Pub Date : 2023-06-22DOI: 10.1177/00220094231182443
R. Patel
In 1970, the United States military was ordered to halt the use of herbicides in the Vietnam War. The suspension pre-empted a series of considerations by the military to determine what to do with the millions of gallons of surplus herbicides, such as Agent Orange, White, and Blue. In 1972, in response to a directive to return all Agent Orange stock to the continental United States for disposal, officials moved the herbicides to Johnston Atoll in the Pacific Ocean. In the 1980s, Johnston Atoll was slowly transformed into the site of the US military's first chemical munitions incineration facility. The military's use of the Atoll as a munitions waste site offers material and historical traces of the vast and continued global circulation of US military waste, how the military conceptualized the ‘destruction’ of such waste, and where it was deemed acceptable to house and carry out these attempts of waste removal. Drawing from primary sources including military scientific studies and correspondence, and situated within environmental justice and postcolonial science studies scholarship, I offer a reading of the Atoll as a place that was used to obscure, yet laid bare, several unattended histories and contemporalities of US empire.
{"title":"Imperial Ruin and Military Waste on Johnston Atoll","authors":"R. Patel","doi":"10.1177/00220094231182443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231182443","url":null,"abstract":"In 1970, the United States military was ordered to halt the use of herbicides in the Vietnam War. The suspension pre-empted a series of considerations by the military to determine what to do with the millions of gallons of surplus herbicides, such as Agent Orange, White, and Blue. In 1972, in response to a directive to return all Agent Orange stock to the continental United States for disposal, officials moved the herbicides to Johnston Atoll in the Pacific Ocean. In the 1980s, Johnston Atoll was slowly transformed into the site of the US military's first chemical munitions incineration facility. The military's use of the Atoll as a munitions waste site offers material and historical traces of the vast and continued global circulation of US military waste, how the military conceptualized the ‘destruction’ of such waste, and where it was deemed acceptable to house and carry out these attempts of waste removal. Drawing from primary sources including military scientific studies and correspondence, and situated within environmental justice and postcolonial science studies scholarship, I offer a reading of the Atoll as a place that was used to obscure, yet laid bare, several unattended histories and contemporalities of US empire.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"23 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41261977","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-18DOI: 10.1177/00220094231180843
Maria Reyes Baztán
This article explores the appropriation of anticolonial language by the Basque radical newsletter and organization Jagi-Jagi (Arise-Arise). Although Jagi-Jagi initially emerged under the doctrine of the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) in 1932, the newsletter and organization offered a more radical form of nationalism than the official party, which during the Second Spanish Republic sought the approval of a Basque Statue of Autonomy. One of the most visible features of Jagi-Jagi's radicalism was its anticolonialism, a facet that scholars have previously failed to explore. Jagi-Jagi constantly equated the situation of the Basque Country to that of other colonies and condemned both internal and international colonialism. This article explores both the national and international dimensions of Jagi-Jagi's anticolonialism and considers the motives behind such anticolonial claims. It also analyses the set of complex and often-contradictory ideas that existed within Jagi-Jagi's discourses on race and claims that they responded to the different uses of Basque anticolonialism. The case study of Jagi-Jagi and its racial discourse serve to elucidate the complexities of western anticolonialism.
