Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.478
Hatidža Fetahagić
Prikaz/Review: Husref Tahirović, Dr. ISAK SAMOKOVLIJA – ŽIVOT U BIJELOM MANTILU, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 2022, 198 str
评论：Husref Tahirović, Dr. ISAK SAMOKOVLIJA - LIFE IN BIJELOM MANTIL, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 2022, 198 p.
{"title":"Prikaz/Review: Husref Tahirović, Dr. ISAK SAMOKOVLIJA – ŽIVOT U BIJELOM MANTILU, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 2022, 198 str","authors":"Hatidža Fetahagić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.478","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.478","url":null,"abstract":"Prikaz/Review: Husref Tahirović, Dr. ISAK SAMOKOVLIJA – ŽIVOT U BIJELOM MANTILU, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 2022, 198 str","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"3 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.238
Adnan Velagić
During the 1980s of 20th century, socialist Yugoslavia faced various social problems, which disintegrated the fragile tissue of Tito's state-political legacy. In the early 1990s, when the unstoppable phase of dissolution of this country began, national-chauvinist quasi-elites surfaced, with the aim of realizing their great-nation ambitions in a period of general unrest. Although in this whirlwind of social events the possibility of military intervention by the JNA was used as an indispensable threat factor, the behind-the-scenes political agreements of republican leaders were often much more effective in achieving certain goals. Sometimes conducted in public, and sometimes secretly, such negotiations violated the authority of state bodies and made their existence meaningless. In this context, one can certainly observe the most famous separate negotiations from the beginning of the 1990s on the territory of the disintegrating Yugoslavia, conducted between Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tudjman. Although due to the lack of transcripts we have no insight into the details of these talks, many close associates of the Serbian and Croatian presidents, as well as participants in various political sessions, clearly indicate the presence of a high degree of mutual agreement on the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, today, three decades after Karadjordjev and Tikves, there is a reasonable suspicion that it was just a double political game of Slobodan Milosevic, who entered into such talks with Croatian President Franjo Tudjman, not to divide Bosnia and Herzegovina with him but to confront him with the Bosniaks and thus weaken the front against Serbian hegemony in Yugoslavia. In this paper, the author sought to shed light on these events through statements by Tudjman and Milosevic, and addresses by their close associates and participants in numerous political talks, and thus help to take a more relevant view of Bosnia and Herzegovina's positioning in Serbian and Croatian politics in the early 1990s. year of the 20th century.
{"title":"Iskreni dogovor ili zakulisne političke igre? Novi prilozi istraživanju razgovora Milošević-Tuđman u Karađorđevu i Tikvešu 1991. godine?","authors":"Adnan Velagić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.238","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.238","url":null,"abstract":"During the 1980s of 20th century, socialist Yugoslavia faced various social problems, which disintegrated the fragile tissue of Tito's state-political legacy. In the early 1990s, when the unstoppable phase of dissolution of this country began, national-chauvinist quasi-elites surfaced, with the aim of realizing their great-nation ambitions in a period of general unrest. Although in this whirlwind of social events the possibility of military intervention by the JNA was used as an indispensable threat factor, the behind-the-scenes political agreements of republican leaders were often much more effective in achieving certain goals. Sometimes conducted in public, and sometimes secretly, such negotiations violated the authority of state bodies and made their existence meaningless. In this context, one can certainly observe the most famous separate negotiations from the beginning of the 1990s on the territory of the disintegrating Yugoslavia, conducted between Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tudjman. Although due to the lack of transcripts we have no insight into the details of these talks, many close associates of the Serbian and Croatian presidents, as well as participants in various political sessions, clearly indicate the presence of a high degree of mutual agreement on the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, today, three decades after Karadjordjev and Tikves, there is a reasonable suspicion that it was just a double political game of Slobodan Milosevic, who entered into such talks with Croatian President Franjo Tudjman, not to divide Bosnia and Herzegovina with him but to confront him with the Bosniaks and thus weaken the front against Serbian hegemony in Yugoslavia. In this paper, the author sought to shed light on these events through statements by Tudjman and Milosevic, and addresses by their close associates and participants in numerous political talks, and thus help to take a more relevant view of Bosnia and Herzegovina's positioning in Serbian and Croatian politics in the early 1990s. year of the 20th century.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"4 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136227169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.341
Nada Tomović
