild and scenic road carved into the valley of the Vrbas river towards Jajce. He noted that the Hungarian soldiers who invaded Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878 had named the province “the land of curved mountains” for a reason. It is in Jajce that he had his greatest and most astonishing adventure, when he walked into a café in the evening, where he was greeted with great affection by the regular Bosniaks, especially after it turns out that he speaks Turkish. So he spends the evening in good company and is amply entertained. This first impression of the kindness and hospitality of the Muslim people of the East will stayed with him for the rest of his life. Jajca was followed by a journey by narrow-gauge railway to Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia. In addition to describing the city and its sights, Germanus also reported that he had made a new and very dear friend, the intelligent Ahmed Mustafa, a shariat law student. After meeting him, they talked about the Islamic religion, the Quran, shariat and visited the bazaar. Afterwards they had dinner and Germanus invited his new friend to visit Hungary, who accompanied him to Grazová and then to Raguza. They also discovered Raguza together and said goodbye to each other. From there Germanus travelled to Cattaro, then to Cetinje in Montenegro, where he had interesting and instructive adventures, and after a long and difficult ordeal, including two days of starvation, he arrived in Fiume, where he was helped by an acquaintance of his father’s, and was able to travel home in peace. In the conclusion, I will explain that six years after Germanus’ visit, the Austro-Hungarian Empire annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Empire, and tensions between the peoples of the Balkans escalated, leading to the Sarajevo assassination attempt o
Gyula Germanus或Hajji Julius Abdul-Karim Germanus，匈牙利穆斯林东方学家教授(1884-1979)是匈牙利从世纪之交到70年代末的知名学者和公众人物。他是阿拉伯人、教师、教授、作家、旅行家、文学史家，也是匈牙利国会议员(1958-1966)和国外许多学院的成员。1930年，他在德里皈依伊斯兰教，1935年，他成为第一个前往麦加朝圣的匈牙利人。在这篇论文中，我想更详细地描述他第一次主要的国外旅行，1902年夏天他去了波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那。17岁的Germanus刚毕业，见多识广，受过良好的教育，会说多种语言，对东方文化很感兴趣，在他的旅程中有一生的经历。我将根据他的一本回忆录和他在德国遗产中发现的一部广播剧，详细概述他在波斯尼亚的日子。首先，他从布达佩斯乘火车前往巴尼亚卢卡，在那里他参观了巴尔干半岛唯一的特拉普派修道院，然后他在书中写下了特拉普派修道会的简史。然后，他和他的同伴们乘马车沿着一条荒凉而风景优美的道路前往雅伊采，这条道路是在弗尔巴斯河谷中凿成的。他指出，1878年入侵波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的匈牙利士兵将该省命名为“弯曲山脉之地”是有原因的。正是在Jajce，他经历了最伟大、最惊人的冒险，当他在晚上走进一家咖啡馆时，他受到了普通波斯尼亚人的热烈欢迎，尤其是在他说土耳其语之后。因此，他在一个好伙伴的陪伴下度过了一个晚上，并得到了充分的娱乐。东方穆斯林人民的善良和好客给他的第一印象将伴随他的余生。在Jajca之后，他们乘坐窄轨铁路前往波斯尼亚的首都萨拉热窝。除了描述这座城市和它的风景之外，Germanus还报告说他结交了一位非常亲密的新朋友，聪明的艾哈迈德·穆斯塔法(Ahmed Mustafa)，一名伊斯兰教法学生。在见到他之后，他们谈论了伊斯兰教，古兰经，伊斯兰教法，并参观了集市。之后，他们共进晚餐，日耳曼努斯邀请他的新朋友访问匈牙利，他陪同他去了格拉佐夫，然后又去了拉古扎。他们还一起发现了拉古扎，并互相道别。日耳曼努斯从那里出发，先去了卡塔罗，然后去了黑山的采蒂涅，在那里他经历了有趣而有益的冒险，经过了漫长而艰难的考验，包括两天的饥饿，他到达了富姆，在他父亲的一个熟人的帮助下，他平平安安地回家了。最后，我将解释，在德国人访问六年后，奥匈帝国将波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那并入帝国，巴尔干各国人民之间的紧张局势升级，导致1914年6月28日萨拉热窝的暗杀企图，不久之后导致第一次世界大战的爆发。Germanus永远不会忘记他的第一次旅行和他在这里的积极经历。1931年，在前军事伊玛目侯赛因·希尔米·杜里奇的领导下，被困在匈牙利的退伍军人和军官在匈牙利建立了一个伊斯兰宗教社团，他同情波斯尼亚人，并在匈牙利帮助了他们。日耳曼努斯已经是一名穆斯林了，他支持他们，为他们调动了自己的关系网，并担任了所谓的“巴巴文化委员会”的秘书长。我相信，少年日耳曼努斯的个性发展很大程度上受到了他1902年的旅行和周围友好、热情的氛围的影响。
{"title":"A Journey with experiences of a lifetime. The adventures of Gyula Germanus in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1902","authors":"Zsolt András Udvarvölgyi","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.52","url":null,"abstract":"Gyula Germanus or Hajji Julius Abdul-Karim Germanus, Hungarian Muslim Orientalist Professor (1884-1979) was a well-known scholar and popular figure in Hungary from the turn of the century until late seventies. He was an Arabist, teacher, professor, writer, traveller, literary historian as well MP in Hungary (1958-1966) and member of many academies abroad. He converted to Islam in Delhi in 1930, and he was the first Hungarian to make a pilgrimage to Mecca (Hajj) in 1935. In this paper, I would like to describe in more detail his first major trip abroad, which took him to Bosnia and Herzegovina in the summer of 1902. The 17-year-old Germanus, a newly graduated, well-informed, educated, multilingual and already interested in Eastern culture, had a lifetime of experiences on his journey. Based partly on one of his memoirs and partly on a radio play he wrote and found in the Germanus bequest, I will outline in detail a chronicle of his days in Bosnia. First he travelled by train from Budapest to Banja Luka, where he visited the only Trappist monastery in the Balkans, and then he wrote a brief history of the Trappist order in his book. He then travelled with his companions by coach along a wild and scenic road carved into the valley of the Vrbas river towards Jajce. He noted that the Hungarian soldiers who invaded Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878 had named the province “the land of curved mountains” for a reason. It is in Jajce that he had his greatest and most astonishing adventure, when he walked into a café in the evening, where he was greeted with great affection by the regular Bosniaks, especially after it turns out that he speaks Turkish. So he spends the evening in good company and is amply entertained. This first impression of the kindness and hospitality of the Muslim people of the East will stayed with him for the rest of his life. Jajca was followed by a journey by narrow-gauge railway to Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia. In addition to describing the city and its sights, Germanus also reported that he had made a new and very dear friend, the intelligent Ahmed Mustafa, a shariat law student. After meeting him, they talked about the Islamic religion, the Quran, shariat and visited the bazaar. Afterwards they had dinner and Germanus invited his new friend to visit Hungary, who accompanied him to Grazová and then to Raguza. They also discovered Raguza together and said goodbye to each other. From there Germanus travelled to Cattaro, then to Cetinje in Montenegro, where he had interesting and instructive adventures, and after a long and difficult ordeal, including two days of starvation, he arrived in Fiume, where he was helped by an acquaintance of his father’s, and was able to travel home in peace. In the conclusion, I will explain that six years after Germanus’ visit, the Austro-Hungarian Empire annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Empire, and tensions between the peoples of the Balkans escalated, leading to the Sarajevo assassination attempt o","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"3 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136227178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-20DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.413
A. Zilic
Prikaz/Review: Enes Dedić, Bosansko Kraljevstvo i Srpska Despotovina (1402-1459), Univerzitet u Sarajevu – Institut za historiju, Historijske monografije, knj. 23, Sarajevo 2021, 481 str.
