Pub Date : 2022-06-27DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v18i1.4362.55-73
Muhammad Aditya Purnomo
Daerah aliran sungai lintas batas merupakan sumber air yang penting bagi kehidupan sebanyak 2 milliar jiwa di seluruh dunia. Aliran air tersebut memenuhi kebutuhan air domestik, air minum, irigasi, agrikultur, industri, serta pembangkit listrik. Di wilayah timur-laut Afrika, sungai Nil memegang peran penting tersebut bagi sebanyak sebelas negara di wilayah alirannya. Selain sebagai sungai terpanjang di dunia, sungai Nil mendukung kehidupan sebanyak lebih dari 300 juta penduduk, dimana jumlah tersebut diestimasikan mengalami peningkatan pesat pada tiga hingga empat dekade mendatang. Meningkatnya populasi akan berpengaruh pada ketersediaan air dikarenakan meningkatnya permintaan di sektor agrikultur, domestik, serta industri. Negara-negara wilayah sungai Nil menyadari bahwa langkah terbaik dalam penggunaan, perlindungan, serta manajemen sungai tersebut secara berkelanjutan dan terintegrasi adalah melalui kerjasama internasional bersama. Pada tahun 1999 terbentuk Nile Basin Initiative (NBI) yang beranggotakan negara-negara wilayah sungai Nil yang bertujuan memfasilitasi diskusi kerjasama terkait manajemen sungai tersebut. Tulisan ini bertujuan menunjukkan pentingnya peran NBI dalam manajemen sungai lintas batas. Tulisan ini menggunakan pendekatan hydrosolidarity. Hasil pembahasan mendukung argumen penulis bahwa NBI berperan penting dalam manajemen sungai Nil, yakni sebagai sebuah struktur institusi yang mendukung kerjasama, sebagai pendukung partisipasi pemangku kepentingan, mendukung penyebaran data dan pengetahuan antar negara anggota, serta mendukung adanya integrasi dan perhubungan. Kata kunci: Hydrosolidarity; Nile Basin Initiative; Sungai Nil; Sungai Lintas BatasTransboundary basins are important water resources for 2 billion lives across the world. Those basins fulfil domestic water, drinking water, agriculture, industry, and electric generator needs. In north-east of Africa, Nile river plays the important role for its eleven riparian states. Nile river, being the longest river in the world, supports the lives of more than 300 million people, and the number is estimated to rise greatly in three to four decades in the future. The increase of population will affect the availability of water as the demands of agriculture, domestic, and industry grow. Nile riparian states realized that the best option in using, protecting, and managing the river in a sustainable and integrated manner is through international cooperation. In 1999, Nile Basin Initiative (NBI) was established with Nile riparian states as its member, with the purpose of facilitating discussions of cooperation regarding the management of the river. The purpose of this paper is to show the important roles of NBI in transboundary river management. This paper uses hydrosolidarity approach. The discussion supports the writer’s argument that NBI has important roles in Nile river management, namely in the creation of a cooperative institutional structure, supporting stakeholder participatio
跨越分水岭是世界上多达200亿生命的重要水源。这条小溪满足了国内用水、饮用水、灌溉、农业、工业和发电厂的需求。在非洲东北部，尼罗河对它所在地区的11个国家发挥了重要作用。除了世界上最长的河流外，尼罗河还支持着超过3亿人的生命，在接下来的三到四十年里，这一数字的估计急剧增加。随着农业、国内和工业需求的增加，人口的增长将影响水资源供应。尼罗河地区的国家认识到，可持续和综合利用、保护和管理这条河的最佳途径是通过国际合作。1999年，尼罗河流域的尼尔盆地倡议(NBI)成立，促进了有关河流管理的合作讨论。本文旨在说明NBI在跨境河流管理中所起的作用的重要性。这篇文章采用了氢化的方法。研究结果支持作家的论点，即NBI作为一个促进合作的机构结构、促进利益相关者参与、支持各成员国之间数据和知识的传播、促进一体化和关系。关键词:水固体;尼尔盆地倡议;尼罗河;跨越国界的水是重要的，提供世界上20亿生命的水。那些家庭水务水务、饮用水、农业、工业和电力发电机都需要。在非洲的东北部，尼罗河演奏的是十几个州的重要角色。尼罗河，成为世界上最长的河流，支持着超过3亿人的生命，这个数字预计将在未来从三到四十年蓬勃发展。人口的增加将影响到农业、家养和工业发展的需求。Nile瑞普里安的国家认识到，在可持续和整合的河流中使用、保护和管理的最佳选择是国际合作的结果。1999年，Nile盆地倡议(NBI)与Nile riparian state成员国建立在一起，其目的是对合作管理提出质疑。这篇论文的目的是展示跨赏金河管理的NBI的重要组成部分。一纸尿酸溶液。反对作家反对NBI在Nile river management中发挥重要作用的论点，反对建立合作机构结构、支持利益相关者参与、支持数据与知识共享、支持集成与联系。安装:Hydrosolidarity;尼尔盆地倡议;尼罗河河;Transboundary河