The aim of this paper is to review, based on the available sources, the role of democratic and civic forces in Montenegro which were against sending Montenegrin reservists to war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, this topic can be analyzed from different aspects, social, political, national, sociological, international, historical, etc. The objective of this study is to highlight the most notable individuals, groups of intellectuals, political organizations, and other associations that advocated for anti-war policies, their treatment by the authorities, and the humiliation and persecution they suffered for their views, all within the social and political context of the time. One of the challenges in writing this paper was the lack of access to archival materials, which are still not available. Consequently, this study relied heavily on the excerpts of the only independent publication in Montenegro at the time, Monitor, and the newspaper Liberal, the publications of the Liberal Alliance, as they reported on anti-war protests, interviews with prominent intellectuals, forms of resistance of various organizations and parties. Although the press is a secondary source, it provided valuable testimony in the absence of archival material. Until recently, in Montenegro almost nothing has been written about the 90’s wars. What are the reasons? This can be the subject of a separate work. But we must state that this is no longer the case. The sources from a very valuable monograph were used in this paper, the monograph in which the facts about the new Montenegrin history were revealed to the scientific and wider general public - the facts which were kept as a secret until now. However, the participation of Montenegrin reservists both in the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Croatia cannot be justified by any facts. Nevertheless, it should be kept in mind that at that time, Montenegro was a member of a two-member federation (Serbia and Montenegro) and was involved in the war following the instructions of the Supreme Military Command and the political leadership in Belgrade. Unfortunately, the Montenegrin leadership blindly followed that politic. The ruling elite of the Montenegrin politics in the conjunction with the military elite deceived the people by referring to the “heroic past”, tradition, patriarchal norms which dictated that it was a shame not to respond to a military call for “the defense of the homeland”. Progressive civic forces in Montenegrin society did not think this way, and a broad anti-war movement was formed, although it remained in the shadow of those who held power in their hands. Nevertheless, the actions of civic and reformist forces in Montenegro in the 1990s have left an indelible mark on modern Montenegrin history. In addition to trying to promote reason and help the voice of justice to win, they simultaneously fought for the restoration of state independence. It was a difficult and exhausting struggle, which is still
{"title":"Građanske i reformske snage u Crnoj Gori prema ratu protiv Bosne i Hercegovine","authors":"Nada Tomović","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.341","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to review, based on the available sources, the role of democratic and civic forces in Montenegro which were against sending Montenegrin reservists to war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, this topic can be analyzed from different aspects, social, political, national, sociological, international, historical, etc. The objective of this study is to highlight the most notable individuals, groups of intellectuals, political organizations, and other associations that advocated for anti-war policies, their treatment by the authorities, and the humiliation and persecution they suffered for their views, all within the social and political context of the time. One of the challenges in writing this paper was the lack of access to archival materials, which are still not available. Consequently, this study relied heavily on the excerpts of the only independent publication in Montenegro at the time, Monitor, and the newspaper Liberal, the publications of the Liberal Alliance, as they reported on anti-war protests, interviews with prominent intellectuals, forms of resistance of various organizations and parties. Although the press is a secondary source, it provided valuable testimony in the absence of archival material. Until recently, in Montenegro almost nothing has been written about the 90’s wars. What are the reasons? This can be the subject of a separate work. But we must state that this is no longer the case. The sources from a very valuable monograph were used in this paper, the monograph in which the facts about the new Montenegrin history were revealed to the scientific and wider general public - the facts which were kept as a secret until now. However, the participation of Montenegrin reservists both in the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Croatia cannot be justified by any facts. Nevertheless, it should be kept in mind that at that time, Montenegro was a member of a two-member federation (Serbia and Montenegro) and was involved in the war following the instructions of the Supreme Military Command and the political leadership in Belgrade. Unfortunately, the Montenegrin leadership blindly followed that politic. The ruling elite of the Montenegrin politics in the conjunction with the military elite deceived the people by referring to the “heroic past”, tradition, patriarchal norms which dictated that it was a shame not to respond to a military call for “the defense of the homeland”. Progressive civic forces in Montenegrin society did not think this way, and a broad anti-war movement was formed, although it remained in the shadow of those who held power in their hands. Nevertheless, the actions of civic and reformist forces in Montenegro in the 1990s have left an indelible mark on modern Montenegrin history. In addition to trying to promote reason and help the voice of justice to win, they simultaneously fought for the restoration of state independence. It was a difficult and exhausting struggle, which is still","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"3 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.209
Hamza Memišević
