Pub Date : 2020-07-07DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v16i1.3615.99-125
Velicia Faustine Halim, Idil Syawfi
This paper aims to explain the alliance dilemma between the United States and Japan and its impact on the reconceptualization of Japanese pacifism. It implies a decline in one-country pacifism intensity and increasingly flexible reinterpretations of Article 9. Through this research, it turns out that Japan’s lower position of bargaining leverage than the U.S. and the risk of entrapment in alliance dilemma between the U.S. and Japan affect the reconceptualization of pacifism in Japan. The conclusion draws on the findings through the theoretical framework of Glenn Snyder’s Alliance Dilemma, with James D. Morrow’s concept of Autonomy and Security. The term ‘alliance dilemma’ refers to two possible choices states could pick to avoid certain risks in the alliance: “C” strategy (to cooperate) or “D” strategy (to defect). The analysis reveals that Japan is more inclined to choose “C” strategy since it is very dependent on the U.S. As the bad prospective in “C” strategy eventually comes into effect, Japan’s lower position of bargaining leverage than the U.S. and the risk of entrapment it bears become the reasons of reconceptualization of its pacifism.
本文旨在解释美日同盟困境及其对日本和平主义重新概念化的影响。它意味着一国和平主义强度的下降和对第9条的日益灵活的重新解释。通过本研究发现，日本的议价杠杆地位低于美国，以及美日陷入同盟困境的风险，影响了日本对和平主义的重新概念化。本文的结论是通过Glenn Snyder的联盟困境理论框架和James D. Morrow的自治和安全概念得出的。“联盟困境”一词是指国家可以选择两种可能的选择来避免联盟中的某些风险:“C”策略(合作)或“D”策略(背叛)。分析表明，由于对美国的依赖程度较高，日本更倾向于选择“C”战略。随着“C”战略的不利前景最终发挥作用，日本的议价杠杆地位低于美国，面临陷入困境的风险，成为其和平主义观念重新概念化的原因。
{"title":"The Three Big Stages of the Reconceptualization of Japanese Pacifism: How Alliance Dilemma with the United States Plays a Major Role in Japan","authors":"Velicia Faustine Halim, Idil Syawfi","doi":"10.26593/jihi.v16i1.3615.99-125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v16i1.3615.99-125","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to explain the alliance dilemma between the United States and Japan and its impact on the reconceptualization of Japanese pacifism. It implies a decline in one-country pacifism intensity and increasingly flexible reinterpretations of Article 9. Through this research, it turns out that Japan’s lower position of bargaining leverage than the U.S. and the risk of entrapment in alliance dilemma between the U.S. and Japan affect the reconceptualization of pacifism in Japan. The conclusion draws on the findings through the theoretical framework of Glenn Snyder’s Alliance Dilemma, with James D. Morrow’s concept of Autonomy and Security. The term ‘alliance dilemma’ refers to two possible choices states could pick to avoid certain risks in the alliance: “C” strategy (to cooperate) or “D” strategy (to defect). The analysis reveals that Japan is more inclined to choose “C” strategy since it is very dependent on the U.S. As the bad prospective in “C” strategy eventually comes into effect, Japan’s lower position of bargaining leverage than the U.S. and the risk of entrapment it bears become the reasons of reconceptualization of its pacifism.","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90746885","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-01DOI: 10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.2938.55-73
Fathun Muhamad Laode