{"title":"Prikaz: Enes Dedić, Bosansko Kraljevstvo i Srpska Despotovina (1402-1459), Univerzitet u Sarajevu – Institut za historiju, Historijske monografije, knj. 23, Sarajevo 2021, 481 str.","authors":"A. Zilic","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.413","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.413","url":null,"abstract":"Prikaz/Review: Enes Dedić, Bosansko Kraljevstvo i Srpska Despotovina (1402-1459), Univerzitet u Sarajevu – Institut za historiju, Historijske monografije, knj. 23, Sarajevo 2021, 481 str.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43647148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-20DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.225
Labinot Hajdari
During the Cold War public diplomacy was far more advanced, dynamic, and all-inclusive than we give credit. The Cold War shaped domestic and foreign policies for many decades, worldwide. With the United States and the Soviet Union as the main protagonists of the bipolar world, using international broadcasting shaped the attitudes of the countries in a favorable stance for the two superpowers, to comply with the competing ideologies. This article investigates the role of public diplomacy through media, education, and cultural programs, and the role they played in bringing down the Cold War. Educational and Cultural programs played an especially influential role in the superpower’s strategies and competing agendas on who wins more hearts and minds. Through the use of historical research methods, combined with discourse and content analysis of books, archived official documents, podcasts, newspapers, and publications, draw a pattern of empowerment and transformation of such tools as propaganda into public diplomacy, which in the beginning deepened the distance between East and West, while later was used to win hearts and minds. As this article analyzes, public diplomacy played an important role during the Cold War, emerging in the initial years of the war itself. Through a sophisticated strategy of using common bridges among people as a connection such as science, music, sports, and education exchange programs, considered at that time to be entirely divided from the political sphere, the United States as the leading Western democracy managed to get into the hearts and minds of the Soviet people. Among the most popular models of using public diplomacy was that of a hostile nature of relationships, intending to achieve results in foreign publics. The hypothesis was that if the images persuaded the targeted foreign public of the other side, they would pressure their governments to change their hostile positions and politicize toward the other side. Public diplomacy was that counterbalance to nuclear power competition, which was dominated by campaigns that aimed to gain influence and win the support of the international global society, and it inspired different countries, to use different tools to achieve their international goals. Programs such as the Fulbright, International Visitors Program, and “People to People” program, founded with the purpose to promote the United States' goodwill through educational exchange programs in the field of culture and science, philanthropy, and humanitarian activities, changed the perspective of communication and understanding between the United States and other nations, but also as an important step toward world peace. In the meantime, this strategy eroded the foundations of Soviet ideology and was considered by Soviet diplomats as a Trojan horse that caused the fall of its entire system. This article also investigates how propaganda transformed into public diplomacy and became institutionalized and recognized as a p
{"title":"From Propaganda to Public Diplomacy: Did Exchange Programs bring down The Cold War?","authors":"Labinot Hajdari","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.225","url":null,"abstract":"During the Cold War public diplomacy was far more advanced, dynamic, and all-inclusive than we give credit. The Cold War shaped domestic and foreign policies for many decades, worldwide. With the United States and the Soviet Union as the main protagonists of the bipolar world, using international broadcasting shaped the attitudes of the countries in a favorable stance for the two superpowers, to comply with the competing ideologies. This article investigates the role of public diplomacy through media, education, and cultural programs, and the role they played in bringing down the Cold War. Educational and Cultural programs played an especially influential role in the superpower’s strategies and competing agendas on who wins more hearts and minds. Through the use of historical research methods, combined with discourse and content analysis of books, archived official documents, podcasts, newspapers, and publications, draw a pattern of empowerment and transformation of such tools as propaganda into public diplomacy, which in the beginning deepened the distance between East and West, while later was used to win hearts and minds. As this article analyzes, public diplomacy played an important role during the Cold War, emerging in the initial years of the war itself. Through a sophisticated strategy of using common bridges among people as a connection such as science, music, sports, and education exchange programs, considered at that time to be entirely divided from the political sphere, the United States as the leading Western democracy managed to get into the hearts and minds of the Soviet people. Among the most popular models of using public diplomacy was that of a hostile nature of relationships, intending to achieve results in foreign publics. The hypothesis was that if the images persuaded the targeted foreign public of the other side, they would pressure their governments to change their hostile positions and politicize toward the other side. Public diplomacy was that counterbalance to nuclear power competition, which was dominated by campaigns that aimed to gain influence and win the support of the international global society, and it inspired different countries, to use different tools to achieve their international goals. Programs such as the Fulbright, International Visitors Program, and “People to People” program, founded with the purpose to promote the United States' goodwill through educational exchange programs in the field of culture and science, philanthropy, and humanitarian activities, changed the perspective of communication and understanding between the United States and other nations, but also as an important step toward world peace. In the meantime, this strategy eroded the foundations of Soviet ideology and was considered by Soviet diplomats as a Trojan horse that caused the fall of its entire system. This article also investigates how propaganda transformed into public diplomacy and became institutionalized and recognized as a p","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41930473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-20DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.343