Historical Background and the Emergence of New Bibliographic Units in the Context of the Contemporary Political Moment Demand a Reevaluation of Previous Interpretations Related to Events in the Territory of the Former Socialist Yugoslavia. This paper focuses on the Historical Agreement, also known as the Zulfikarpašić-Milošević Agreement, initiated by Muslims (Bosniaks). The agreement was intended as a peace and political initiative but came late in the context of the war in Croatia and the policy of regionalization pursued by the Serbian side in Bosnia and Herzegovina. After leaving the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), Adil Zulfikarpašić founded the Muslim Bosniak Organization (MBO), with the support of academician Muhamed Filipović. Dissatisfied with the policies of the SDA, Zulfikarpašić and Filipović sought to address the crisis through a different approach. In the case of the MBO, this approach involved historical reconciliation with the Serbs. While the leaders of the MBO structured this agreement as a peace and political initiative, its implementation was not possible due to the opposing state-legal concepts from the Bosniak (Muslim) side. The concept of a union of free states, central to the MBO's agreement, did not receive support from the Serbian side. In such a constellation of relationships, Yugoslavia could continue to function only as a federal state, as it best served Serbian state interests. The fundamental aim of this work is to shed light on the events preceding the agreement, what the agreement entailed, and why it ultimately failed. The introductory section of the paper analyzes Muslim (Bosniak)-Serbian historical reconciliation, which includes the period of Austro-Hungarian rule and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia when certain Muslim (Bosniak) politicians formed a specific type of alliance with the Serbs. The position of Muslims (Bosniaks) in the early 1990s significantly differed from that at the beginning of the 20th century. The paper dedicates a substantial portion of its pages to significant events in the Second Yugoslavia to provide a comprehensive synthesis. The 1974 Constitution, the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SANU), the rise of Milošević, the abolition of autonomy for provinces in Serbia, and the republic-level elections were all events that preceded the agreement. Special attention in the paper is given to the participants of the agreement as significant political protagonists of that period, as well as the political parties whose members were part of the agreement and the architects of the policies of that era. Adil beg Zulfikarpašić undeniably played a central role in the efforts to reach a historical agreement between Muslims (Bosniaks) and Serbs. After World War II, Zulfikarpašić went into exile, where he launched the Bosanski pogledi magazine in the early 1960s. During his time in exile, he operated from various political-ideological positions, later emerging as one of the ideologues of
当代政治语境下的历史背景与新书目单元的出现，要求我们重新审视以往对前社会主义南斯拉夫境内事件的解释。本文的重点是穆斯林(波斯尼亚人)发起的历史协议，也被称为Zulfikarpašić-Milošević协议。该协定的目的是作为一项和平与政治倡议，但由于克罗地亚境内的战争和塞尔维亚一方在波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那实行区域化政策，该协定姗姗来迟。离开民主行动党(SDA)后，阿迪尔Zulfikarpašić在院士穆罕默德·菲利波维奇的支持下成立了穆斯林波斯尼亚组织(MBO)。Zulfikarpašić和菲利波维奇对SDA的政策不满，试图通过一种不同的方法来解决危机。就MBO而言，这种做法涉及与塞尔维亚人的历史性和解。虽然MBO领导人将这项协议作为一项和平与政治倡议，但由于波斯尼亚(穆斯林)一方反对国家法律概念，该协议无法实施。作为MBO协议核心的自由国家联盟的概念没有得到塞尔维亚方面的支持。在这种关系中，南斯拉夫只能继续作为一个联邦国家发挥作用，因为它最符合塞尔维亚国家的利益。这项工作的基本目的是阐明协议之前的事件，协议的内容，以及它最终失败的原因。本文的引言部分分析了穆斯林(波什尼亚克人)与塞尔维亚人的历史和解，其中包括奥匈帝国统治和南斯拉夫王国时期，当时某些穆斯林(波什尼亚克人)政治家与塞尔维亚人形成了一种特定类型的联盟。穆斯林(波斯尼亚人)在20世纪90年代初的地位与20世纪初的地位明显不同。该文件用大量篇幅介绍了第二南斯拉夫的重大事件，以提供一个全面的综合。1974年的宪法，塞尔维亚科学和艺术学院(SANU)的备忘录，Milošević的兴起，塞尔维亚各省自治权的废除，以及共和国级别的选举都是在协议之前发生的事件。本文特别注意作为该时期重要政治主角的协定的参与者，以及其成员是该协定的一部分的政党和该时代政策的设计者。adl beg Zulfikarpašić无可否认地在穆斯林(波斯尼亚人)和塞尔维亚人之间达成历史性协议的努力中发挥了核心作用。第二次世界大战后，Zulfikarpašić流亡海外，并于20世纪60年代初创办了《博桑斯基》杂志。在流亡期间，他从不同的政治意识形态立场出发，后来成为波斯尼亚身份的理论家之一。1963年，Zulfikarpašić参与了民主选择运动的创立，这是一个由波斯尼亚、克罗地亚、塞尔维亚和斯洛文尼亚的知识分子倡导南斯拉夫民主化和南斯拉夫内部自由国家概念的运动。这场运动的基础是脱离南斯拉夫，即共产主义，并与以资本主义和民主原则为政策基础的西方国家集团结盟。Zulfikarpašić仍然毫不动摇地相信与塞尔维亚人和解的政治倡议是正确的，认为该协定是目前情况下的最佳解决办法和即将到来的战争的唯一替代办法。A. Zulfikarpašić作为该协定的主要设计者于1991年9月离开波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那，此后不久，他的党内同事穆罕默德·菲利波维奇院士终止了与该协定有关的所有进程。
{"title":"Sporazum Zulfikarpašić-Milošević 1991. godine","authors":"Hamza Memišević","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.209","url":null,"abstract":"Historical Background and the Emergence of New Bibliographic Units in the Context of the Contemporary Political Moment Demand a Reevaluation of Previous Interpretations Related to Events in the Territory of the Former Socialist Yugoslavia. This paper focuses on the Historical Agreement, also known as the Zulfikarpašić-Milošević Agreement, initiated by Muslims (Bosniaks). The agreement was intended as a peace and political initiative but came late in the context of the war in Croatia and the policy of regionalization pursued by the Serbian side in Bosnia and Herzegovina. After leaving the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), Adil Zulfikarpašić founded the Muslim Bosniak Organization (MBO), with the support of academician Muhamed Filipović. Dissatisfied with the policies of the SDA, Zulfikarpašić and Filipović sought to address the crisis through a different approach. In the case of the MBO, this approach involved historical reconciliation with the Serbs. While the leaders of the MBO structured this agreement as a peace and political initiative, its implementation was not possible due to the opposing state-legal concepts from the Bosniak (Muslim) side. The concept of a union of free states, central to the MBO's agreement, did not receive support from the Serbian side. In such a constellation of relationships, Yugoslavia could continue to function only as a federal state, as it best served Serbian state interests. The fundamental aim of this work is to shed light on the events preceding the agreement, what the agreement entailed, and why it ultimately failed. The introductory section of the paper analyzes Muslim (Bosniak)-Serbian historical reconciliation, which includes the period of Austro-Hungarian rule and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia when certain Muslim (Bosniak) politicians formed a specific type of alliance with the Serbs. The position of Muslims (Bosniaks) in the early 1990s significantly differed from that at the beginning