{"title":"Unpacking Western Anticolonialism: Jagi-Jagi and the Second Spanish Republic, 1931–6","authors":"Maria Reyes Baztán","doi":"10.1177/00220094231180843","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231180843","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the appropriation of anticolonial language by the Basque radical newsletter and organization Jagi-Jagi (Arise-Arise). Although Jagi-Jagi initially emerged under the doctrine of the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) in 1932, the newsletter and organization offered a more radical form of nationalism than the official party, which during the Second Spanish Republic sought the approval of a Basque Statue of Autonomy. One of the most visible features of Jagi-Jagi's radicalism was its anticolonialism, a facet that scholars have previously failed to explore. Jagi-Jagi constantly equated the situation of the Basque Country to that of other colonies and condemned both internal and international colonialism. This article explores both the national and international dimensions of Jagi-Jagi's anticolonialism and considers the motives behind such anticolonial claims. It also analyses the set of complex and often-contradictory ideas that existed within Jagi-Jagi's discourses on race and claims that they responded to the different uses of Basque anticolonialism. The case study of Jagi-Jagi and its racial discourse serve to elucidate the complexities of western anticolonialism.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"58 1","pages":"591 - 612"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49261060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-04DOI: 10.1177/00220094231178691
Ewa Ochman
The fall of communism in Eastern Europe did not bring about a radical and immediate destruction of the material heritage of communist dictatorships in the region. In fact, the process of de-commemoration has been more contested and more protracted than had been anticipated. Thus, what warrants a closer consideration is why this is the case since on the whole public acceptance of the regime change has been very high. This paper considers the case of Poland, the country of the Solidarity movement, which played a major role in the fall of communism in the region. The two-decade-long history of the right-wing nationalists’ attempts to legislate street renaming culminating in the so-called de-communization law of 2016 will serve as a lens for investigating the responses that favoured the de-communization of public space. The paper argues that the protracted nature of the remaking of public landscape in Poland has been the result of the country's transitional legacies and different approaches to transitional justice among the former dissident opposition.
{"title":"The Legacies of Transition, Street Renaming and the Material Heritage of Communist Dictatorship in Poland","authors":"Ewa Ochman","doi":"10.1177/00220094231178691","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231178691","url":null,"abstract":"The fall of communism in Eastern Europe did not bring about a radical and immediate destruction of the material heritage of communist dictatorships in the region. In fact, the process of de-commemoration has been more contested and more protracted than had been anticipated. Thus, what warrants a closer consideration is why this is the case since on the whole public acceptance of the regime change has been very high. This paper considers the case of Poland, the country of the Solidarity movement, which played a major role in the fall of communism in the region. The two-decade-long history of the right-wing nationalists’ attempts to legislate street renaming culminating in the so-called de-communization law of 2016 will serve as a lens for investigating the responses that favoured the de-communization of public space. The paper argues that the protracted nature of the remaking of public landscape in Poland has been the result of the country's transitional legacies and different approaches to transitional justice among the former dissident opposition.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46935382","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-04DOI: 10.1177/00220094231178706
Heléna Huhák
This research contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the role of sensory impressions in narratives of the everyday lives of prisoners in a concentration camp. I examine the narrative strategies in a diary and an early postwar memoir in the so-called Hungarian camp of Bergen–Belsen. I focus on how the survivors who produced these texts included references to sensory impressions in their accounts. By paying attention to mention in the survivors’ narratives of the more neglected elements of human experience (such as hearing, taste, smell and touch), I consider the ways in which non-visual sensory impressions were used in the narratives to convey experiences, observations, and feelings. I argue that in their depictions of everyday life in the camp, these testimonies used references to changes in their sensory impressions to represent processes and subtle changes in the social lives of the prisoners, which created a discursive space for the authors to express their emotions. This paper also attempts to introduce the term ‘sensory narratives’ into Holocaust studies in an effort to move beyond interpretations of historical narratives as representations of bodies and to engage with them as accounts that were created by bodies, including the senses.