Paper ini akan menjelaskan geostrategi implementasi kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia dalam konteks pendekatan organisasi. Pendekatan organisasi tersebut kemudian spesifik pada kepemimpinan Menteri Susi dalam upaya meningkatkan produktivitas hasil perikanan Indonesia. Dengan tipe penelitian kualitatif deskriptif melalui metode studi kasus, tulisan ini menggunakan data sekunder sebagai basis argumentasi. Hasil yang ditemukan adalah Menteri Susi menggunakan metode geostrategic military projection yang dikombinasikan dengan model kebijakan luar negeri konfrontasi dan leadership. Dengan metode tersebut lahirlah strategi penenggelaman kapal sebagai upaya untuk deterens,defensif, ofensif dan bahkan compliance dalam upaya untuk meningkatkan produktivitas hasil perikanan dan bentuk kemampuan mempertahankan kedaulatan NKRI. Artinya memiliki argumentasi politik dan ekonomi. Oleh sebab itu, melalui kajian semoga dapat menambah khasanah ilmu pengetahuan terutama kajian maritim. Kata Kunci: Menteri Susi, military projection , geostrategis, deterrence , defence , ofensif, compliance , ekonomi politik
{"title":"Geo Strategi Kebijakan Luar Negeri Indonesia dalam Produktivitas Ekspor Ikan","authors":"Fathun Muhamad Laode","doi":"10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.2938.55-73","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.2938.55-73","url":null,"abstract":"Paper ini akan menjelaskan geostrategi implementasi kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia dalam konteks pendekatan organisasi. Pendekatan organisasi tersebut kemudian spesifik pada kepemimpinan Menteri Susi dalam upaya meningkatkan produktivitas hasil perikanan Indonesia. Dengan tipe penelitian kualitatif deskriptif melalui metode studi kasus, tulisan ini menggunakan data sekunder sebagai basis argumentasi. Hasil yang ditemukan adalah Menteri Susi menggunakan metode geostrategic military projection yang dikombinasikan dengan model kebijakan luar negeri konfrontasi dan leadership. Dengan metode tersebut lahirlah strategi penenggelaman kapal sebagai upaya untuk deterens,defensif, ofensif dan bahkan compliance dalam upaya untuk meningkatkan produktivitas hasil perikanan dan bentuk kemampuan mempertahankan kedaulatan NKRI. Artinya memiliki argumentasi politik dan ekonomi. Oleh sebab itu, melalui kajian semoga dapat menambah khasanah ilmu pengetahuan terutama kajian maritim. Kata Kunci: Menteri Susi, military projection , geostrategis, deterrence , defence , ofensif, compliance , ekonomi politik","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89436789","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-01DOI: 10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.2827.75-88
Syifa Zia Rahmah, Grace Lestariana Wonoadi, A. Zulfikar
The study of the implementation of Millenium Development Goals (MDGs) program in Indonesia aims to find out the background and significance of the program taken by the government under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in 2009-2014 on the issue of eradication of extreme poverty and hunger. The problem of extreme poverty and hunger in Indonesia has not been solved comprehensively. Therefore, the government had to provide the right program to end poverty. The research based on the qualitative method, which uses official reports, literature review and news articles as the sources. The result showed that the programs of eradication extreme poverty and hunger in 2009-2014 had been revised became three clusters. The first cluster aims to help and protects the social family guarantee and to assure the basic needs. The second cluster is the eradication of poverty and hunger through the social assistance program. The third cluster was focusing on eradication of poverty and hunger in term of economic matter. The government used the indicators by UNDP, as the base of the decision-making process, but also used the real condition of poor people in Indonesia as the main consideration.