Merisa Karović Babić
The cities of Bosnia and Herzegovina that were in the period 1992-1995. were under siege or surrounded by Serbian forces, were exposed to continuous mortar and artillery attacks from positions controlled by the VRS. Locations that were regarded as mass gathering places for people, such as markets, squares, schools, kindergartens, children's parks, hospitals, city transport vehicles were very often the targets of sudden shelling, which resulted in mass killings of civilians. Exactly the same methods were applied by the Serbian forces in all the cities that were declared safe zones by the United Nations. In this paper, applying a historical approach, the massacre at the Tuzla Gate was analyzed on May 25, 1995, which was one of the saddest days in the history of the city of Tuzla, when 71 civilians were killed and 173 civilians were wounded by shrapnel from a grenade fired from the direction of Ozren. , which represents the largest number of victims and the most massive crime from a single shell during the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition to the indispensable interpretation of the political and military context at the time of the crime at the Tuzla Gate, and the then-current NATO attacks on the positions of the VRS, the work also deals with the analysis of the minutes of the investigation of the Prosecutor's Office and the Security Service Center of the MUP of RBiH, the investigative actions of the United Nations carried out on the ground the places immediately after the crime, the daily reports of UNPROFOR, as well as the reactions that followed this crime. Immediately after the massacre, representatives of investigative bodies, the Municipality of Tuzla, archival institutions, journalists, intellectuals and citizens of Tuzla made a significant contribution in documenting the facts of the crime committed. On the first anniversary of the massacre, 5/25/1996. In the book The Dawn Murder, photographs and short biographical data with a lot of emotional content about each victim, their occupation, an exact description of the circumstances of the crime, as well as the exact place where they were at the time of the crime were published. The smiles in the photos full of liveliness are forever stopped in their interrupted youth, but through the mentioned book, as well as through the permanent exhibition of the Kapija Memorial Center, they continue to live permanently in the memories of their fellow citizens of Tuzla, Bosnians and Herzegovina, with a message to future generations: You don't just live here to live, one does not live here only to die, one dies here to live. Respecting everything that the people of Tuzla have done in terms of memorialization of crimes, collective memory and memory, the mentioned activities can certainly serve as an example to other cities, where civilians were killed in the same or similar way. The Archives of the Tuzla Canton have important materials about the massacre, such as the “Tuzlan
1992-1995年期间波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那的城市。被塞尔维亚部队围困或包围，受到塞族控制的阵地不断的迫击炮和火炮攻击。市场、广场、学校、幼儿园、儿童公园、医院、城市交通工具等被视为群众聚集场所的地点往往成为突然炮击的目标，造成平民被大规模杀害。塞族部队在联合国宣布为安全区的所有城市也采用了完全相同的方法。本文运用历史方法，分析了1995年5月25日发生在图兹拉门的大屠杀，这是图兹拉市历史上最悲惨的日子之一，从Ozren方向发射的一枚手榴弹的弹片造成71名平民死亡，173名平民受伤。这是侵略波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那共和国期间单枚炮弹造成的受害者人数最多和罪行最严重的一次。除了必不可少的解释当时的政治和军事环境犯罪的图门,和早期北约攻击工具的位置,工作也处理的分析调查的分钟的检察官办公室和安全服务中心RBiH中,联合国的调查行动后立即进行地面的地方犯罪,UNPROFOR日报报道,以及犯罪后的反应。大屠杀发生后，调查机构、图兹拉市政府、档案机构、记者、知识分子和图兹拉公民的代表立即为记录所犯罪行的事实作出了重大贡献。1996年5月25日，大屠杀一周年纪念日。在《黎明谋杀案》这本书中，出版了照片和简短的个人资料，其中包含了很多关于每个受害者的情感内容，他们的职业，对犯罪环境的准确描述，以及犯罪发生时他们所在的确切地点。照片中充满活力的笑容永远停留在他们被打断的青春中，但通过上述书籍，以及Kapija纪念中心的永久展览，他们继续永久地生活在图兹拉，波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那同胞的记忆中，向后代传递信息:你活着不仅仅是为了生活，一个人活着不仅仅是为了死亡，一个人死在这里是为了生活。尊重图兹拉人民在纪念罪行、集体记忆和记忆方面所做的一切，上述活动当然可以作为以同样或类似方式杀害平民的其他城市的榜样。图兹拉州档案馆有关于大屠杀的重要资料，例如“图兹兰卡卡皮亚”文件集，我非常感谢档案馆的管理人员和合作者允许我访问上述文件。Đukić案件(2009年、2010年和2014年)的判决也对炮击方向以及诺瓦克Đukić和TG Ozren对上述刑事犯罪的责任等关键问题提供了非常重要的答案，其中上述问题以辩论的方式进行了讨论，证据充足。关于Đukić在没有服刑的情况下如何获得自由的问题，我们并不想就上述案件的复杂性展开讨论，但我们注意到，关于高度惩罚的不正确适用法律(CZ BiH 2003-CZ SFRY 1976)有很多讨论，而判决中确立的事实却没有受到质疑。在Đukić案例中使用的文档也可供我研究。从历史学家的角度分析上述材料是极其重要的，我也非常感谢波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那法院的同事提供这些材料。本文的一个特别研究重点涉及上述罪行的背景化，澄清大屠杀本身之前的情况，以及随后的反应。论文分为五章，分别论述了图兹拉门大屠杀前的情况、青年节杀害青年、大屠杀后的调查、反应和军事干预，而最后一章讨论了对历史事实的修正和对案件中法院判决的否认。诺瓦克Djukic。
{"title":"Zločin na Tuzlanskoj kapiji: Historijske činjenice, reakcije i negiranje odgovornosti","authors":"Merisa Karović Babić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.343","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.343","url":null,"abstract":"The cities of Bosnia and Herzegovina that were in the period 1992-1995. were under siege or surrounded by Serbian forces, were exposed to continuous mortar and artillery attacks from positions controlled by the VRS. Locations that were regarded as mass gathering places for people, such as markets, squares, schools, kindergartens, children's parks, hospitals, city transport vehicles were very often the targets of sudden shelling, which resulted in mass killings of civilians. Exactly the same methods were applied by the Serbian forces in all the cities that were declared safe zones by the United Nations. In this paper, applying a historical approach, the massacre at the Tuzla Gate was analyzed on May 25, 1995, which was one of the saddest days in the history of the city of Tuzla, when 71 civilians were killed and 173 civilians were wounded by shrapnel from a grenade fired from the direction of Ozren. , which represents the largest number of victims and the most massive crime from a single shell during the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition to the indispensable interpretation of the political and military context at the time of the crime at the Tuzla Gate, and the then-current NATO attacks on the positions of the VRS, the work also deals with the analysis of the minutes of the investigation of the Prosecutor's Office and the Security Service Center of the MUP of RBiH, the investigative actions of the United Nations carried out on the ground the places immediately after the crime, the daily reports of UNPROFOR, as well as the reactions that followed this crime. Immediately after the massacre, representatives of investigative bodies, the Municipality of Tuzla, archival institutions, journalists, intellectuals and citizens of Tuzla made a significant contribution in documenting the facts of the crime committed. On the first anniversary of the massacre, 5/25/1996. In the book The Dawn Murder, photographs and short biographical data with a lot of emotional content about each victim, their occupation, an exact description of the circumstances of the crime, as well as the exact place where they were at the time of the crime were published. The smiles in the photos full of liveliness are forever stopped in their interrupted youth, but through the mentioned book, as well as through the permanent exhibition of the Kapija Memorial Center, they continue to live permanently in the memories of their fellow citizens of Tuzla, Bosnians and Herzegovina, with a message to future generations: You don't just live here to live, one does not live here only to die, one dies here to live. Respecting everything that the people of Tuzla have done in terms of memorialization of crimes, collective memory and memory, the mentioned activities can certainly serve as an example to other cities, where civilians were killed in the same or similar way. The Archives of the Tuzla Canton have important materials about the massacre, such as the “Tuzlan","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47383025","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-20DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.391