{"title":"Hydrosolidarity di Sungai Nil: Peran Nile Basin Initiative dalam Manajemen Sungai Lintas Batas","authors":"Muhammad Aditya Purnomo","doi":"10.26593/jihi.v18i1.4362.55-73","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v18i1.4362.55-73","url":null,"abstract":"Daerah aliran sungai lintas batas merupakan sumber air yang penting bagi kehidupan sebanyak 2 milliar jiwa di seluruh dunia. Aliran air tersebut memenuhi kebutuhan air domestik, air minum, irigasi, agrikultur, industri, serta pembangkit listrik. Di wilayah timur-laut Afrika, sungai Nil memegang peran penting tersebut bagi sebanyak sebelas negara di wilayah alirannya. Selain sebagai sungai terpanjang di dunia, sungai Nil mendukung kehidupan sebanyak lebih dari 300 juta penduduk, dimana jumlah tersebut diestimasikan mengalami peningkatan pesat pada tiga hingga empat dekade mendatang. Meningkatnya populasi akan berpengaruh pada ketersediaan air dikarenakan meningkatnya permintaan di sektor agrikultur, domestik, serta industri. Negara-negara wilayah sungai Nil menyadari bahwa langkah terbaik dalam penggunaan, perlindungan, serta manajemen sungai tersebut secara berkelanjutan dan terintegrasi adalah melalui kerjasama internasional bersama. Pada tahun 1999 terbentuk Nile Basin Initiative (NBI) yang beranggotakan negara-negara wilayah sungai Nil yang bertujuan memfasilitasi diskusi kerjasama terkait manajemen sungai tersebut. Tulisan ini bertujuan menunjukkan pentingnya peran NBI dalam manajemen sungai lintas batas. Tulisan ini menggunakan pendekatan hydrosolidarity. Hasil pembahasan mendukung argumen penulis bahwa NBI berperan penting dalam manajemen sungai Nil, yakni sebagai sebuah struktur institusi yang mendukung kerjasama, sebagai pendukung partisipasi pemangku kepentingan, mendukung penyebaran data dan pengetahuan antar negara anggota, serta mendukung adanya integrasi dan perhubungan. Kata kunci: Hydrosolidarity; Nile Basin Initiative; Sungai Nil; Sungai Lintas BatasTransboundary basins are important water resources for 2 billion lives across the world. Those basins fulfil domestic water, drinking water, agriculture, industry, and electric generator needs. In north-east of Africa, Nile river plays the important role for its eleven riparian states. Nile river, being the longest river in the world, supports the lives of more than 300 million people, and the number is estimated to rise greatly in three to four decades in the future. The increase of population will affect the availability of water as the demands of agriculture, domestic, and industry grow. Nile riparian states realized that the best option in using, protecting, and managing the river in a sustainable and integrated manner is through international cooperation. In 1999, Nile Basin Initiative (NBI) was established with Nile riparian states as its member, with the purpose of facilitating discussions of cooperation regarding the management of the river. The purpose of this paper is to show the important roles of NBI in transboundary river management. This paper uses hydrosolidarity approach. The discussion supports the writer’s argument that NBI has important roles in Nile river management, namely in the creation of a cooperative institutional structure, supporting stakeholder participatio","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79358804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-27DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v18i1.5672.74-87
Ratih Indraswari, E. Joo