{"title":"The Implementation of MDGs Program on Eradication of Extreme Poverty and Hunger in Indonesia (2009-2014)","authors":"Syifa Zia Rahmah, Grace Lestariana Wonoadi, A. Zulfikar","doi":"10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.2827.75-88","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.2827.75-88","url":null,"abstract":"The study of the implementation of Millenium Development Goals (MDGs) program in Indonesia aims to find out the background and significance of the program taken by the government under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in 2009-2014 on the issue of eradication of extreme poverty and hunger. The problem of extreme poverty and hunger in Indonesia has not been solved comprehensively. Therefore, the government had to provide the right program to end poverty. The research based on the qualitative method, which uses official reports, literature review and news articles as the sources. The result showed that the programs of eradication extreme poverty and hunger in 2009-2014 had been revised became three clusters. The first cluster aims to help and protects the social family guarantee and to assure the basic needs. The second cluster is the eradication of poverty and hunger through the social assistance program. The third cluster was focusing on eradication of poverty and hunger in term of economic matter. The government used the indicators by UNDP, as the base of the decision-making process, but also used the real condition of poor people in Indonesia as the main consideration. ","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90915749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-01DOI: 10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.2981.41-53
J. Korwa
Australia is currently faced with a strategic and economic dilemma regarding its interactions with China and the United States (US). On the one hand, it should maintain and strengthen its strategic relations with the US as an ally in order to contain a rising China. On the other hand, Australia should ensure its economic growth by strengthening trade relations with China. This paper aims to examine the implications of the new China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA) for the ANZUS strategic alliance. Through Qualitative Approach, this article analyzes the issues with the use of realist and liberal perspectives in international relations. By assessing two previous events involving the triangular Australia-US-China relationship (the case of the Taiwan conflict, and the US development of a National Missile Defense system), this paper concludes that ChAFTA may tend to undermine the ANZUS alliance. Three reasons for this conclusion are identified: a fundamental shift in the way Australia perceives China; ChAFTA offers more benefits to Australia than the Australia-US Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA); and finally Australia may consider ChAFTA as being more in its national interests in the international system than the ANZUS alliance.
{"title":"The China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA): its implications for Australia-United States relations","authors":"J. Korwa","doi":"10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.2981.41-53","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.2981.41-53","url":null,"abstract":"Australia is currently faced with a strategic and economic dilemma regarding its interactions with China and the United States (US). On the one hand, it should maintain and strengthen its strategic relations with the US as an ally in order to contain a rising China. On the other hand, Australia should ensure its economic growth by strengthening trade relations with China. This paper aims to examine the implications of the new China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA) for the ANZUS strategic alliance. Through Qualitative Approach, this article analyzes the issues with the use of realist and liberal perspectives in international relations. By assessing two previous events involving the triangular Australia-US-China relationship (the case of the Taiwan conflict, and the US development of a National Missile Defense system), this paper concludes that ChAFTA may tend to undermine the ANZUS alliance. Three reasons for this conclusion are identified: a fundamental shift in the way Australia perceives China; ChAFTA offers more benefits to Australia than the Australia-US Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA); and finally Australia may consider ChAFTA as being more in its national interests in the international system than the ANZUS alliance.","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88130239","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-01DOI: 10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.3117.27-39
Hardi Alunaza, Bastian Andhony Toy
This paper aims to discuss the extent to which the influence of the military in the political system in Myanmar related to cases of prosecution of ethnic Rohingya in 2017. Myanmar's government through the military is considered to use violence and discrimination against Rohingya ethnic groups resulting in thousands of casualties and the ethnic Rohingya fled to neighboring countries. This research was conducted to assess the role of the military in the Myanmar government system because under the 2008 Constitution, the military had a seat of 25 percent in the Myanmar parliament and had a number of authorities in the political system. This can be considered as a trigger for the military's aggressiveness towards Rohingya because of military representatives who have existence in the Myanmar parliament. The author uses concordance theory and the concept of new professionalism of internal security and national development in analyzing related phenomena. The results of this study indicate the existence of military influence in the Myanmar government because under the constitution, the military controls three strategic departments, namely Defense, Internal Affairs and Border. The military also holds full control of the armed forces, police and security forces, thus demonstrating the military role in Myanmar's policies regarding prosecution of the ethnic minority Rohingya.