of the 20th century. The paper dedicates a substantial portion of its pages to significant events in the Second Yugoslavia to provide a comprehensive synthesis. The 1974 Constitution, the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SANU), the rise of Milošević, the abolition of autonomy for provinces in Serbia, and the republic-level elections were all events that preceded the agreement. Special attention in the paper is given to the participants of the agreement as significant political protagonists of that period, as well as the political parties whose members were part of the agreement and the architects of the policies of that era. Adil beg Zulfikarpašić undeniably played a central role in the efforts to reach a historical agreement between Muslims (Bosniaks) and Serbs. After World War II, Zulfikarpašić went into exile, where he launched the Bosanski pogledi magazine in the early 1960s. During his time in exile, he operated from various political-ideological positions, later emerging as one of the ideologues of ","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"2 10","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226925","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.423
Mariyana Stamova
The process of the disintegration of the multinational Yugoslav federation at the end of the 80s and the beginning of the 90s had a strong impact on the process of the constitution of an independent Macedonian state. In those years, the Yugoslav Federation underwent a transition from the one-party rule of the Union of Communists to the establishment of a pluralistic multi-party political system. After the legalization of the possibility to create new political parties in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia, various parties and associations emerged, which brought great diversity to the political life of the republic and laid the foundations of party pluralism in it. The grouping of the parties is based on the attitude towards the future development of Yugoslavia, which divides them into “pro-Yugoslav” and “national”. Along with the Macedonian national parties, political parties and associations on a national and ethno-religious basis are being created in the SR Macedonia. The difficulties in the Republic of Macedonia started parallel to the process of declaring its independence and especially after the breakup of Yugoslavia. Thus, in the early 90s, after the collapse of the multinational federation and the declaration of independence of some of its republics, such as Slovenia and Croatia, the Republic of Macedonia faced serious problems in its own state. Internally - the final independence of the state and liberation from the Yugoslav People's Army, and externally - its international recognition. And while the last decade of the 20th century was mainly related to the international recognition of the Republic of Macedonia, the first decade of the 21st century saw the country face serious international problems and confrontations mainly between the Macedonian and Albanian ethnic groups in the country, as well as the dilemma of further and steps towards membership in the Euro-Atlantic structures - in the EU and NATO.
{"title":"Osnivanje nezavisne Republike Makedonije – Decenija meðunarodnog priznanja (1991–2001)","authors":"Mariyana Stamova","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.423","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.423","url":null,"abstract":"The process of the disintegration of the multinational Yugoslav federation at the end of the 80s and the beginning of the 90s had a strong impact on the process of the constitution of an independent Macedonian state. In those years, the Yugoslav Federation underwent a transition from the one-party rule of the Union of Communists to the establishment of a pluralistic multi-party political system. After the legalization of the possibility to create new political parties in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia, various parties and associations emerged, which brought great diversity to the political life of the republic and laid the foundations of party pluralism in it. The grouping of the parties is based on the attitude towards the future development of Yugoslavia, which divides them into “pro-Yugoslav” and “national”. Along with the Macedonian national parties, political parties and associations on a national and ethno-religious basis are being created in the SR Macedonia. The difficulties in the Republic of Macedonia started parallel to the process of declaring its independence and especially after the breakup of Yugoslavia. Thus, in the early 90s, after the collapse of the multinational federation and the declaration of independence of some of its republics, such as Slovenia and Croatia, the Republic of Macedonia faced serious problems in its own state. Internally - the final independence of the state and liberation from the Yugoslav People's Army, and externally - its international recognition. And while the last decade of the 20th century was mainly related to the international recognition of the Republic of Macedonia, the first decade of the 21st century saw the country face serious international problems and confrontations mainly between the Macedonian and Albanian ethnic groups in the country, as well as the dilemma of further and steps towards membership in the Euro-Atlantic structures - in the EU and NATO.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"4 8","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136227170","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.397
Vedad Gurda, Amar Lukavačkić