Sead Bandžović
The institution of slavery was characteristic of all the civilizations from Mediterranean basin in ancient times. However, slavery had its widest application in the Roman state, for which it was of immense importance, since slaves were seen as the driving force of Roman social and economic system. Slaves (servus, puer) were treated as “speaking tools” (instrumentum vocale). The position of the individual in the Roman state was regulated in detail, and there were three special positions: status civitatis (Roman citizen or foreigner), status familiae (elder of the family or its member under the rule of pater familias) and status libertatis (slave or free man). Slaves had a special legal status in Roman law at the time. Unlike animals and things over which power was referred to as domicium, this was about power over man, so the term domicia potestas was used. In the initial stages of the development of state and the law, they were viewed exclusively as property, without any personal, property or other rights. Thus the puer could not be a party to the proceedings, and his union with the slave girl was treated as a de facto union (contubernium), not as a valid marriage. He could only improve the position of his master, and if the servus would cause some damage to a third party, the master was not obliged to eliminate it, but according to Aquilius law of damage from 287 AD there was a possibility of handing over the slave to the injured party according to the principles of noxal liability. An individual could find himself in the status of a slave in three ways: by falling into captivity in war, by being born to a slave mother (vernae) or by losing his freedom as a form of sanction. In addition to private and royal, there were also so-called public slaves (servi publici). Their owner was not a private person, but a wider social community, and power over them was officially exercised by the Roman people (populus Romanus), civilian authorities in municipalities or colonies in Italy and its provinces. Servi publici were most often employed by magistrates or priests, and they also worked as guardians of various Roman buildings: basilicas, temples, archives and libraries. Roman law also knew of other forms of subordination that were not a form of slavery but states similar to it. The first aspect referred to persons in mancipio who were handed over by the pater famillias through mancipation to another elder as labor or to avoid tortious liability. The second case concerned addictus. Under the old civil law (ius civile) the addictus was a debtor in a certain obligatory relationship where, in case of non-payment of his obligation, he would be assigned to the creditor. The creditor had to keep him in the so-called creditor’s imprisonment for 60 days, until a guarantor appeared or the debt was repaid. If this did not happen, the debtor could be killed or sold as a slave. Persons redeemed from captivity (redempti ab hostibus) could be held captive by the redeemer
奴隶制制度是古代地中海流域所有文明的特征。然而，奴隶制在罗马国家有着最广泛的应用，对罗马国家来说，奴隶制具有巨大的重要性，因为奴隶被视为罗马社会和经济制度的驱动力。奴隶（servus，puer）被视为“说话的工具”（人声乐器）。个人在罗马国家中的地位受到了详细的规定，有三个特殊的地位：公民地位（罗马公民或外国人）、家庭地位（家族首领统治下的家庭长辈或成员）和自由人地位（奴隶或自由人）。奴隶在当时的罗马法律中具有特殊的法律地位。与权力被称为支配的动物和事物不同，这是关于对人的权力，因此使用了支配权力一词。在国家和法律发展的最初阶段，他们被完全视为财产，没有任何个人、财产或其他权利。因此，普埃尔不可能成为诉讼的一方，他与奴隶女孩的结合被视为事实上的结合（续），而不是有效的婚姻。他只能改善主人的地位，如果奴隶会对第三方造成一些损害，主人没有义务消除它，但根据公元287年的阿奎利乌斯损害法，根据诺萨尔责任原则，有可能将奴隶移交给受害方。一个人可能会通过三种方式发现自己处于奴隶的地位：在战争中被囚禁，由奴隶母亲所生（vernae），或者作为一种制裁形式失去自由。除了私人和王室之外，还有所谓的公共奴隶（servi-publici）。它们的主人不是一个私人，而是一个更广泛的社会群体，对它们的权力由罗马人民（populus Romanus）、意大利及其各省的市政当局或殖民地的民政当局正式行使。Servi publici最常受雇于地方法官或牧师，他们还担任各种罗马建筑的守护者：长方形会堂、寺庙、档案馆和图书馆。罗马法律也知道其他形式的从属关系，这些从属关系不是奴隶制的一种形式，而是与奴隶制类似的国家。第一个方面是指在曼奇皮奥，家长家族通过曼奇皮欧将其移交给另一位老人作为劳工或避免侵权责任。第二个案例涉及成瘾。根据旧民法（ius civile），addictus是处于某种债务关系中的债务人，如果不履行其义务，他将被分配给债权人。债权人不得不将他关押在所谓的债权人监禁中60天，直到有担保人出现或偿还债务。如果不这样做，债务人可能会被杀害或被当作奴隶出售。从囚禁中被赎回的人（redempti ab hostibus）可能会被赎回者囚禁，直到以金钱或被赎回者的工作支付赎金。在帝国时期，这种囚禁的时间最长可达5年。Gai Institutiones也对这些州的拍卖行进行了分类。其中包括承诺为一个人工作一段时间的男性、女性和未成年儿童（iudicai）。从奴隶制中解放出来是通过一种特殊的法律程序（manumissionio）。在民事诉讼的早期，它具有极其正式的性质，随着后来的检察官活动，这种形式主义被抛弃，取而代之的是新的、更有效的法律手段。
{"title":"Ropstvo u Antičkom Rimu","authors":"Sead Bandžović","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.391","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.391","url":null,"abstract":"The institution of slavery was characteristic of all the civilizations from Mediterranean basin in ancient times. However, slavery had its widest application in the Roman state, for which it was of immense importance, since slaves were seen as the driving force of Roman social and economic system. Slaves (servus, puer) were treated as “speaking tools” (instrumentum vocale). The position of the individual in the Roman state was regulated in detail, and there were three special positions: status civitatis (Roman citizen or foreigner), status familiae (elder of the family or its member under the rule of pater familias) and status libertatis (slave or free man). Slaves had a special legal status in Roman law at the time. Unlike animals and things over which power was referred to as domicium, this was about power over man, so the term domicia potestas was used. In the initial stages of the development of state and the law, they were viewed exclusively as property, without any personal, property or other rights. Thus the puer could not be a party to the proceedings, and his union with the slave girl was treated as a de facto union (contubernium), not as a valid marriage. He could only improve the position of his master, and if the servus would cause some damage to a third party, the master was not obliged to eliminate it, but according to Aquilius law of damage from 287 AD there was a possibility of handing over the slave to the injured party according to the principles of noxal liability. An individual could find himself in the status of a slave in three ways: by falling into captivity in war, by being born to a slave mother (vernae) or by losing his freedom as a form of sanction. In addition to private and royal, there were also so-called public slaves (servi publici). Their owner was not a private person, but a wider social community, and power over them was officially exercised by the Roman people (populus