{"title":"The Taste of Freedom, the Smell of Captivity: Sensory Narratives of the Hungarian Camp of Bergen–Belsen","authors":"Heléna Huhák","doi":"10.1177/00220094231178706","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231178706","url":null,"abstract":"This research contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the role of sensory impressions in narratives of the everyday lives of prisoners in a concentration camp. I examine the narrative strategies in a diary and an early postwar memoir in the so-called Hungarian camp of Bergen–Belsen. I focus on how the survivors who produced these texts included references to sensory impressions in their accounts. By paying attention to mention in the survivors’ narratives of the more neglected elements of human experience (such as hearing, taste, smell and touch), I consider the ways in which non-visual sensory impressions were used in the narratives to convey experiences, observations, and feelings. I argue that in their depictions of everyday life in the camp, these testimonies used references to changes in their sensory impressions to represent processes and subtle changes in the social lives of the prisoners, which created a discursive space for the authors to express their emotions. This paper also attempts to introduce the term ‘sensory narratives’ into Holocaust studies in an effort to move beyond interpretations of historical narratives as representations of bodies and to engage with them as accounts that were created by bodies, including the senses.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"58 1","pages":"449 - 467"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42752841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-31DOI: 10.1177/00220094231167328
D. Fazzi
This article is about the rise and fall of ocean incineration, a method for the disposal of hazardous chemical waste that was initiated in the late 1960s, developed, tested, and perfected throughout the 1970s, commercialized in the 1980s, and eventually phased out from the 1990s onwards. Ocean incineration consisted in the offshore destruction of toxic liquid substances in specially designed ships outfitted with high-temperature combustion chambers and high stacks. When this technology broke through, it seemed like a panacea. It heralded the safe disposal of noxious compounds such as organochlorines and polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), which were ubiquitous by-products of petrochemical industrial processes. It promised to minimize private companies’ externalities and ease environmental concerns. But it ultimately failed to provide an alternative to safely disposing of toxic waste. What does explain such a decline? This article answers this question by arguing that the demise of ocean incineration was due to the combination of locally oriented and transnationally driven protests, which emerged across the (North) Atlantic and exposed the dangerous and highly exploitative nature of such a practice.
{"title":"‘Ban the Burn’: At-sea Incineration, Trans-local Activism, and Ocean Health","authors":"D. Fazzi","doi":"10.1177/00220094231167328","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231167328","url":null,"abstract":"This article is about the rise and fall of ocean incineration, a method for the disposal of hazardous chemical waste that was initiated in the late 1960s, developed, tested, and perfected throughout the 1970s, commercialized in the 1980s, and eventually phased out from the 1990s onwards. Ocean incineration consisted in the offshore destruction of toxic liquid substances in specially designed ships outfitted with high-temperature combustion chambers and high stacks. When this technology broke through, it seemed like a panacea. It heralded the safe disposal of noxious compounds such as organochlorines and polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), which were ubiquitous by-products of petrochemical industrial processes. It promised to minimize private companies’ externalities and ease environmental concerns. But it ultimately failed to provide an alternative to safely disposing of toxic waste. What does explain such a decline? This article answers this question by arguing that the demise of ocean incineration was due to the combination of locally oriented and transnationally driven protests, which emerged across the (North) Atlantic and exposed the dangerous and highly exploitative nature of such a practice.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43261868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-31DOI: 10.1177/00220094231178709
Remigio Petrocelli
While Fascist Italy was fighting its colonial war in Ethiopia in 1935–6, a ‘parallel war’ was fought by Italian fascist branches abroad to retain the allegiance of the Italian immigrant communities and win their support. Drawing extensively on original Italian archival documents and the contemporary press, this article analyses how the invasion of Ethiopia affected the small Italian diaspora in Scotland. The propaganda used by Fascist Italy to justify the war and counteract British diplomatic hostility, as well as the central role of Italian fascists in Scotland, contributed to consolidating the national identity of a large number of Italian immigrants and links with their country of origin. This article will also explore how the Abyssinian war paved the way for the portrayal of the members of local fascist branches (and those who were not) as ‘enemies within’ by the British government and many sectors of the host society.