During the international armed conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995, numerous crimes were committed, among which crimes of rape are at the top of the scale of brutality. It is estimated that between 20,000 and 50,000 women and girls were raped in the aforementioned conflict, of which the largest number of these atrocities were committed by members of the Army of the Republika Srpska (VRS), the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the RS (MUP RS) and related paramilitary formations against Bosniak (muslim) women. It is to be assumed that an extremely large number of perpetrators were involved in the commission of the crimes in question, but unfortunately, a relatively modest number of suspects were prosecuted before the competent courts in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the neighboring Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Serbia. Within the framework of this work, the research focus is on the prosecution of war rapes before the War Crimes Chamber of the State Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the beginning of the work of the mentioned court until today (2005-2023). In the indicated period, 70 wartime rape cases involving 109 defendants were processed before this judicial forum. Out of that number, 55 cases were finally concluded, with convictions in 41 cases and acquittals in 14 cases. The subject of the research was some individual characteristics of perpetrators and victims of war rape. The research sample consisted exclusively of cases in which a final conviction was passed (N=41), in which 51 defendants were declared guilty of war rape and 80 victims of this crime were identified. The research established that all the convicts were male. In addition, 72% of those convicted were members of the Army of the Republika Srpska (VRS), 16% of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (RBiH Army) and 12% of the Croatian Defense Council (HVO). All members of the RBiH Army were convicted of war rape which is legally qualified as a war crime against the civilian population, which is a criminal offense that, according to the Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina (CC BiH), does not include the existence of a widespread and systematic attack on the civilian population. On the other hand, the largest number of members of the VRS and four members of the HVO who were prosecuted for wartime rape were convicted of having committed that crime as a crime against humanity, which included a campaign of widespread, massive and systematic criminal activity connected with other crimes (murder , torture, imprisonment, deportation of the population, enforced disappearance, etc.). About half of those legally convicted of war rape before the State Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina were convicted for crimes committed in eastern Bosnia (Foča 24%, Višegrad 16%, Vlasenica 6% and Rogatica 2%). At the same time, approximately 1/3 of wartime rapes (31%) were committed in a camp, 10% in a pu
{"title":"Pojedina obilježja učinitelja i žrtava ratnih silovanja procesuiranih pred Sudom Bosne i Hercegovine","authors":"Vedad Gurda, Amar Lukavačkić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.397","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.397","url":null,"abstract":"During the international armed conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995, numerous crimes were committed, among which crimes of rape are at the top of the scale of brutality. It is estimated that between 20,000 and 50,000 women and girls were raped in the aforementioned conflict, of which the largest number of these atrocities were committed by members of the Army of the Republika Srpska (VRS), the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the RS (MUP RS) and related paramilitary formations against Bosniak (muslim) women. It is to be assumed that an extremely large number of perpetrators were involved in the commission of the crimes in question, but unfortunately, a relatively modest number of suspects were prosecuted before the competent courts in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the neighboring Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Serbia. Within the framework of this work, the research focus is on the prosecution of war rapes before the War Crimes Chamber of the State Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the beginning of the work of the mentioned court until today (2005-2023). In the indicated period, 70 wartime rape cases involving 109 defendants were processed before this judicial forum. Out of that number, 55 cases were finally concluded, with convictions in 41 cases and acquittals in 14 cases. The subject of the research was some individual characteristics of perpetrators and victims of war rape. The research sample consisted exclusively of cases in which a final conviction was passed (N=41), in which 51 defendants were declared guilty of war rape and 80 victims of this crime were identified. The research established that all the convicts were male. In addition, 72% of those convicted were members of the Army of the Republika Srpska (VRS), 16% of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (RBiH Army) and 12% of the Croatian Defense Council (HVO). All members of the RBiH Army were convicted of war rape which is legally qualified as a war crime against the civilian population, which is a criminal offense that, according to the Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina (CC BiH), does not include the existence of a widespread and systematic attack on the civilian population. On the other hand, the largest number of members of the VRS and four members of the HVO who were prosecuted for wartime rape were convicted of having committed that crime as a crime against humanity, which included a campaign of widespread, massive and systematic criminal activity connected with other crimes (murder , torture, imprisonment, deportation of the population, enforced disappearance, etc.). About half of those legally convicted of war rape before the State Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina were convicted for crimes committed in eastern Bosnia (Foča 24%, Višegrad 16%, Vlasenica 6% and Rogatica 2%). At the same time, approximately 1/3 of wartime rapes (31%) were committed in a camp, 10% in a pu","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"3 11","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.485
Jasmin Jajčević
Aktivnosti Centra za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla u 2022. godini // Activities of Center for Research of Modern and Contemporary History Tuzla in 2022.