Republic of Korea (ROK) shifted its policy focus toward ASEAN through the New Southern Policy (NSP). As the core foreign policy to its southern neighbors, the NSP is envisioned to ‘elevate’ ASEAN status. The partnership has been backed by institutional and bureaucratic transformation to sustain the policy. Accordingly, ROK tapped on its digital resources to support this diplomatic engagement. Digital diplomacy, therefore, is an important strategy to engage the ASEAN public. However, does ROK's digital primacy is translated well to support NSP's digital diplomacy? This paper utilizes empirical explorative qualitative primary data collection of ROK's government tweets on two levels of analysis; towards domestic and foreign audiences. The finding confirms that domestic engagement is better. However, further scrutiny shows that within domestic narratives NSP is mainly used as a political tool. Meanwhile, on external engagement, this paper argues for ROK’s digital diplomacy deficit toward ASEAN. Not only does ROK's digital diplomacy strategy lack uniformity, but it also fails to create conversation about NSP. Keywords : ASEAN, Republic of Korea, New Southern Policy, Digital Diplomacy, Twitter
{"title":"Identification of New Southern Policy Narratives within ROK’s Digital Diplomacy toward ASEAN","authors":"Ratih Indraswari, E. Joo","doi":"10.26593/jihi.v18i1.5672.74-87","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v18i1.5672.74-87","url":null,"abstract":"Republic of Korea (ROK) shifted its policy focus toward ASEAN through the New Southern Policy (NSP). As the core foreign policy to its southern neighbors, the NSP is envisioned to ‘elevate’ ASEAN status. The partnership has been backed by institutional and bureaucratic transformation to sustain the policy. Accordingly, ROK tapped on its digital resources to support this diplomatic engagement. Digital diplomacy, therefore, is an important strategy to engage the ASEAN public. However, does ROK's digital primacy is translated well to support NSP's digital diplomacy? This paper utilizes empirical explorative qualitative primary data collection of ROK's government tweets on two levels of analysis; towards domestic and foreign audiences. The finding confirms that domestic engagement is better. However, further scrutiny shows that within domestic narratives NSP is mainly used as a political tool. Meanwhile, on external engagement, this paper argues for ROK’s digital diplomacy deficit toward ASEAN. Not only does ROK's digital diplomacy strategy lack uniformity, but it also fails to create conversation about NSP. \u0000Keywords : ASEAN, Republic of Korea, New Southern Policy, Digital Diplomacy, Twitter \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"54 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88512016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-09DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v17i2.4699.219-238
Satwika Paramasatya, Yemima Galih Pradipta, Kevin Rendra Pratama, Desy Ramadhani
Human security is very vital for humans. Initially, security was defined as freedom from war. However, over time it began to shift into a broad and collective concept of security. The United Nations established three important pillars of Human Security, namely: freedom from want, freedom from fear, and freedom to live in dignity. The implementation of compliance with Human Security is complex and not simple. This paper argues that the Triple Helix model, the position of society is neglected because they are only positioned as an object where they should also be the one who play an active role as actors. Therefore, a new breakthrough is needed in the effort to fulfill Human Security in Kemijen Village, Semarang City through the Quadruple Helix concept that involves government, business, academics and the community. This study uses a descriptive-qualitative approach by combining literature studies and interviews. The Quadruple Helix is basically a collaboration between top-down and bottom-up approaches, and this study proves that the Quadruple Helix model is utmost important, because the solutions are more well-targeted and meet the needs of the community. The Quadruple Helix model also allowed the people of Kemijen Village to be involved to become subjects through Focus Group Discussion.