{"title":"Pengaruh Militer Dalam Sistem Politik Myanmar Terhadap Diskriminasi Etnis Rohingya Pada Tahun 2017","authors":"Hardi Alunaza, Bastian Andhony Toy","doi":"10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.3117.27-39","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.3117.27-39","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to discuss the extent to which the influence of the military in the political system in Myanmar related to cases of prosecution of ethnic Rohingya in 2017. Myanmar's government through the military is considered to use violence and discrimination against Rohingya ethnic groups resulting in thousands of casualties and the ethnic Rohingya fled to neighboring countries. This research was conducted to assess the role of the military in the Myanmar government system because under the 2008 Constitution, the military had a seat of 25 percent in the Myanmar parliament and had a number of authorities in the political system. This can be considered as a trigger for the military's aggressiveness towards Rohingya because of military representatives who have existence in the Myanmar parliament. The author uses concordance theory and the concept of new professionalism of internal security and national development in analyzing related phenomena. The results of this study indicate the existence of military influence in the Myanmar government because under the constitution, the military controls three strategic departments, namely Defense, Internal Affairs and Border. The military also holds full control of the armed forces, police and security forces, thus demonstrating the military role in Myanmar's policies regarding prosecution of the ethnic minority Rohingya.","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75962683","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-01DOI: 10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.2966.1-12
Anwar Firmansyah, T. Pratiwi
Introduksi mengenai modernisasi mulai mengalami reorientasi pasca pertengahan abad ke-20. Keterlibatan pengaruh agama dalam narasi pembangunan mulai dikesampingkan, bahkan diasumsikan bahwa pengaruhnya dalam proses pembangunan sebagai ancaman. Dalam narasi modern, agama lebih dipandang sebagai private matters, bukan sebagai public matters untuk diturutsertakan dalam kemaslahatan umum. Tulisan ini mencoba menelusuri kemungkinan terlibatnya agama dalam agenda pembangunan dengan dinamika keberagamaan di Indonesia sebagai sekop pembahasannya. Melalui pendekatan deskriptif dengan menggunakan data dari studi pustaka, Penulis mengambil pembahasan utama yang memaparkan tiga agama dengan kasus yang berbeda, diantaranya: Islam di Indonesia, Protestan dalam perspektif Max Weber, dan Era Tokugawa di Jepang, yang menjelaskan tentang proses dan agenda pembangunan sebagai hasil dari ide-ide agama. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa keterlibatan ide-ide agama dan spiritualitas dapat berkontribusi terhadap proses pembangunan apabila modernisasi dipandang sebagai sesuatu yang konstruktif bukan sebagai konflik, serta di dukung dengan nilai solidaritas dari Ummat. Kata Kunci: Agama, Pembangunan, Islam, Etika Protestan, Agama Tokugawa
{"title":"Agama dan Pembangunan: Beragam Pandangan dalam Melihat Keberkaitan Agama terhadap Proses Pembangunan dan Modernisasi","authors":"Anwar Firmansyah, T. Pratiwi","doi":"10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.2966.1-12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.2966.1-12","url":null,"abstract":"Introduksi mengenai modernisasi mulai mengalami reorientasi pasca pertengahan abad ke-20. Keterlibatan pengaruh agama dalam narasi pembangunan mulai dikesampingkan, bahkan diasumsikan bahwa pengaruhnya dalam proses pembangunan sebagai ancaman. Dalam narasi modern, agama lebih dipandang sebagai private matters, bukan sebagai public matters untuk diturutsertakan dalam kemaslahatan umum. Tulisan ini mencoba menelusuri kemungkinan terlibatnya agama dalam agenda pembangunan dengan dinamika keberagamaan di Indonesia sebagai sekop pembahasannya. Melalui pendekatan deskriptif dengan menggunakan data dari studi pustaka, Penulis mengambil pembahasan utama yang memaparkan tiga agama dengan kasus yang berbeda, diantaranya: Islam di Indonesia, Protestan dalam perspektif Max Weber, dan Era Tokugawa di Jepang, yang menjelaskan tentang proses dan agenda pembangunan sebagai hasil dari ide-ide agama. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa keterlibatan ide-ide agama dan spiritualitas dapat berkontribusi terhadap proses pembangunan apabila modernisasi dipandang sebagai sesuatu yang konstruktif bukan sebagai konflik, serta di dukung dengan nilai solidaritas dari Ummat. Kata Kunci: Agama, Pembangunan, Islam, Etika Protestan, Agama Tokugawa","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74020882","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-01DOI: 10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.2873.13-26
Devita Prinanda
Kekuatan sebuah korporasi menjadi dilema bagi negara tempat dimana perusahaan tersebut beroperasi. Tendensi hadirnya korporasi selain mencari keuntungan juga untuk meraih kepentingan politik. Meningkatkan keuntungan merupakan aktivitas internal perusahaan, disamping itu aktivitas eksternalnya cenderung mencari kekuatan hukum. Aktivitas korporasi yang kompleks melibatkan negara dan masyarakat sebagai pengawas beroperasinya perusahaan. Apabila terjadi penyimpangan yang dilakukan korporasi maka akan ada upaya untuk menyelesaikannya melalui hukum negara penerima. Namun, kekuatan korporasi melalui tiga aspek yaitu komite aksi politik, lobi, dan kuasa hukum akan berjuang mempertahankan kerajaan bisnis dari halangan negara host . Kisah Chevron di Ekuador pada tahun 2009 hingga 2013 menjelaskan gugatan pengadilan Ekuador agar perusahaan ini mengganti rugi akibat kerusakan lingkungan di sungai dan hutan Amazon. Namun gugatan tersebut tidak membuat korporasi asal Amerika Serikat tesebut tunduk malah melakukan gugatan balik melalui pengadilan di New York dan pengadilan intenasional. Dengan indikator kekuatan korporasi yang digagas oleh Ted Nace, penelitian ini menjelaskan upaya Chevron menghadapi politik dan hukum Ekuador dalam kasus limbah di sungai dan hutan Amazon. Penulis beragumen bahwa kekuatan Chevron untuk mempertahankan kekuasaannya di Ekuador mampu memanfaatkan hak konstitusinya untuk mendapat perlindungan atas kasus yang dihadapi di host country sehingga mampu memberikan serangan balik bagi negara yang menuntut. Hak konstistusi merupakan aspek signifikan yang menangungi perusahaan sehingga mempunyai legitimasi untuk menuntut negara. Kata kunci: Korporasi, Chevron, Ekuador, kerusakan lingkungan, hukum, politik
{"title":"Analisis Kekuatan Hukum dan Politik Chevron dalam Kasus Tuduhan Perusakan Lingkungan di Ekuador","authors":"Devita Prinanda","doi":"10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.2873.13-26","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/JIHI.V15I1.2873.13-26","url":null,"abstract":"Kekuatan sebuah korporasi menjadi dilema bagi negara tempat dimana perusahaan tersebut beroperasi. Tendensi hadirnya korporasi selain mencari keuntungan juga untuk meraih kepentingan politik. Meningkatkan keuntungan merupakan aktivitas internal perusahaan, disamping itu aktivitas eksternalnya cenderung mencari kekuatan hukum. Aktivitas korporasi yang kompleks melibatkan negara dan masyarakat sebagai pengawas beroperasinya perusahaan. Apabila terjadi penyimpangan yang dilakukan korporasi maka akan ada upaya untuk menyelesaikannya melalui hukum negara penerima. Namun, kekuatan korporasi melalui tiga aspek yaitu komite aksi politik, lobi, dan kuasa hukum akan berjuang mempertahankan kerajaan bisnis dari halangan negara host . Kisah Chevron di Ekuador pada tahun 2009 hingga 2013 menjelaskan gugatan pengadilan Ekuador agar perusahaan ini mengganti rugi akibat kerusakan lingkungan di sungai dan hutan Amazon. Namun gugatan tersebut tidak membuat korporasi asal Amerika Serikat tesebut tunduk malah melakukan gugatan balik melalui pengadilan di New York dan pengadilan intenasional. Dengan indikator kekuatan korporasi yang digagas oleh Ted Nace, penelitian ini menjelaskan upaya Chevron menghadapi politik dan hukum Ekuador dalam kasus limbah di sungai dan hutan Amazon. Penulis beragumen bahwa kekuatan Chevron untuk mempertahankan kekuasaannya di Ekuador mampu memanfaatkan hak konstitusinya untuk mendapat perlindungan atas kasus yang dihadapi di host country sehingga mampu memberikan serangan balik bagi negara yang menuntut. Hak konstistusi merupakan aspek signifikan yang menangungi perusahaan sehingga mempunyai legitimasi untuk menuntut negara. Kata kunci: Korporasi, Chevron, Ekuador, kerusakan lingkungan, hukum, politik","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"58 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85599271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-31DOI: 10.26593/JIHI.V14I2.2812.175-187