Romanus), civilian authorities in municipalities or colonies in Italy and its provinces. Servi publici were most often employed by magistrates or priests, and they also worked as guardians of various Roman buildings: basilicas, temples, archives and libraries. Roman law also knew of other forms of subordination that were not a form of slavery but states similar to it. The first aspect referred to persons in mancipio who were handed over by the pater famillias through mancipation to another elder as labor or to avoid tortious liability. The second case concerned addictus. Under the old civil law (ius civile) the addictus was a debtor in a certain obligatory relationship where, in case of non-payment of his obligation, he would be assigned to the creditor. The creditor had to keep him in the so-called creditor’s imprisonment for 60 days, until a guarantor appeared or the debt was repaid. If this did not happen, the debtor could be killed or sold as a slave. Persons redeemed from captivity (redempti ab hostibus) could be held captive by the redeemer","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49105761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The process of the settlement Sulice modern Bosniak families origin and development is possible to observe, based on the available historical sources, only in 19th century. The main data sources were the male population census of Kaza Srebrenica from 1850/51, and the first entries of owners in land registers of Srebrenica district in 1894. By comparing the data from the sources above, as well as from the population census of 1991, it was possible to establish continuity of settlement and development of Sulice families in this part of Srebrenica municipality. In the Sulice population census from 1850/51 the following last names are mentioned: Behramović, Bejan, Bejanović, Haskić, Hodžić, Huremović, Kandžetović, Kumović, Smajić, Spahić and Šulić. By the first entries in land registers of 1894 for the cadastral municipality of Sulice a large number of last names is stated, the most common of which are: Abdurahmanović (Hadžihafizbegović), Ademović, Aljkanović, Avdić, Bajramović, Beganović, Begić, Begović, Bektić, Burić, Bumbulović, Čivić (Rešić), Delić, Dudić, Džananović, Džanić, Džinović, Efendić, Fočak, Fržina, Gurda, Gurdić, Halilbašić, Hasanović, Hasić, Haskić, Hodžić, Huseinović, Husić, Ibišević, Ibrahimović, Idrizović, Imširović, Jahić (Kadrić), Junuzagić, Kadrić, Kajmaković, Kovačević, Kuleša, Lemeš, Lolić, Mahmutović, Mandžić, Mašić, Mehić, Mehmedović, Mehmedović (Silajdžić), Mehanović, Meholjić (Mehanović), Mešić, Mostarac (Dženetić), Muhić (Mujić), Musić, Mustafić, Nuhanović, Nukić, Nukić (Begović), Okanović, Omerović, Osmanović (Kavazović), Osmanović (Selimović), Palalić, Pašagić, Pinjić (Čikarić), Pitarević, Prijepoljac, Ramić, Rustanbegović, Salihović, Selmanagić, Selimović, Siručić (Salihović), Smajlović, Suljić, Sumbulović, Šarvan, Šećić, Šehić, Šolić (Šulić), Špijodić, Tanković, Tepić, Ustić, Uzunović, Vranjkovina, Zildžić, Zimić, Zulo (Agičević). Only those families who lived in the Sulice settlement in the second half of the 19th century have been researched in this paper. Those are the following families: Abdurahmanovićs (Hadžihafizbegović), Alićs, Aljkanovićs, Avdićs, Bajramovićs (Behramović), Begovićs, Bejans, Bejanovićs, Bektićs, Burićs, Džinovićs, Haskićs, Hodžićs, Huseinovićs, Imširovićs, Kadrićs, Kandžetovićs, Kulešas, Mehanovićs (Kandžetović), Mujkićs, Musićs, Mustafićs (Dervanović), Mustafićs (Spahić), Nuhanovićs, Nukićs, Osmanovićs (Selimović), Pejmanovićs, Sahadžićs, Selimovićs (Huremović), Selimovićs (Kumović), Smajlovićs, Suljićs (Smajić), Šarvans, Šolićs and Špijodićs. Most male members who had been listed in 1850/51 census in the Sulice settlement had their descendants, either male or female, who continued their family, i.e. genetic lineage, thus preserving their family and genetic heritage. Some families, such as Alićs, Abdurahmanovićs, Haskićs, Kadrićs, Kandžetovićs, Mehanovićs, Nuhanovićs, Selimovićs, etc. were more numerous than others, due to either greater natural increase or less emigration outside the Sulice s
{"title":"Bošnjačke familije naselja Sulice u 19. stoljeću","authors":"Alija Suljić, Kadefa Muhić, Salko Nukić, Dahmo Alić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.17","url":null,"abstract":"The process of the settlement Sulice modern Bosniak families origin and development is possible to observe, based on the available historical sources, only in 19th century. The main data sources were the male population census of Kaza Srebrenica from 1850/51, and the first entries of owners in land registers of Srebrenica district in 1894. By comparing the data from the sources above, as well as from the population census of 1991, it was possible to establish continuity of settlement and development of Sulice families in this part of Srebrenica municipality. In the Sulice population census from 1850/51 the following last names are mentioned: Behramović, Bejan, Bejanović, Haskić, Hodžić, Huremović, Kandžetović, Kumović, Smajić, Spahić and Šulić. By the first entries in land registers of 1894 for the cadastral municipality of Sulice a large number of last names is stated, the most common of which are: Abdurahmanović (Hadžihafizbegović), Ademović, Aljkanović, Avdić, Bajramović, Beganović, Begić, Begović, Bektić, Burić, Bumbulović, Čivić (Rešić), Delić, Dudić, Džananović, Džanić, Džinović, Efendić, Fočak, Fržina, Gurda, Gurdić, Halilbašić, Hasanović, Hasić, Haskić, Hodžić, Huseinović, Husić, Ibišević, Ibrahimović, Idrizović, Imširović, Jahić (Kadrić), Junuzagić, Kadrić, Kajmaković, Kovačević, Kuleša, Lemeš, Lolić, Mahmutović, Mandžić, Mašić, Mehić, Mehmedović, Mehmedović (Silajdžić), Mehanović, Meholjić (Mehanović), Mešić, Mostarac (Dženetić), Muhić (Mujić), Musić, Mustafić, Nuhanović, Nukić, Nukić (Begović), Okanović, Omerović, Osmanović (Kavazović), Osmanović (Selimović), Palalić, Pašagić, Pinjić (Čikarić), Pitarević, Prijepoljac, Ramić, Rustanbegović, Salihović, Selmanagić, Selimović, Siručić (Salihović), Smajlović, Suljić, Sumbulović, Šarvan, Šećić, Šehić, Šolić (Šulić), Špijodić, Tanković, Tepić, Ustić, Uzunović, Vranjkovina, Zildžić, Zimić, Zulo (Agičević). Only those families who lived in the Sulice settlement in the second half of the 19th century have been researched in this paper. Those are the following families: Abdurahmanovićs (Hadžihafizbegović), Alićs, Aljkanovićs, Avdićs, Bajramovićs (Behramović), Begovićs, Bejans, Bejanovićs, Bektićs, Burićs, Džinovićs, Haskićs, Hodžićs, Huseinovićs, Imširovićs, Kadrićs, Kandžetovićs, Kulešas, Mehanovićs (Kandžetović), Mujkićs, Musićs, Mustafićs (Dervanović), Mustafićs (Spahić), Nuhanovićs, Nukićs, Osmanovićs (Selimović), Pejmanovićs, Sahadžićs, Selimovićs (Huremović), Selimovićs (Kumović), Smajlovićs, Suljićs (Smajić), Šarvans, Šolićs and Špijodićs. Most male members who had been listed in 1850/51 census in the Sulice settlement had their descendants, either male or female, who continued their family, i.e. genetic lineage, thus preserving their family and genetic heritage. Some families, such as Alićs, Abdurahmanovićs, Haskićs, Kadrićs, Kandžetovićs, Mehanovićs, Nuhanovićs, Selimovićs, etc. were more numerous than others, due to either greater natural increase or less emigration outside the Sulice s","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46461655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-20DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.93