2022 年图兹拉现当代历史研究中心的活动 Godini // 2022 年图兹拉现当代历史研究中心的活动。
{"title":"Aktivnosti Centra za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla u 2022. godini","authors":"Jasmin Jajčević","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.485","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.485","url":null,"abstract":"Aktivnosti Centra za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla u 2022. godini // Activities of Center for Research of Modern and Contemporary History Tuzla in 2022.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"2 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226926","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.188
Mirjana Manojlović
The article presents the development of higher education in Bosnia and Herzegovina from its first serious beginnings after the Second World War until today. Considering the modest foundations of education in general, its highest level is an expression of the entire socio-historical development. The specific geographical position caused the intertwining of different influences from the East and the West on the soil of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This was also reflected in different approaches to education during the Ottoman Empire, Austria-Hungary, and later the two Yugoslavias, up to today's independent state. These conceptions had their consequences in the development of education and society's attitude towards it. However, the period after the Second World War proved to be the most intense due to the parallel work on the fast elimination of the problems of illiteracy, the lack of schools, teaching staff and the availability of education to the masses. Therefore, the radical social transformation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was particularly noticeable in the field of education. The basic source of data is official statistics from the era of Yugoslavia and contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina. Data from the two entities and the Brčko district were combined when possible. The most important author's publications, regional and foreign, which can contribute to a better knowledge of this topic, were consulted as well. Emphasis is placed on the change in the total number of students and the participation of the male and female population in this cycle of education. Some specific tendencies were noticed. The first is a negative downward trend occurred after achieving historical growth in the number of students. In this way is represented the gradual change in the educational structure of this age group. At the end of the observed period, it is visibly different compared to the initial state. Different factors have had an impact in different periods. First of all, these are the (un)availability of education for women and the weakness of school infrastructure. Today's values are the result of negative demographic trends such as declining birth rates and migration. What unites all periods are the consequences of the direct war losses of the population. The results in the previous decade are still at a high level compared to the Yugoslav period. However, Bosnia and Herzegovina still lags behind other countries in the region. Moreover, its results are barely more than half of the European average. Slower growth, and later a decrease in the number of students shows a long-term lack of interest in higher education among this part of the population. This is why the gender gap is widening. Considering the essential role of education in the progress of society as a whole, the development of higher education contributes to a large extent to the better living standard of the population, creating the necessary preconditions for different social relations. In the first pla
{"title":"Razvoj visokog školstva u Bosni i Hercegovini: Istorijsko-statistička analiza","authors":"Mirjana Manojlović","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.188","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents the development of higher education in Bosnia and Herzegovina from its first serious beginnings after the Second World War until today. Considering the modest foundations of education in general, its highest level is an expression of the entire socio-historical development. The specific geographical position caused the intertwining of different influences from the East and the West on the soil of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This was also reflected in different approaches to education during the Ottoman Empire, Austria-Hungary, and later the two Yugoslavias, up to today's independent state. These conceptions had their consequences in the development of education and society's attitude towards it. However, the period after the Second World War proved to be the most intense due to the parallel work on the fast elimination of the problems of illiteracy, the lack of schools, teaching staff and the availability of education to the masses. Therefore, the radical social transformation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was particularly noticeable in the field of education. The basic source of data is official statistics from the era of Yugoslavia and contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina. Data from the two entities and the Brčko district were combined when possible. The most important author's publications, regional and foreign, which can contribute to a better knowledge of this topic, were consulted as well. Emphasis is placed on the change in the total number of students and the participation of the male and female population in this cycle of education. Some specific tendencies were noticed. The first is a negative downward trend occurred after achieving historical growth in the number of students. In this way is represented the gradual change in the educational structure of this age group. At the end of the observed period, it is visibly different compared to the initial state. Different factors have had an impact in different periods. First of all, these are the (un)availability of education for women and the weakness of school infrastructure. Today's values are the result of negative demographic trends such as declining birth rates and migration. What unites all periods are the consequences of the direct war losses of the population. The results in the previous decade are still at a high level compared to the Yugoslav period. However, Bosnia and Herzegovina still lags behind other countries in the region. Moreover, its results are barely more than half of the European average. Slower growth, and later a decrease in the number of students shows a long-term lack of interest in higher education among this part of the population. This is why the gender gap is widening. Considering the essential role of education in the progress of society as a whole, the development of higher education contributes to a large extent to the better living standard of the population, creating the necessary preconditions for different social relations. In the first pla","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"4 7","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136227171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.72