Juniar Laraswanda Umagapi
In this essay presents a critical understanding about immigrant way of living in a new country. Russia as a country with the big geographical aspect that also become a house for immigrant have their own special way to handle the immigrant. How the immigrant can socialize with the new environment and the issue facing for them as the newcomer in one society, how they get a proper job and how the culture difference influences their daily life will get analysed in this paper. This research is conducted in Russia and use a qualitative research method such as interviewing, data analysis, graph, table, book, journal, article, newspaper and news to answer the research question. This research will give the contribution how the issue of immigrant influences the life of native people, how they contribute to the society and how the Russian government policy dealt with the negative stereotype about immigrant in Russia then how we would help immigrants thrive, these are the question that this research will help to answer. Keywords: Immigrant, Russia, culture difference, thrive, Russian government
{"title":"The Effort of Immigrant for Survival in a New Country, Study Case: Russia","authors":"Juniar Laraswanda Umagapi","doi":"10.26593/JIHI.V14I2.2812.175-187","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/JIHI.V14I2.2812.175-187","url":null,"abstract":"In this essay presents a critical understanding about immigrant way of living in a new country. Russia as a country with the big geographical aspect that also become a house for immigrant have their own special way to handle the immigrant. How the immigrant can socialize with the new environment and the issue facing for them as the newcomer in one society, how they get a proper job and how the culture difference influences their daily life will get analysed in this paper. This research is conducted in Russia and use a qualitative research method such as interviewing, data analysis, graph, table, book, journal, article, newspaper and news to answer the research question. This research will give the contribution how the issue of immigrant influences the life of native people, how they contribute to the society and how the Russian government policy dealt with the negative stereotype about immigrant in Russia then how we would help immigrants thrive, these are the question that this research will help to answer. Keywords: Immigrant, Russia, culture difference, thrive, Russian government","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90587638","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-31DOI: 10.26593/JIHI.V14I2.2990.189-201
N. Aiqani
Konflik antara China dan Tibet merupakan konflik bersejarah. Dua wilayah tersebut telah berkonfrontasi dalam jangka waktu yang lama. Tibet kukuh dengan pendirian untuk menjadi negara merdeka. Sementara, China selalu menggunakan kekuatan militer atau kekerasan untuk meredam aksi penolakan dan upaya-upaya merebut kemerdekaan yang dilakukan oleh Tibet. Sehingga untuk menganalisis hal tersebut, penulis menggunakan beberapa indikator terwujudnya perdamaian demokratis, Pertama, keterhubungan dalam satu lembaga atau organisasi internasional. Kedua, Kedekatan secara geografis. Ketiga, adanya satu aliansi. Keempat, Distribusi dan alokasi sumberdaya yang merata. Kelima, Stabilitas politik yang terjamin. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa hampir semua indikator tersebut tidak terpenuhi dengan baik dalam relasi China dan Tibet. Relasi tersebut memperlihatkan adanya kesenjangan yang lebar antara China dan Tibet. Sehingga atas dasar ini konflik sukar untuk dihentikan. K ata Kunci : China, Tibet, Teori Perdamaian Demokratis