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Pub Date : 2021-11-09DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v17i2.4063.239-260
Yanuar Albertus
Tulisan ini membahas bagaimana Greenpeace, sebagai organisasi non-pemerintah, memengaruhi rencana pengeboran lepas pantai Shell di wilayah Kutub Utara. Greenpeace adalah salah satu aktor utama yang menentang rencana Shell untuk memulai pengeboran di laut Arktik. Proyek ini muncul seiring dengan adanya penelitian yang menunjukkan bahwa Kutub Utara mempunyai porsi yang signifikan dari keseluruhan cadangan minyak dan gas alam dunia. Rencana pengeboran tersebut memicu penolakan karena meningkatnya kekhawatiran tentang risiko kegiatan pengeboran lepas pantai di Arktik. Setelah sekitar tiga tahun advokasi, Greenpeace berhasil memaksa Shell menghentikan rencana pengeborannya. Analisis penulis kemudian mencoba menganalisis bagaimana Greenpeace mencapai tujuan advokasinya dalam menghentikan rencana pengeboran Shell. Untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut, penulis menggunakan jaringan advokasi transnasional (TAN) sebagai kerangka pemikiran penulis dalam menganalisis bagaimana Greenpeace memanfaatkan jaringannya untuk melakukan advokasi internasional. Data dalam penelitian ini dikumpulkan dari sumber primer dan sekunder, serta dianalisis dengan cara kualitatif. Temuan penulis kemudian menunjukkan bahwa Greenpeace telah menggunakan setiap taktik dalam strategi TAN untuk mempengaruhi kebijakan Shell, yang mencakup politik informasi, politik simbolik, leverage politics, dan juga politik akuntabilitas. Penulis kemudian menyimpulkan bahwa keempat taktik inilah yang kemudian berhasil mendorong Shell untuk menghentikan rencana pengeboran lepas pantai di kawasan Kutub Utara.
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Pub Date : 2021-11-09DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v17i2.4111.200-218
Oktami Dewi
ABSTRAK Filipina yang dikenal sebagai negara patriarki diera kolonialisme kini menjadi satu-satunya negara yang yang memiliki tingkat kesetaraan gender tertinggi di Asia. Pengembangan kebijakan pemerintah yang berfokus pada peningkatan kesetaraan gender, menjadikan laki-laki dan perempuan memiliki akses yang sama terhadap semua sumber daya. Hal ini menimbulkan pertanyaan tentang implementasi gender mainstraiming yang dilihat dari konteks pembangunan di Filipina dalam menegakkan kebijakan kesetaraan gender. Tulisan ini mengelaborasikan bahwa implementasi konsep gender mainstraiming yang mengintegrasikan perspektif gender ke dalam persiapan, perancangan, penerapan, monitoring dan evaluasi kebijakan, peraturan pelaksanaan dan program pembiayaan, sebagai salah satu kunci keberasilan kesetaraan gender di Filipina. Dalam artikel ini, penulis menjabarkan tiga argumen utama keberhasilan kesetaraan gender di Filipina pada tulisan ini: pertama, diaodpsinya terminologi gender mainstraiming. Kedua, penerapan gender mainstraiming yang dibuktikan dengan dibentuknya beberapa undang-undang peraturan serta program terkait penerapan kesetaraan gender yaitu The Magna Carta of Women (MCW), The Philippine Development Plan for Women (PDPW) 1989-1992, dan The Philippine Plan for Gender-Responsive Development (PPGD) 1995−2025. Ketiga, implementasi gender mainstraiming dibeberapa sektor diantaranya partisipasi ekonomi dan peluang, pencapaian pendidikan, kesehatan dan kelangsungan hidup, dan pemberdayaan politik. Keseiusan dan kesadaran tinggi pemerintah mengenai pentingya kesetaraan gender konteks pembangunan dituangkan dalam perturan serta undang-undang sebagai kunci yang kemudian diimplementasikan disegala kebijakan. Dalam penjabarannya, penulisan ini akan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan bersumber pada data sekunder. Kata Kunci: Kesetaraan gender, perempuan & pembangunan, gender mainstraiming, Filipina ABSTRACT The Philippines, which is known as a patriarchal country in the era of colonialism, is now the only country that has the highest level of gender equality in Asia. Development of government policies that focus on improving gender