Sait Š. Šabotić
The emergence of railways brought about new possibilities in people's lives, as well as in terms of political plans and actions. Railway activities began in the Balkans in the second half of the 19th century and had a significant impact on the relationships between Balkan states. This work explores the potential influence of Austro-Hungarian plans for the construction of the Sandjak Railway in the region of Bihor and the broader areas of Bijelo Polje and the Novi Pazar Sandjak, which were part of the Ottoman Empire. Austro-Hungary had expressed its ambitions in the Balkans even before the Berlin Congress, seeing the region as a bridge that could connect them to the warm Aegean Sea and further to the Middle East. The construction of the railway was one of the means by which Austro-Hungary sought to expand its influence in the Balkans. Such significant political intentions did not go unnoticed by the Ottoman Empire, which aimed to preserve its territorial integrity and possessions in that part of the Balkans. Slovene states and peoples traditionally sought protection in Russia, giving Russia an opportunity to express its own interest in exerting political influence in this part of Europe. Recognizing that Austro-Hungary was its main rival in the Balkans, Russia reached an agreement with them in 1897 to maintain the status quo. This agreement was further confirmed by the Treaty of Mürzsteg in 1903, which aimed to mutually neutralize or divide spheres of interest, with Bulgaria falling under Russian influence and Serbia under Austro-Hungarian. Austro-Hungary's primary goal was to prevent the creation of a large state in the region from the Danube to the Adriatic Sea, which would block its path eastward. As Serbia was located in that region, Austro-Hungarian propaganda was directed against it, despite traditionally good relations with the Obrenović dynasty. Austro-Hungary attempted to strengthen its political plans through the construction of a suitable railway network, which would facilitate easier and faster control of the desired territory. This led to the advocacy of the so-called “Novi Pazar Railway,” which would connect Uvac with Mitrovica. However, German Chancellor Bernhard von Bülow advised Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Count Agenor Romuald Gołuchowski to abandon this plan due to the unfavorable situation in Macedonia, where unrest was brewing. Austro-Hungarian diplomacy did not want to make a public and final decision on this proposal. All of the above had an impact on the population of all parts of the Novi Pazar Sandjak. The work examines how the construction of the railway would have stimulated economic development in the entire region by creating new trade routes and encouraging investment in economic sectors such as trade and agriculture. The paper also provides insights into potential changes in the demographic structure through the influx of populations from other parts of the Ottoman Empire and Austro-Hungary, which the railway w
铁路的出现为人们的生活带来了新的可能性，也为政治计划和行动带来了新的可能性。铁路活动始于19世纪下半叶的巴尔干半岛，并对巴尔干国家之间的关系产生了重大影响。这项工作探讨了奥匈帝国在比霍尔地区以及比耶洛波列和新帕扎尔桑贾克更广泛地区建设桑贾克铁路的计划的潜在影响，这些地区是奥斯曼帝国的一部分。早在柏林会议之前，奥匈帝国就已经表达了在巴尔干半岛的野心，将该地区视为连接他们与温暖的爱琴海以及进一步通往中东的桥梁。修建铁路是奥匈帝国寻求扩大其在巴尔干地区影响力的手段之一。奥斯曼帝国并没有忽视这种重大的政治意图，它的目的是维护其在巴尔干地区的领土完整和财产。斯洛文尼亚国家和人民传统上向俄罗斯寻求保护，使俄罗斯有机会表达自己对在欧洲这一地区施加政治影响的兴趣。俄罗斯意识到奥匈帝国是其在巴尔干半岛的主要对手，于是在1897年与他们达成了维持现状的协议。这一协定在1903年的《热斯泰格条约》中得到进一步确认，该条约旨在相互中立或划分利益范围，保加利亚受俄罗斯影响，塞尔维亚受奥匈帝国控制。奥匈帝国的主要目标是防止在从多瑙河到亚得里亚海的地区建立一个大国，以免阻碍其向东的道路。由于塞尔维亚位于该地区，奥匈帝国的宣传是针对塞尔维亚的，尽管它与奥布伦维茨王朝有着传统上的良好关系。奥匈帝国试图通过建造一个适当的铁路网来加强其政治计划，这将有助于更容易和更快地控制所希望的领土。这导致了所谓的“新帕扎尔铁路”的倡导，这条铁路将连接乌瓦茨和米特罗维察。但是，德国总理伯恩哈德·冯·贝洛(Bernhard von blow)建议奥匈外交部长阿杰诺·罗穆阿尔德(Agenor Romuald) Gołuchowski放弃这一计划，因为马其顿局势不利，正在酝酿动乱。奥匈外交不希望对这一建议作出公开和最后的决定。所有这些都对Novi Pazar Sandjak所有地区的人口产生了影响。这项工作考察了铁路的建设如何通过创造新的贸易路线和鼓励对贸易和农业等经济部门的投资来刺激整个地区的经济发展。这篇论文还提供了关于人口结构的潜在变化的见解，这些变化来自奥斯曼帝国和奥匈帝国其他地区的人口涌入，这是铁路必然带来的。此外，必须提到“新帕扎尔铁路”的实现将如何影响比霍尔地区和更广泛地区的种族和宗教动态。俄罗斯帝国外交部多次与奥地利皇帝弗朗茨·约瑟夫和格鲁乔夫斯基伯爵进行交涉，要求放弃修建“新帕扎尔铁路”的计划，因为俄罗斯政府坚持其在1900年表达的观点。奥匈帝国最终同意了，只留下了由秘密机构的宣传活动支持的政治影响。这项工作为进一步研究和讨论这一主题奠定了基础。
{"title":"Utjecaj austro-ugarskih planova o izgradnji Sandžačke željeznice na Bihor i Novopazarski sandžak","authors":"Sait Š. Šabotić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.72","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.72","url":null,"abstract":"The emergence of railways brought about new possibilities in people's lives, as well as in terms of political plans and actions. Railway activities began in the Balkans in the second half of the 19th century and had a significant impact on the relationships between Balkan states. This work explores the potential influence of Austro-Hungarian plans for the construction of the Sandjak Railway in the region of Bihor and the broader areas of Bijelo Polje and the Novi Pazar Sandjak, which were part of the Ottoman Empire. Austro-Hungary had expressed its ambitions in the Balkans even before the Berlin Congress, seeing the region as a bridge that could connect them to the warm Aegean Sea and further to the Middle East. The construction of the railway was one of the means by which Austro-Hungary sought to expand its influence in the Balkans. Such significant political intentions did not go unnoticed by the Ottoman Empire, which aimed to preserve its territorial integrity and possessions in that part of the Balkans. Slovene states and peoples traditionally sought protection in Russia, giving Russia an opportunity to express its own interest in exerting political influence in this part of Europe. Recognizing that Austro-Hungary was its main rival in the Balkans, Russia reached an agreement with them in 1897 to maintain the status quo. This agreement was further confirmed by the Treaty of Mürzsteg in 1903, which aimed to mutually neutralize or divide spheres of interest, with Bulgaria falling under Russian influence and Serbia under Austro-Hungarian. Austro-Hungary's primary goal was to prevent the creation of a large state in the region from the Danube to the Adriatic Sea, which would block its path eastward. As Serbia was located in that region, Austro-Hungarian propaganda was directed against it, despite traditionally good relations with the Obrenović dynasty. Austro-Hungary attempted to strengthen its political plans through the construction of a suitable railway network, which would facilitate easier and faster control of the desired territory. This led to the advocacy of the so-called “Novi Pazar Railway,” which would connect Uvac with Mitrovica. However, German Chancellor Bernhard von Bülow advised Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Count Agenor Romuald Gołuchowski to abandon this plan due to the unfavorable situation in Macedonia, where unrest was brewing. Austro-Hungarian diplomacy did not want to make a public and final decision on this proposal. All of the above had an impact on the population of all parts of the Novi Pazar Sandjak. The work examines how the construction of the railway would have stimulated economic development in the entire region by creating new trade routes and encouraging investment in economic sectors such as trade and agriculture. The paper also provides insights into potential changes in the demographic structure through the influx of populations from other parts of the Ottoman Empire and Austro-Hungary, which the railway w","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"4 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136227172","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.283