{"title":"The Impact of the Ethiopian War on Italian Immigrants in Scotland","authors":"Remigio Petrocelli","doi":"10.1177/00220094231178709","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231178709","url":null,"abstract":"While Fascist Italy was fighting its colonial war in Ethiopia in 1935–6, a ‘parallel war’ was fought by Italian fascist branches abroad to retain the allegiance of the Italian immigrant communities and win their support. Drawing extensively on original Italian archival documents and the contemporary press, this article analyses how the invasion of Ethiopia affected the small Italian diaspora in Scotland. The propaganda used by Fascist Italy to justify the war and counteract British diplomatic hostility, as well as the central role of Italian fascists in Scotland, contributed to consolidating the national identity of a large number of Italian immigrants and links with their country of origin. This article will also explore how the Abyssinian war paved the way for the portrayal of the members of local fascist branches (and those who were not) as ‘enemies within’ by the British government and many sectors of the host society.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"58 1","pages":"468 - 487"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45860139","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1177/00220094231178705
D. Morton
In July 1975, a month after Mozambique's independence from Portugal, the state nationalized all health care, schooling, and legal counsel, so that all Mozambicans would have equal access to these key services – at least theoretically. The fourth, seemingly anomalous sector to be nationalized on the ‘Day of Nationalizations’: funeral services. The inflationary costs of burial in the capital, Lourenço Marques (today's Maputo) came to the attention of cabinet ministers only during the few weeks they had been ministers. Reacting with disgust, they decided there would be no ‘commercialization of death’ in the People's Republic of Mozambique. Based largely on interviews with the former minister of health and with Isaac Araújo, whose family ran perhaps the first African-owned funeral services business in Lourenço Marques, this article uses the episode to discuss the nature of government decision-making during the very earliest days of independence, a period that I argue deserves special attention. Emphasized is the role that Lourenço Marques played as context: how for neophyte ministers, learning to wield the levers of state was also a process of discovery about life in the capital city.
{"title":"Independence as Discovery: Mozambique's 1975 Nationalization of Funeral Services","authors":"D. Morton","doi":"10.1177/00220094231178705","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231178705","url":null,"abstract":"In July 1975, a month after Mozambique's independence from Portugal, the state nationalized all health care, schooling, and legal counsel, so that all Mozambicans would have equal access to these key services – at least theoretically. The fourth, seemingly anomalous sector to be nationalized on the ‘Day of Nationalizations’: funeral services. The inflationary costs of burial in the capital, Lourenço Marques (today's Maputo) came to the attention of cabinet ministers only during the few weeks they had been ministers. Reacting with disgust, they decided there would be no ‘commercialization of death’ in the People's Republic of Mozambique. Based largely on interviews with the former minister of health and with Isaac Araújo, whose family ran perhaps the first African-owned funeral services business in Lourenço Marques, this article uses the episode to discuss the nature of government decision-making during the very earliest days of independence, a period that I argue deserves special attention. Emphasized is the role that Lourenço Marques played as context: how for neophyte ministers, learning to wield the levers of state was also a process of discovery about life in the capital city.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"58 1","pages":"554 - 573"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44273593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1177/00220094231178699
Glenn Wasson
Cold War tensions between the superpowers marked the years 1956 to 1966, where the United States, Britain and France prioritised European defence against Soviet aggression. Despite being envisaged for civil aviation purposes, the Concorde aircraft was the Franco-British alternative to US proposals concerning the introduction of a supersonic bomber within the Inter-Allied Nuclear Force (IANF) to protect against Soviet attack during the Cold War technological race. This offers a unique case study for the examination of Franco-British bi-lateral partnership in the context of European defence. This article will concentrate on three main themes. The first investigates how Concorde was considered as a viable component for the IANF. Subsequently, the loci of US, British and French policy decisions will be explored with regards to constructing supersonic aircrafts. Lastly, the article considers how foreign policies influenced the shift from a military-use Concorde to a more commercial option. The historiography on Concorde focuses on its commercial impact, and how it affected the Franco-British partnership. Considering Concorde from the defence perspective allows us to analyse the divisions between the US and French grand design ideas – the IANF and Europe puissance – and how they provoked further friction in the Franco-British military relationship.