equality, giving men and women equal access to all resources. This raises questions about the implementation of gender mainstreaming seen from the context of development in the Philippines in enforcing gender equality policies. This paper elaborates that the implementation of the concept of gender mainstreaming which integrates a gender perspective into the preparation, design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies, implementing regulations and financing programs, is one of the keys to the success of gender equality in the Philippines. In this article, the author outlines three main arguments for the success of gender equality in the Philippines in this paper: first, the diodection of the terminology of gender mainstreaming. Second, the implementation of gender mainstaking as evidenced by the formation
被称为殖民时代父权制的菲律宾现在是亚洲唯一性别平等最高的国家。政府政策发展重点是提高性别平等，使男性和女性能够平等地使用所有资源。这就提出了一个问题，即从菲律宾实现性别平等政策的发展背景来看待维护性别的问题。这篇文章探讨了将性别维护概念的实施融入到准备、设计、应用、监督和评估政策、执行条例和融资计划中，这是菲律宾性别平等问题的关键之一。在这篇文章中，作者描述了菲律宾成功的性别平等的三个主要理由:首先是性别维护术语的对等术语。第二,应用性别mainstraiming证明一些立法成立的规则和程序相关的应用性别平等是《大宪章》(Magna Carta)》(MCW),《菲律宾妇女发展计划for Women (PDPW) 1989-1992,《1995年菲律宾计划为Gender-Responsive PPGD (usaid)−2025。第三，在经济参与和机会、教育成就、健康和生存以及政治赋权等领域实现性别维持。政府对发展环境中性别平等重要性的普遍漠视和意识，将其作为实施所有政策的关键。在阐述中，本文将采用基于次要数据的定性研究方法。关键词:性别平等、妇女与发展、维护性别、菲律宾ABSTRACT The Philippines，被称为“殖民地时代的族长国家”，现在是亚洲唯一拥有最高性别平等水平的国家。政府政策的发展，重点是改善性别平等、给予男人和妇女平等访问所有资源。越来越多的问题是主流性别的实现，从促进性别平等政策的菲律宾发展的背景来看。这篇关于性别主流概念的论文是性别对准备、设计、实施、监督和财务计划实施的关键之一，这是菲律宾性别平等取得成功的关键之一。在这篇文章中，《author outlines》第三条主要论点是叙利亚报纸中性别平等的成功:首先是主流性别条款的展开。第二，根据《several laws and程序关系》、《菲律宾妇女发展计划》(PDPW)、《人民发展计划》(PPGD) 1995-2025所证明的性别管理的实施是错误的。第三，在几个部分中，性别主流的实施包括经济参与、教育教学、健康与生存和政治激励。政府考虑到发展背景中性别平等的重要性在规定和法律上是众所周知的，因此在所有政策上都是必不可少的。在研究过程中，这篇论文将使用可验证研究方法从可获得的数据。重点词:性别平等，妇女与发展，性别维护，菲律宾
{"title":"Implementasi Gender Mainstraiming dalam Konteks Pembangunan: Studi Kasus Keberhasilan Kesetaraan Gender di Filipina tahun 2018","authors":"Oktami Dewi","doi":"10.26593/jihi.v17i2.4111.200-218","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v17i2.4111.200-218","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRAK Filipina yang dikenal sebagai negara patriarki diera kolonialisme kini menjadi satu-satunya negara yang yang memiliki tingkat kesetaraan gender tertinggi di Asia. Pengembangan kebijakan pemerintah yang berfokus pada peningkatan kesetaraan gender, menjadikan laki-laki dan perempuan memiliki akses yang sama terhadap semua sumber daya. Hal ini menimbulkan pertanyaan tentang implementasi gender mainstraiming yang dilihat dari konteks pembangunan di Filipina dalam menegakkan kebijakan kesetaraan gender. Tulisan ini mengelaborasikan bahwa implementasi konsep gender mainstraiming yang mengintegrasikan perspektif gender ke dalam persiapan, perancangan, penerapan, monitoring dan evaluasi kebijakan, peraturan pelaksanaan dan program pembiayaan, sebagai salah satu kunci keberasilan kesetaraan gender di Filipina. Dalam artikel ini, penulis menjabarkan tiga argumen utama keberhasilan kesetaraan gender di Filipina pada tulisan ini: pertama, diaodpsinya terminologi gender mainstraiming. Kedua, penerapan gender mainstraiming yang dibuktikan dengan dibentuknya beberapa undang-undang peraturan serta program terkait penerapan kesetaraan gender yaitu The Magna Carta of Women (MCW), The Philippine Development Plan for Women (PDPW) 1989-1992, dan The Philippine Plan for Gender-Responsive Development (PPGD) 1995−2025. Ketiga, implementasi gender mainstraiming dibeberapa sektor diantaranya partisipasi ekonomi dan peluang, pencapaian pendidikan, kesehatan dan kelangsungan hidup, dan pemberdayaan politik. Keseiusan dan kesadaran tinggi pemerintah mengenai pentingya kesetaraan gender konteks pembangunan dituangkan dalam perturan serta undang-undang sebagai kunci yang kemudian diimplementasikan disegala kebijakan. Dalam penjabarannya, penulisan ini akan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan bersumber pada data sekunder. Kata Kunci: Kesetaraan gender, perempuan & pembangunan, gender mainstraiming, Filipina ABSTRACT The Philippines, which is known