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It started on the railroads: the journey of an anarcho-syndicalist in the Spanish Civil War 它始于铁路:一个无政府工团主义者在西班牙内战中的旅程
IF 0.3 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2282831
Ana Campos
This paper aims to trace the journey of Manuel António Bôto, a Portuguese anarcho-syndicalist militant during the Spanish Civil War, who lived and worked in the region of Setúbal, near Lisbon. Bôto...
本文旨在追溯曼努埃尔António Bôto的旅程,他是西班牙内战期间的葡萄牙无政府工团主义激进分子,他在里斯本附近的Setúbal地区生活和工作。宝途……
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引用次数: 0
From peaceful coexistence to the War of all the People: Cuba and the Cold War in Central America and the Caribbean (1975-1983) 从和平共处到全体人民的战争:古巴与中美洲和加勒比的冷战(1975-1983)
0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-10-03 DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2265725
Radoslav Yordanov
ABSTRACTBuilding on recent scholarly interest in Latin America’s Cold War, this paper breaks new ground in using a broad range of original documents from previously largely overlooked voices – the foreign ministries, parties, and security services agencies of Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, Germany, the Czech Republic, and Romania – in discussing Cuba’s Cold War involvement in Central America and the Caribbean from the First Congress of the Cuban Communist Party until the U.S. Grenada invasion. The candid reports provided by contemporary East European observers help us attain a more nuanced picture of Havana’s complex policy dilemmas as it sought to negotiate and navigate between its vast ambitions, limited abilities, Soviet bloc restraint, and the ever-present threat of a U.S. invasion. Finally, further in line with the latest advancements in the globalized Cold War historiography, in hearing the voices of Moscow’s junior partners, this article casts the events surrounding the tumultuous period in a broader Transatlantic setting beyond the shadows of the superpowers.KEYWORDS: CubaCentral AmericaCaribbeanCold WarSoviet bloc Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. On Cold War in Africa, see, among others, Byrne (Citation2016), Mitchell (Citation2016), Mazov (Citation2010), Shubin (Citation2008). Some of the notable studies tracing the Cold War in Asia and the Middle East include Lüthi (Citation2020), Hasegawa (Citation2011), Hiro (Citation2018), Friedman (Citation2015), and Hershberg (Citation2012). Central America’s place in the global conflict was looked upon at by Moulton (Citation2015), Ferreira and Arriola (Citation2017), and LeoGrande (Citation1998), Moulton (Citation2015), among others.2. Some scholarly accounts offering novel interpretation of Latin America’s Cold War are Field et al. (Citation2020), Darnton (Citation2014), Mor (Citation2013), Garrard-Burnett, et al (Citation2013), Harmer (Citation2011), Brands (Citation2010), Joseph and Spenser (Citation2008).3. “Jednání ČSSR – Kuba dne 6. 4. 1973 od 18,15–19,20 hod.” (Meeting of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic – Cuba on April 6, 1973, 6:15–7:20 pm), April 11, 1973, NAČR, KSČ-ÚV 1945–1989, Praha – Gustáv Husák, k. 377, 7.4. Kolek “Vnitropolitický a hospodářský vývoj,” 5–6.5. Rabotnichesko Delo [Sofia], December 31, 1974, 4.6. “Materiały Informacyjne do wizyty i sekretarza KC PZPR towarzysza Edwarda Gierka na Kubie w dniach 10–16 stycznia 1975: Kuba a ruch państw niezaangażowanych” (Information materials for the visit and secretary of the Central Committee of PUWP, Comrade Edward Gierek to Cuba on 10–16 January 1975: Cuba and the movement of non-aligned states), December 1974, Materialy informacyjne MSZ, Zestaw Nr 1 (Information materials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Set No 1), Archiwum Act Nowych (Central Archives of Modern Records, Warsaw), 1354 KC PZPR, Kancelaria i Sekretarzy KC PZPR, XIA/678, 35 [54].7. “Bericht über den offizi