Meldijana Arnaut Haseljić
The concrete plans for the preparation and execution of aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina were drawn up by the General Staff of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) in Belgrade. The JNA, in conjunction with the political leadership of Serbia and Bosnian Serbs, defined the objectives, planned, and determined the tactics and methods of waging war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In response to the aggression and the need for the survival of the state and all its peoples who considered Bosnia and Herzegovina as their homeland, the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina emerged. The legally elected representatives of the authorities and institutions of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina had the obligation to protect the territorial integrity of the state, its citizens, economy, culture, and other assets. To make this possible, the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina made a decision to mobilize units of the Territorial Defense, the reserve component of the police, and civil defense units, followed by the issuance of regulations by the Presidency to regulate the formation and composition of the armed forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, thereby transforming the Territorial Defense into the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Army became the core of the formation of the Federation's military and later the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Today, Bosnia and Herzegovina's foreign policy is focused on preserving and advancing lasting peace, security, stable democratic development, and contributing to international peace and security. The principle of collective security is the cornerstone of the long-term military strategy. Achieving the military security of Bosnia and Herzegovina includes membership in NATO, where the Alliance guarantees national sovereignty and territorial integrity. The first step in this direction is membership in NATO's political-military program, Partnership for Peace (PfP), which Bosnia and Herzegovina joined on December 14, 2006. Membership in NATO and the European Union are strategic goals of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in line with this, there is a striving for full NATO membership, which implies the integration of the armed forces into NATO's military structure, especially in peacekeeping missions and humanitarian operations. The formal basis for PfP is the Framework Document, which envisions the commitment of allies to consult with each partner country that believes its territorial integrity is threatened or its political independence or security is in danger. Under this document, individual countries and the NATO Alliance develop and align individual partnership programs with the goal of achieving NATO standards, procuring military equipment, training and education of military personnel, joint maneuvers and exercises, and other areas of cooperation.
{"title":"Ka NATO putu – Od formiranja i ustrojstva Armije Republike Bosne i Hercegovine do Oružanih snaga Bosne i Hercegovine","authors":"Meldijana Arnaut Haseljić","doi":"10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.283","url":null,"abstract":"The concrete plans for the preparation and execution of aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina were drawn up by the General Staff of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) in Belgrade. The JNA, in conjunction with the political leadership of Serbia and Bosnian Serbs, defined the objectives, planned, and determined the tactics and methods of waging war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In response to the aggression and the need for the survival of the state and all its peoples who considered Bosnia and Herzegovina as their homeland, the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina emerged. The legally elected representatives of the authorities and institutions of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina had the obligation to protect the territorial integrity of the state, its citizens, economy, culture, and other assets. To make this possible, the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina made a decision to mobilize units of the Territorial Defense, the reserve component of the police, and civil defense units, followed by the issuance of regulations by the Presidency to regulate the formation and composition of the armed forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, thereby transforming the Territorial Defense into the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Army became the core of the formation of the Federation's military and later the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Today, Bosnia and Herzegovina's foreign policy is focused on preserving and advancing lasting peace, security, stable democratic development, and contributing to international peace and security. The principle of collective security is the cornerstone of the long-term military strategy. Achieving the military security of Bosnia and Herzegovina includes membership in NATO, where the Alliance guarantees national sovereignty and territorial integrity. The first step in this direction is membership in NATO's political-military program, Partnership for Peace (PfP), which Bosnia and Herzegovina joined on December 14, 2006. Membership in NATO and the European Union are strategic goals of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in line with this, there is a striving for full NATO membership, which implies the integration of the armed forces into NATO's military structure, especially in peacekeeping missions and humanitarian operations. The formal basis for PfP is the Framework Document, which envisions the commitment of allies to consult with each partner country that believes its territorial integrity is threatened or its political independence or security is in danger. Under this document, individual countries and the NATO Alliance develop and align individual partnership programs with the goal of achieving NATO standards, procuring military equipment, training and education of military personnel, joint maneuvers and exercises, and other areas of cooperation.","PeriodicalId":52780,"journal":{"name":"Historijski pogledi","volume":"3 10","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136226913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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