as a patriarchal country in the era of colonialism, is now the only country that has the highest level of gender equality in Asia. Development of government policies that focus on improving gender equality, giving men and women equal access to all resources. This raises questions about the implementation of gender mainstreaming seen from the context of development in the Philippines in enforcing gender equality policies. This paper elaborates that the implementation of the concept of gender mainstreaming which integrates a gender perspective into the preparation, design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies, implementing regulations and financing programs, is one of the keys to the success of gender equality in the Philippines. In this article, the author outlines three main arguments for the success of gender equality in the Philippines in this paper: first, the diodection of the terminology of gender mainstreaming. Second, the implementation of gender mainstaking as evidenced by the formation ","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"136 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78188991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-09DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v17i2.3609.153-171
Andry Indrady
Sejak penerapan kebijakan bebas visa wisata di Indonesia pada tahun 1983 sampai dengan tahun 2017 terlihat dominasi sektor kepariwisataan (tourism) di dalam proses pengambilan keputusan kebijakan bebas visa. Rasional utama desakan adanya kebijakan ini belakangan terlihat adanya unsur pengaruh the Travel and Tourism Competitive Index (TTCI) yang dikeluarkan oleh lembaga dunia the World Economic Forum (WEF) dan the United Nations World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO) untuk mendongkrak rangking Indonesia di mata dunia Indonesia dalam hal sektor kepariwisataan. Dan salah satu komponen dari alat ukur persaingan kompetisi internasional tersebut adalah international openness, dengan penilaian bahwa semakin banyak suatu negara menghilangkan restriksi untuk memasuki suatu negara maka semakin tinggi komponen penilaian TTCI. Tulisan ini secara kritis menilai bahwa perluasan kebijakan bebas visa, sudah bergeser dari titik keseimbangan kebijakan selektif keimigrasian Indonesia. Meskipun diakui bahwa ada kontribusi dari kebijakan bebas ini, namun secara makro menggiring ke dalam “perangkap” instrumen internasional yang akan merugikan kepentingan Indonesia. Bahkan analisis di dalam tulisan ini ditemukan bahwa tidak ada korelasi yang signifikan antara komponen international openness dengan peningkatan daya saing pariwisata secara agregat. Oleh karena itu, dengan menggunakan beberapa pendekatan teori ekonomi politik internasional, dan teori pembangunan internasional, tulisan ini melakukan studi kritis terhadap eksistensi pengaruh internasional terhadap kebijakan selektif keimigrasian di Indonesia, serta langkah-langkah konkret yang perlu dilakukan segera oleh Pemerintah Indonesia agar dapat terhindar dari jebakan angka dan statistik dalam berkompetisi di era neoliberal saat ini.
从1983年在印尼实施旅游签证自由政策到2017年，旅游业在自由政策决策过程中占主导地位。《世界经济论坛》(WEF)和联合国世界旅游组织(United Nations World Economic Forum)发布的《旅游与旅游》(neto)的主要理性因素显示，这种政策对印尼在旅游业领域的监督地位产生了影响。这种国际竞争竞争中竞争对手的一个组成部分是国际开放，其评估认为，一个国家越是剥夺进入一个国家的限制，其价值就越高。本文批判性地认为，扩大的自由签证政策已经从印尼选择性移民政策的平衡中转变。尽管认识到这一自由政策做出了贡献，但它正宏观地陷入国际工具的“陷阱”，这将损害印尼的利益。甚至这篇文章的分析也发现，国际开放文化的组成部分与整体旅游竞争力的提高之间没有显著的相关性。因此,用一些国际政治经济理论,理论发展方法,本文研究国际批评存在选择性政策对国际移民在印尼的影响,以及必要的具体步骤,由印尼政府尽快完成,以便避免陷阱和统计数字在当前新时代竞争的担忧。
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Pub Date : 2021-11-09DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v17i2.3830.172-185
Jerry Indrawan