Tatyana K. Dimitrova, S. Dimitrov
Spain did not take part in the First World War (1914-1918), but its political consequences were reflected in the subsequent crisis that gripped the entire Spanish society. The post-war economic crisis led to an increase in social tension (emergence of inflationary processes, reduction in the supply of basic necessities, low wage growth) and to the strengthening of nationalism. The economic crisis further exacerbates social conflicts and disrupts the social structure of society. The problem in Morocco is also contributing to the country's financial deficit and exacerbating existing problems. Added to this was the political instability and ministerial crises of the period 1917-1923. The constitutional monarchy made efforts to maintain the status quo, but internal and external conflicts strongly affected the stability of the institution. General elections were held four times and eleven different governments were formed. It is the crisis of the parliamentary system that creates opportunities for changes in the Spanish political system. All this leads the country to a political impasse, which the military in the person of General Primo de Rivera takes advantage of. The intervention of the army in the political life of Spain is an attempt to resolve the conflicts among the rulers, but the crisis deepens not only in Parliament, but also in society. Constant contradictions give rise to hatred of politics. The army takes the responsibility (thus the king hides from the responsibility) of rearranging the political system or building a new one and meets the approval of the majority of the society, which is ready for political reorganization. The conditions in the country are ready for a coup, the main actors are needed who will go down in history and who will take advantage of the situation to take power. The man who takes a tougher stance, as well as the challenge of running the country after a series of failed governments, is General Primo de Rivera. He established a dictatorship and ruled Spain from 1923-1930. The coup was carried out on the 13th of September 1923. Then General Primo de Rivera issued a Manifesto, which was an address to the army and society and marked the main responsibilities and commitments that were undertaken for implementation. The civilian government of the dictatorship began an active economic and social policy. It was largely successful and coincided with the worldwide economic boom of the mid-1920s. Reforms were also undertaken in the social, educational and military systems. Changes are taking place in both political and ecclesiastical life. Attempts are being made to resolve the regional problem and the existing situation in Morocco. There are also innovations in relations with the republics of Latin America. In view of later historical developments, it is clear that this regime could not have lasted long, but in a sense it became the basis of the subsequent “new state” regime after 1939. The time frame of the two dictatorshi
{"title":"Political Leadership and Preservation of National Priorities (on the example of General Primo de Rivera)","authors":"Tatyana K. Dimitrova, S. Dimitrov","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.93","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.93","url":null,"abstract":"Spain did not take part in the First World War (1914-1918), but its political consequences were reflected in the subsequent crisis that gripped the entire Spanish society. The post-war economic crisis led to an increase in social tension (emergence of inflationary processes, reduction in the supply of basic necessities, low wage growth) and to the strengthening of nationalism. The economic crisis further exacerbates social conflicts and disrupts the social structure of society. The problem in Morocco is also contributing to the country's financial deficit and exacerbating existing problems. Added to this was the political instability and ministerial crises of the period 1917-1923. The constitutional monarchy made efforts to maintain the status quo, but internal and external conflicts strongly affected the stability of the institution. General elections were held four times and eleven different governments were formed. It is the crisis of the parliamentary system that creates opportunities for changes in the Spanish political system. All this leads the country to a political impasse, which the military in the person of General Primo de Rivera takes advantage of. The intervention of the army in the political life of Spain is an attempt to resolve the conflicts among the rulers, but the crisis deepens not only in Parliament, but also in society. Constant contradictions give rise to hatred of politics. The army takes the responsibility (thus the king hides from the responsibility) of rearranging the political system or building a new one and meets the approval of the majority of the society, which is ready for political reorganization. The conditions in the country are ready for a coup, the main actors are needed who will go down in history and who will take advantage of the situation to take power. The man who takes a tougher stance, as well as the challenge of running the country after a series of failed governments, is General Primo de Rivera. He established a dictatorship and ruled Spain from 1923-1930. The coup was carried out on the 13th of September 1923. Then General Primo de Rivera issued a Manifesto, which was an address to the army and society and marked the main responsibilities and commitments that were undertaken for implementation. The civilian government of the dictatorship began an active economic and social policy. It was largely successful and coincided with the worldwide economic boom of the mid-1920s. Reforms were also undertaken in the social, educational and military systems. Changes are taking place in both political and ecclesiastical life. Attempts are being made to resolve the regional problem and the existing situation in Morocco. There are also innovations in relations with the republics of Latin America. In view of later historical developments, it is clear that this regime could not have lasted long, but in a sense it became the basis of the subsequent “new state” regime after 1939. The time frame of the two dictatorshi","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47773502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-20DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.113
Safet Bandžović