{"title":"European Defence Planning: Concorde, Franco-British Politico-Military Relations and the Cold War, 1956–68","authors":"Glenn Wasson","doi":"10.1177/00220094231178699","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231178699","url":null,"abstract":"Cold War tensions between the superpowers marked the years 1956 to 1966, where the United States, Britain and France prioritised European defence against Soviet aggression. Despite being envisaged for civil aviation purposes, the Concorde aircraft was the Franco-British alternative to US proposals concerning the introduction of a supersonic bomber within the Inter-Allied Nuclear Force (IANF) to protect against Soviet attack during the Cold War technological race. This offers a unique case study for the examination of Franco-British bi-lateral partnership in the context of European defence. This article will concentrate on three main themes. The first investigates how Concorde was considered as a viable component for the IANF. Subsequently, the loci of US, British and French policy decisions will be explored with regards to constructing supersonic aircrafts. Lastly, the article considers how foreign policies influenced the shift from a military-use Concorde to a more commercial option. The historiography on Concorde focuses on its commercial impact, and how it affected the Franco-British partnership. Considering Concorde from the defence perspective allows us to analyse the divisions between the US and French grand design ideas – the IANF and Europe puissance – and how they provoked further friction in the Franco-British military relationship.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"58 1","pages":"718 - 738"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42122718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-29DOI: 10.1177/00220094231178700
Bradford Martin
This article examines attitudes toward property, government, access to housing, integration, and community identity as expressed in the discourse surrounding the struggle over fair housing in Westchester, New York surrounding the 2009 court-ordered settlement. Building on the ‘new suburban history’, this article argues that opposition to fair housing drew on long-term conservative trends in the national political culture after 1968, but also reflected the specific dynamics of the early Obama years. Fair housing opponents contend that housing ‘choices,’ rooted in the values of ‘hard work,’ meritocracy, private property, and the free market, exemplify the patriotic tradition of American individualism. But, in doing so, they ignore decades of state-sponsored housing discrimination that contradicted free market principles. Drawing heavily on what one scholar has called ‘race-based neighborhood stereotyping’, these ideas constitute an important starting point for understanding the crippling resistance to fair housing initiatives, since this discourse has proven remarkably durable and politically galvanizing.
{"title":"‘This Country is Done’: Fair Housing Discourse in Suburban Westchester","authors":"Bradford Martin","doi":"10.1177/00220094231178700","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231178700","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines attitudes toward property, government, access to housing, integration, and community identity as expressed in the discourse surrounding the struggle over fair housing in Westchester, New York surrounding the 2009 court-ordered settlement. Building on the ‘new suburban history’, this article argues that opposition to fair housing drew on long-term conservative trends in the national political culture after 1968, but also reflected the specific dynamics of the early Obama years. Fair housing opponents contend that housing ‘choices,’ rooted in the values of ‘hard work,’ meritocracy, private property, and the free market, exemplify the patriotic tradition of American individualism. But, in doing so, they ignore decades of state-sponsored housing discrimination that contradicted free market principles. Drawing heavily on what one scholar has called ‘race-based neighborhood stereotyping’, these ideas constitute an important starting point for understanding the crippling resistance to fair housing initiatives, since this discourse has proven remarkably durable and politically galvanizing.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"58 1","pages":"759 - 780"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48620055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-19DOI: 10.1177/00220094231171103
Elisa Prosperetti
This article examines the effects of foreign teachers on Ghanaian education during the 1960s and 1970s. It calls attention to the ways that foreign policy articulates with the lives of ordinary people in former colonies, an approach I call ‘writing international histories from ordinary places.’ At the intersection of globalized archival collections and local sources and scholarship, ‘ordinary places’ offer us new vantage points from which to approach the extraverted histories of the postcolonial world.
{"title":"Writing International Histories from Ordinary Places: Postcolonial Classrooms, Teachers, and Foreign Policy in Ghana, 1957–83","authors":"Elisa Prosperetti","doi":"10.1177/00220094231171103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231171103","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the effects of foreign teachers on Ghanaian education during the 1960s and 1970s. It calls attention to the ways that foreign policy articulates with the lives of ordinary people in former colonies, an approach I call ‘writing international histories from ordinary places.’ At the intersection of globalized archival collections and local sources and scholarship, ‘ordinary places’ offer us new vantage points from which to approach the extraverted histories of the postcolonial world.","PeriodicalId":53857,"journal":{"name":"Casopis za Suvremenu Povijest","volume":"58 1","pages":"509 - 530"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42595617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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