Peran ASEAN selama berdirinya cukup mampu membuat negara-negara di kawasan ini survive dari ganasnya polarisasi selama perang dingin yang lalu. Namun, di tengah-tengah damainya kawasan ini, konflik minor antar-negara di ASEAN, maupun antar-negara ASEAN dengan negara-negara lain di wilayah tetangganya kerap terjadi. Konflik antara Vietnam dengan Kamboja, Kamboja dengan Thailand, Indonesia dengan Malaysia, termasuk konflik dalam negeri Myanmar terkait masalah Rohingya adalah beberapa konflik yang terjadi di kawasan tenggara benua Asia ini. ASEAN tidak tinggal diam menyikapi beberapa permasalahan diantara negara-negara anggotanya ini. Tercatat, paling tidak ASEAN memiliki enam dokumen penting yang mengatur tentang mekanisme manajemen konflik, mulai dari Piagam ASEAN sampai Cetak Biru Komunitas Politik dan Keamanan ASEAN. Atas dasar itulah, penulis merasa penting untuk membahas salah satu dari dokumen tersebut, yaitu Traktat Persahabatan dan Kerjasama, sebagai mekanisme resolusi konflik di ASEAN. Pembahasan ini termasuk melakukan analisa terhadap kemungkinan ASEAN bertindak melalui mekanisme Majelis Tinggi atau mekanisme fasilitator konflik, dalam upaya resolusi konflik antara sesama negara anggota ASEAN.
{"title":"Mekanisme Resolusi Konflik di ASEAN: ASEAN Sebagai Fasilitator Konflik","authors":"Jerry Indrawan","doi":"10.26593/jihi.v17i2.3830.172-185","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v17i2.3830.172-185","url":null,"abstract":"Peran ASEAN selama berdirinya cukup mampu membuat negara-negara di kawasan ini survive dari ganasnya polarisasi selama perang dingin yang lalu. Namun, di tengah-tengah damainya kawasan ini, konflik minor antar-negara di ASEAN, maupun antar-negara ASEAN dengan negara-negara lain di wilayah tetangganya kerap terjadi. Konflik antara Vietnam dengan Kamboja, Kamboja dengan Thailand, Indonesia dengan Malaysia, termasuk konflik dalam negeri Myanmar terkait masalah Rohingya adalah beberapa konflik yang terjadi di kawasan tenggara benua Asia ini. ASEAN tidak tinggal diam menyikapi beberapa permasalahan diantara negara-negara anggotanya ini. Tercatat, paling tidak ASEAN memiliki enam dokumen penting yang mengatur tentang mekanisme manajemen konflik, mulai dari Piagam ASEAN sampai Cetak Biru Komunitas Politik dan Keamanan ASEAN. Atas dasar itulah, penulis merasa penting untuk membahas salah satu dari dokumen tersebut, yaitu Traktat Persahabatan dan Kerjasama, sebagai mekanisme resolusi konflik di ASEAN. Pembahasan ini termasuk melakukan analisa terhadap kemungkinan ASEAN bertindak melalui mekanisme Majelis Tinggi atau mekanisme fasilitator konflik, dalam upaya resolusi konflik antara sesama negara anggota ASEAN.","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"90 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90688990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-09DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v17i2.4368.186-199
D. Wishanti, J. Purnomo, Wishnu Mahendra Wiswayana
Climate change adaptation is globally arranged in many agreements. Those regimes realize the importance of small islands and vulnerable community as the entities at prime risk. However, as climate change progresses slowly, developing countries do not put this as a priority compared to other natural calamities like earthquake of volcanic eruption. Ternate authority as a government of sub-national small island is prone to climate hazard, but practically not prepared to defend the island against climate disaster. Despite receiving an award as a climate-resilient city, a wider governance aspect is left incapable to build an early initiative to construct a solid governance mode to manage its vulnerability. Through a set of indicators of policy approach, institutional capability, and social capability, this research finds that local governance and local politics in small island government is not supporting the establishment of an adaptable government, particularly on the context of decentralization. Technical capabilities in Ternate is present as a best practice to respond to volcanic eruption and tsunami, but not to the threat of climate change. Eventually, the case of Ternate highlights the importance to position subnational small islands according to its unique feature as a frontline to climate change adaptation, both in global and national context. Decentralization of governance does not automatically intensify the initiative of Ternate government to adapt with climate change imperatives.