Understanding the socio-historical processes after the April War of 1941 and the dismemberment of Yugoslavia presupposes a deeper knowledge of opposing national perspectives since 1918, when this country was created, of the events between the two world wars, as well as their multidimensional characters, since they largely determined wartime polarizations and alignments. The Second World War is one of the most problematic historical periods in the post-Yugoslav area, from a scientific and political point of view. With numerous relief and insufficiently explored components, it still belongs to the so-called “hot memory”. The disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1941 was greeted by its peoples and political subjects with different visions of whether (and if so: how) a new Yugoslavia should be established. The anti-fascist struggle was led by a partisan movement with the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) playing a dominant role. Each Yugoslavia (“old” and “new”) also meant “a new constitutional concept of the relationship between its main peoples/political groups” (Dejan Jović). The history of the Slovenes, wrote Edvard Kardelj at the end of the thirties of the 20th century, “is nothing but a long chain of oppression and trampling of a small nation”. After the First World War (the “Great War”), the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the collapse of Austria-Hungary divided the Slovenes among four countries. The parcelization of the Slovenian ethnic space did not end there. The territory of Slovenia (Drava Banovina) after the fragmentation of Yugoslavia in 1941 was divided between Germany, Italy and Hungary, into six parts, with different administrative regimes. The Slovenian people were torn apart, humiliated, threatened with destruction and disappearance from the ethnic map of Europe. This people was one of “the most fragmented in Europe and all the occupiers planned to wipe it out through persecution, assimilation and denationalization. Research on refugees and exile is closely related to issues of human rights, nationalism, genocide and ethnocide. This issue has a humanitarian, political, legal and moral dimension. Part of the exiled Slovenes also came to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1941, which was part of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Slovenes have a specific place in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina since the end of the 19th century. They also contributed to the development of the National Liberation Movement ( NOP) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by acting in an illegal revolutionary movement and partisan units, as well as participating in the constitution of the new government and defining the future internal structure of post-war Yugoslavia. The war in the territory of occupied Yugoslavia was, among other things, a civil war that destroyed the idea that this monarchist state can be restored in the form in which it was created in 1918. The ranks of the NOP included Slovenians who lived in Bosnia and Herzegovina before the war, as well as tho
{"title":"Slovenci u Antifašističkoj borbi u Bosni i Hercegovini i izgradnji federativnih osnova Jugoslavije (1941-1945)","authors":"Safet Bandžović","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.113","url":null,"abstract":"Understanding the socio-historical processes after the April War of 1941 and the dismemberment of Yugoslavia presupposes a deeper knowledge of opposing national perspectives since 1918, when this country was created, of the events between the two world wars, as well as their multidimensional characters, since they largely determined wartime polarizations and alignments. The Second World War is one of the most problematic historical periods in the post-Yugoslav area, from a scientific and political point of view. With numerous relief and insufficiently explored components, it still belongs to the so-called “hot memory”. The disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1941 was greeted by its peoples and political subjects with different visions of whether (and if so: how) a new Yugoslavia should be established. The anti-fascist struggle was led by a partisan movement with the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) playing a dominant role. Each Yugoslavia (“old” and “new”) also meant “a new constitutional concept of the relationship between its main peoples/political groups” (Dejan Jović). The history of the Slovenes, wrote Edvard Kardelj at the end of the thirties of the 20th century, “is nothing but a long chain of oppression and trampling of a small nation”. After the First World War (the “Great War”), the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the collapse of Austria-Hungary divided the Slovenes among four countries. The parcelization of the Slovenian ethnic space did not end there. The territory of Slovenia (Drava Banovina) after the fragmentation of Yugoslavia in 1941 was divided between Germany, Italy and Hungary, into six parts, with different administrative regimes. The Slovenian people were torn apart, humiliated, threatened with destruction and disappearance from the ethnic map of Europe. This people was one of “the most fragmented in Europe and all the occupiers planned to wipe it out through persecution, assimilation and denationalization. Research on refugees and exile is closely related to issues of human rights, nationalism, genocide and ethnocide. This issue has a humanitarian, political, legal and moral dimension. Part of the exiled Slovenes also came to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1941, which was part of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Slovenes have a specific place in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina since the end of the 19th century. They also contributed to the development of the National Liberation Movement ( NOP) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by acting in an illegal revolutionary movement and partisan units, as well as participating in the constitution of the new government and defining the future internal structure of post-war Yugoslavia. The war in the territory of occupied Yugoslavia was, among other things, a civil war that destroyed the idea that this monarchist state can be restored in the form in which it was created in 1918. The ranks of the NOP included Slovenians who lived in Bosnia and Herzegovina before the war, as well as tho","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44987066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-20DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.56
Zoltán Bolek