{"title":"Analisis Konflik Tiongkok dan Tibet: Studi Kasus Pendudukan Wilayah Tibet oleh Tiongkok","authors":"N. Aiqani","doi":"10.26593/JIHI.V14I2.2990.189-201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/JIHI.V14I2.2990.189-201","url":null,"abstract":"Konflik antara China dan Tibet merupakan konflik bersejarah. Dua wilayah tersebut telah berkonfrontasi dalam jangka waktu yang lama. Tibet kukuh dengan pendirian untuk menjadi negara merdeka. Sementara, China selalu menggunakan kekuatan militer atau kekerasan untuk meredam aksi penolakan dan upaya-upaya merebut kemerdekaan yang dilakukan oleh Tibet. Sehingga untuk menganalisis hal tersebut, penulis menggunakan beberapa indikator terwujudnya perdamaian demokratis, Pertama, keterhubungan dalam satu lembaga atau organisasi internasional. Kedua, Kedekatan secara geografis. Ketiga, adanya satu aliansi. Keempat, Distribusi dan alokasi sumberdaya yang merata. Kelima, Stabilitas politik yang terjamin. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa hampir semua indikator tersebut tidak terpenuhi dengan baik dalam relasi China dan Tibet. Relasi tersebut memperlihatkan adanya kesenjangan yang lebar antara China dan Tibet. Sehingga atas dasar ini konflik sukar untuk dihentikan. K ata Kunci : China, Tibet, Teori Perdamaian Demokratis","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"47 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82230184","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-31DOI: 10.26593/JIHI.V14I2.2982.163-174
Faruq Arjuna Hendroy
Terrorism issue has been transforming into a worldwide concern. Southeast Asia is undoubtedly currently facing the similar issue. During Afghan war, Southeast Asia might be only known as “the exporters” of foreign militants to Afghanistan’s conflict zone. Going into the 21st century, Southeast Asia has, in turn, become the home base for terrorism itself to grow. Thus, ASEAN, as a regional body which shades Southeast Asia member states, responded to its emergence. ASEAN regarded terrorism a huge threat and paid extremely high attention to it through the release of ASEAN Convention on Counter Terrorism (ACCT). Moreover, ASEAN enhanced its commitment as regional body by composing one pillar of cooperation in security called ASEAN Political Security Community (APSC). APSC helps to drive all ASEAN member states to commit onto ACCT by proceeding to the full ratification by each member state and applying the effective implementation in dealing with the issue. This paper examines APSC’s role in combating terrorism within region and discusses its obstacles in implementing ACCT.Keywords: ASEAN; ASEAN Political Security Community; Terrorism; ASEAN Convention on Counter-Terrorism; Non-Interference
{"title":"ASEAN Political Security Community (APSC) on Counter-terrorism: Roles and Obstacles","authors":"Faruq Arjuna Hendroy","doi":"10.26593/JIHI.V14I2.2982.163-174","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/JIHI.V14I2.2982.163-174","url":null,"abstract":"Terrorism issue has been transforming into a worldwide concern. Southeast Asia is undoubtedly currently facing the similar issue. During Afghan war, Southeast Asia might be only known as “the exporters” of foreign militants to Afghanistan’s conflict zone. Going into the 21st century, Southeast Asia has, in turn, become the home base for terrorism itself to grow. Thus, ASEAN, as a regional body which shades Southeast Asia member states, responded to its emergence. ASEAN regarded terrorism a huge threat and paid extremely high attention to it through the release of ASEAN Convention on Counter Terrorism (ACCT). Moreover, ASEAN enhanced its commitment as regional body by composing one pillar of cooperation in security called ASEAN Political Security Community (APSC). APSC helps to drive all ASEAN member states to commit onto ACCT by proceeding to the full ratification by each member state and applying the effective implementation in dealing with the issue. This paper examines APSC’s role in combating terrorism within region and discusses its obstacles in implementing ACCT.Keywords: ASEAN; ASEAN Political Security Community; Terrorism; ASEAN Convention on Counter-Terrorism; Non-Interference","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79423431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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