{"title":"Mapping Climate-related Disaster Preparedness in Decentralized Ternate as Global Climate Change Adaptation","authors":"D. Wishanti, J. Purnomo, Wishnu Mahendra Wiswayana","doi":"10.26593/jihi.v17i2.4368.186-199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v17i2.4368.186-199","url":null,"abstract":"Climate change adaptation is globally arranged in many agreements. Those regimes realize the importance of small islands and vulnerable community as the entities at prime risk. However, as climate change progresses slowly, developing countries do not put this as a priority compared to other natural calamities like earthquake of volcanic eruption. Ternate authority as a government of sub-national small island is prone to climate hazard, but practically not prepared to defend the island against climate disaster. Despite receiving an award as a climate-resilient city, a wider governance aspect is left incapable to build an early initiative to construct a solid governance mode to manage its vulnerability. Through a set of indicators of policy approach, institutional capability, and social capability, this research finds that local governance and local politics in small island government is not supporting the establishment of an adaptable government, particularly on the context of decentralization. Technical capabilities in Ternate is present as a best practice to respond to volcanic eruption and tsunami, but not to the threat of climate change. Eventually, the case of Ternate highlights the importance to position subnational small islands according to its unique feature as a frontline to climate change adaptation, both in global and national context. Decentralization of governance does not automatically intensify the initiative of Ternate government to adapt with climate change imperatives.","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"39 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81083862","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study undermines a recent development of joint-cooperation between Indonesia and China regarding high-speed railway and its supporting constructions. New dedicated railway, train technology, and Transit Oriented Development (TOD) are part of the initial project, which planned concurrently along the projected area. All of these new railway and TODs are new and distant from already built residences and business centers. These study breakdowns how the Indonesia-China High Speed Train project were initiated and explaining vital factors that surrounds it. Reflecting on how Korea and France dealt with KTX (Korean Train Express) project, the TODs, railways, and train technology compare to Indonesia-China High Speed Train project, Indonesia-China project appears not sustainable and driven by other political and economical will.
{"title":"Comparative Analysis of Indonesia-China High Speed Train and KTX Korea-France: A Sustainable Development for Locals or Reconfiguring Other Interests","authors":"Darynaufal Mulyaman, Kanya Damarçanti, Aldrin Rocky Sampeliling","doi":"10.26593/JIHI.V17I1.3728.31-46","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/JIHI.V17I1.3728.31-46","url":null,"abstract":"This study undermines a recent development of joint-cooperation between Indonesia and China regarding high-speed railway and its supporting constructions. New dedicated railway, train technology, and Transit Oriented Development (TOD) are part of the initial project, which planned concurrently along the projected area. All of these new railway and TODs are new and distant from already built residences and business centers. These study breakdowns how the Indonesia-China High Speed Train project were initiated and explaining vital factors that surrounds it. Reflecting on how Korea and France dealt with KTX (Korean Train Express) project, the TODs, railways, and train technology compare to Indonesia-China High Speed Train project, Indonesia-China project appears not sustainable and driven by other political and economical will.","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"173 1","pages":"31-46"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76645202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-11DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v16i2.4204.159-178
Giandi Kartasasmita
This paper aims to explain the securitization process of China’s technology companies by the U.S Government. Whilethe U.S has been aware of the cyber threat since 1998, before Trump's presidency, the U.S. Government had nevertaken drastic measures against foreign technology companies based on national security pretext. This paper revealedthat the U.S. Executive has succeeded in securitizing the Chinese hardware and software companies, proved by theincreasing number of U.S. Citizens, see China as a major threat to the U.S.
{"title":"The Securitization of China's Technology Companies in the United States of America","authors":"Giandi Kartasasmita","doi":"10.26593/jihi.v16i2.4204.159-178","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v16i2.4204.159-178","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to explain the securitization process of China’s technology companies by the U.S Government. Whilethe U.S has been aware of the cyber threat since 1998, before Trump's presidency, the U.S. Government had nevertaken drastic measures against foreign technology companies based on national security pretext. This paper revealedthat the U.S. Executive has succeeded in securitizing the Chinese hardware and software companies, proved by theincreasing number of U.S. Citizens, see China as a major threat to the U.S.","PeriodicalId":53014,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional","volume":"453 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82935800","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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