In the present study, I describe the struggles of the 1921. Uprising in West Hungary, and the lives and activities of the Bosnian and Albanian soldiers who took part in it. Hungary ended the First World War among the losers. The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was dissolved, and Romania, Serbia, and the fledgling Czechoslovakia, among the states surrounding Hungary, made territorial claims on the Hungarian state. The nationalities living on the territory of Hungary declared their secession one after the other, and the country lost territory to neighbouring states one after the other. The territories under foreign occupation also included many Hungarian minorities, and more than two-thirds of the country’s territory was under foreign occupation. The population of the country was dismayed, but when the Council of State of the former ally, Austria, announced its territorial claim to Western Hungary on 17 November 1918, the population was outraged. The Hungarian leadership attempted to negotiate with the Austrian leadership, raising the possibility of partitioning the territory, but the Austrians refused to make a deal. On 10 September 1919, the Entente approved the Austrian territorial claims in the Treaty of St. Germain. On 4 June 1920, the Treaty of Trianon was signed, in which the Kingdom of Hungary lost more than two-thirds of its territory, and the annexation of Western Hungary to Austria was confirmed. After the signing of the peace treaty, Hungary was forced to evacuate Western Hungary. The territory was divided into two parts, the so-called “A “and “B” zones. The former was today’s Burgenland, the latter Sopron, and its surroundings. However, the Hungarians did not give up. In the meantime, however, the recruitment of volunteer troops had begun, the nucleus of which was the “Ragged Guard”, formed on 18 April 1918. under the leadership of Iván Héjjas. The rebels were mostly made up of demobilised soldiers, farmers, students, and railwaymen, but they were also joined by Bosnian and Albanian volunteers led by Hilmi Hussein Durić, one of whom, Ahmed, was later killed in action against the Austrians. I will write in detail about the antecedents of the Uprising in West Hungary, its main leaders, Pál Prónay and Iván Héjjas, and the soldiers who fought in their units. I pay special attention to the travel of the Bosnian and Albanian soldiers to Western Hungary, the organisational circumstances, and the battles themselves. I have tried to identify the Albanian and Bosnian fighters involved in the uprising, using all the sources I can find. I will also write in detail about the two battles of Ágfalva and the battle of Kirchslag and other smaller skirmishes. I will also outline the circumstances of the proclamation of “Lajtabánság” (“Banat of Leytha”), and its existence. I will also devote a great deal of attention to the aftermath of the successful uprising and the subsequent fate of the Muslim veterans. The Bosnian and Albanian Muslim fighters, veterans of
在本研究中，我描述了20世纪21年代的斗争。西匈牙利的起义，以及参加起义的波斯尼亚和阿尔巴尼亚士兵的生活和活动。匈牙利是第一次世界大战的战败国之一。奥匈帝国解体了，罗马尼亚、塞尔维亚和刚刚起步的捷克斯洛伐克，以及匈牙利周围的国家，都向匈牙利提出了领土要求。居住在匈牙利领土上的各民族一个接一个地宣布脱离匈牙利，匈牙利的领土也一个接一个地让给邻国。外国占领的领土还包括许多匈牙利少数民族，该国三分之二以上的领土处于外国占领之下。这个国家的人民感到沮丧，但当前盟友奥地利的国务委员会于1918年11月17日宣布其对西匈牙利的领土要求时，人民感到愤怒。匈牙利领导人试图与奥地利领导人谈判，提出瓜分领土的可能性，但奥地利人拒绝达成协议。1919年9月10日，协约国在圣日耳曼条约中批准了奥地利的领土要求。1920年6月4日，《特里亚农条约》签署，匈牙利王国失去了超过三分之二的领土，西匈牙利被奥地利吞并。和平条约签订后，匈牙利被迫撤离西匈牙利。领土被分为两部分，即所谓的“A”区和“B”区。前者是今天的布尔根兰，后者是索普隆及其周围地区。然而，匈牙利人并没有放弃。然而，与此同时，志愿军的招募工作已经开始，其核心是1918年4月18日成立的“衣衫褴褛的卫队”。在Iván hsamjjas的领导下叛军主要由复员士兵、农民、学生和铁路工人组成，但也有希尔米·侯赛因·杜里奇(Hilmi Hussein duriki)领导的波斯尼亚和阿尔巴尼亚志愿者加入，其中一人艾哈迈德(Ahmed)后来在对抗奥地利人的行动中丧生。我将详细描述西匈牙利起义的起因、主要领导人Pál Prónay和Iván h jjas，以及在各自部队作战的士兵。我特别关注波斯尼亚和阿尔巴尼亚士兵前往西匈牙利的旅行、组织情况和战斗本身。我利用我能找到的所有资料，试图找出参与起义的阿尔巴尼亚和波斯尼亚战士。我还将详细介绍Ágfalva和Kirchslag的两场战役以及其他较小的小规模战斗。我还将概述宣布“Lajtabánság”(“Leytha的Banat”)的情况及其存在。我还将大量关注这次成功起义的后果以及穆斯林老兵的命运。波斯尼亚和阿尔巴尼亚的穆斯林战士，1921年的老兵。在两次世界大战之间，他们彼此保持联系，并与他们的前任上司保持联系，并成功融入匈牙利社会。本文的重点是介绍相关的匈牙利回忆录文学。除了这些资料外，我还从Lajos Missuray-Krug的《西匈牙利起义》(“Nyugat magyarországi felkel郁闷”)和Viktor Maderschpach的《我在西匈牙利独立战争中的经历》(“Élményeim a nyugat-magyarországi szabadságharcból”)中汲取灵感。
{"title":"Bosniaks in the 1921 Uprising in West Hungary","authors":"Zoltán Bolek","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.56","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.56","url":null,"abstract":"In the present study, I describe the struggles of the 1921. Uprising in West Hungary, and the lives and activities of the Bosnian and Albanian soldiers who took part in it. Hungary ended the First World War among the losers. The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was dissolved, and Romania, Serbia, and the fledgling Czechoslovakia, among the states surrounding Hungary, made territorial claims on the Hungarian state. The nationalities living on the territory of Hungary declared their secession one after the other, and the country lost territory to neighbouring states one after the other. The territories under foreign occupation also included many Hungarian minorities, and more than two-thirds of the country’s territory was under foreign occupation. The population of the country was dismayed, but when the Council of State of the former ally, Austria, announced its territorial claim to Western Hungary on 17 November 1918, the population was outraged. The Hungarian leadership attempted to negotiate with the Austrian leadership, raising the possibility of partitioning the territory, but the Austrians refused to make a deal. On 10 September 1919, the Entente approved the Austrian territorial claims in the Treaty of St. Germain. On 4 June 1920, the Treaty of Trianon was signed, in which the Kingdom of Hungary lost more than two-thirds of its territory, and the annexation of Western Hungary to Austria was confirmed. After the signing of the peace treaty, Hungary was forced to evacuate Western Hungary. The territory was divided into two parts, the so-called “A “and “B” zones. The former was today’s Burgenland, the latter Sopron, and its surroundings. However, the Hungarians did not give up. In the meantime, however, the recruitment of volunteer troops had begun, the nucleus of which was the “Ragged Guard”, formed on 18 April 1918. under the leadership of Iván Héjjas. The rebels were mostly made up of demobilised soldiers, farmers, students, and railwaymen, but they were also joined by Bosnian and Albanian volunteers led by Hilmi Hussein Durić, one of whom, Ahmed, was later killed in action against the Austrians. I will write in detail about the antecedents of the Uprising in West Hungary, its main leaders, Pál Prónay and Iván Héjjas, and the soldiers who fought in their units. I pay special attention to the travel of the Bosnian and Albanian soldiers to Western Hungary, the organisational circumstances, and the battles themselves. I have tried to identify the Albanian and Bosnian fighters involved in the uprising, using all the sources I can find. I will also write in detail about the two battles of Ágfalva and the battle of Kirchslag and other smaller skirmishes. I will also outline the circumstances of the proclamation of “Lajtabánság” (“Banat of Leytha”), and its existence. I will also devote a great deal of attention to the aftermath of the successful uprising and the subsequent fate of the Muslim veterans. The Bosnian and Albanian Muslim fighters, veterans of","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47871203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：