摘要基于近来学术界对拉丁美洲冷战的兴趣,本文开辟了新的领域,使用了广泛的原始文件,这些文件来自波兰、匈牙利、保加利亚、德国、捷克共和国和罗马尼亚等国的外交部、政党和安全机构,讨论了古巴在中美洲和加勒比地区的冷战参与,从古巴共产党第一次代表大会到美国入侵格林纳达。当代东欧观察家提供的坦率报告帮助我们更细致地了解哈瓦那复杂的政策困境,因为它试图在其巨大的野心,有限的能力,苏联集团的限制和美国入侵的威胁之间进行谈判和导航。最后,为了进一步符合全球化冷战史学的最新进展,本文听取了莫斯科年轻伙伴的声音,将围绕动荡时期的事件置于一个更广阔的跨大西洋背景下,超越了超级大国的阴影。关键词:古巴、中美洲、加勒比海、冷战、苏联集团披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。关于非洲的冷战,请参阅伯恩(Citation2016)、米切尔(Citation2016)、马佐夫(Citation2010)、舒宾(Citation2008)等人。一些追踪亚洲和中东冷战的著名研究包括l<s:1> thi (Citation2020)、Hasegawa (Citation2011)、Hiro (Citation2018)、Friedman (Citation2015)和Hershberg (Citation2012)。中美洲在全球冲突中的地位由莫尔顿(Citation2015)、费雷拉和阿瑞奥拉(Citation2017)、利奥格兰德(Citation1998)、莫尔顿(Citation2015)等人研究。提供拉丁美洲冷战新解释的学者有Field等人(Citation2020)、Darnton (Citation2014)、Mor (Citation2013)、garard - burnett等人(Citation2013)、Harmer (Citation2011)、Brands (Citation2010)、Joseph和Spenser (Citation2008)。Jednání ČSSR - Kuba dne4. 1973年第18期,15-19期,20期。(1973年4月6日捷克斯洛伐克社会主义共和国-古巴会议,下午6时15分至7时20分),1973年4月11日NAČR, KSČ-ÚV 1945-1989, Praha - Gustáv Husák, k. 377, 7.4。Kolek " Vnitropolitický a hospodářský vývoj, " 5-6.5。《索非亚》,1974年12月31日,第4.6页。“Materiały向爱德华·吉尔卡·库比同志致信:1975年1月10日至16日,古巴共产党中央委员会书记爱德华·吉尔克同志访问古巴的新闻资料:《古巴与不结盟国家运动》,1974年12月,《古巴与不结盟国家运动》,《外交部信息资料》第1卷(第1集),《现代档案法》(华沙现代档案中央档案馆),1354 KC PZPR, Kancelaria i KC PZPR, XIA/678, 35[54]。“1976年9月22日至26日,德意志民主共和国外交部长奥斯卡·菲舍尔在古巴共和国访问<e:1>时的讲话”(1976年9月22日至26日,德意志民主共和国外交部长奥斯卡·菲舍尔对古巴共和国的正式访问报告),PAAA, MfAA, ZR 1931/13, 2-3.8。" Bericht <e:1> berden offiziellen Besuch, " 2-3.9。10.中央情报局情报局,“古巴:训练第三世界游击队”,1986年12月(CIA FOIA ERR), https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP88T00768R000400500001-7.pdf, iii(访问,2021年9月17日)。z . Szewczyk,“Konsultacje z MSZ ZSRR na temat Ameryki Łacińskiej”(与苏联外交部关于拉丁美洲的磋商),1979年10月2日,AMSZ, D III−1979,25/82,W-7, 2.11。Janiszewski,“Notatka Informacyjna dot。《政治与行政》,《美国》,2.12。“Styky Kuby s karibskou oblastí a Střední Amerikou”(古巴与加勒比和中美洲的关系),未注明日期,[c]。1980], AMZV, TO-T, 1980 - 89, Box“Kuba”No . 2, 1.13。14.中央情报局情报评估,“古巴与拉丁美洲关系的演变”,1984年9月,CIA FOIA ERR, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP85S00317R000200110005-2.pdf, 5(访问,2021年9月9日)。Biniek和Milcarz, < Notatka nt. aktualnej sytuacji >,第5页。参见“Styky Kuby’s karibskou oblastí a Střední Amerikou”,1.15。16.《早安美国,1980年3月17日,WJLA电视台:杰克·安德森》,中央情报局《信息自由法》电子阅览室,https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP91-00561R000100060052-8.pdf(获取,2021年9月9日)。M. Vojta[关于在加勒比建立和平区],1982年1月21日,AMZV, TO-T, 1980-89,“库巴”箱第3号,1.17。V. Vrána和Z. Pagáč,“Kubánské stanovisko k úsilí o vyhlášení karibsk<s:1> oblasti na zónu míru”(古巴关于宣布加勒比为和平区的努力的立场),1982年2月10日,AMZV, to - t, 1980-89,“库巴”第4号,1-2.18页。中央情报局,《古巴:训练第三世界游击队》,第19页。中央情报局,《古巴:训练第三世界游击队》,第2页。 20.。21.美国国务院,“古巴再次支持拉丁美洲的暴力”,1981年12月14日,美国国务院公共事务局,特别报告第90号,中央情报局FOIA ERR, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP85M00363R000501130007-9.pdf, 2(获取时间,2021年9月15日)。M. Spasov,“Spravka otnosno podgotovka za sklyuchvane na sporazumenie za sŭtrudnichestvo s Republic of Kuba[9月,18-26日]”(关于准备同古巴共和国缔结合作协定的资料),1968年10月,COMDOS档案委员会,第9页,第2页,第865页,5-6[18-19].22。Biniek和Milcarz,“Notatka nt. aktualne
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引用次数: 0
“The teaching of appreciation”: the Amistad Judeo-Cristiana and the inclusion of Jews in Spain’s public sphere during the Franco Dictatorship “欣赏的教学”:佛朗哥独裁时期的犹太-克里斯蒂亚纳和犹太人在西班牙公共领域的包容
0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2258007
Raanan Rein, Pablo Bornstein
ABSTRACT Established in 1961 in Madrid, the Amistad Judeo-Cristiana strove to promote a dialogue between Catholic and Jewish Spaniards. The article accounts for the Amistad’s origins and its development, explaining the critical impact of the Second Vatican Council, which allowed for the eventual formal recognition of Madrid’s Jewish community by the Franco regime. The support received by a sector of the Spanish ecclesiastical hierarchy permitted the association to embark on a campaign to purge school textbooks from anti-Jewish content, and to condemn blood-libel traditions that were still very much alive in Spanish popular culture. The article argues that the experiences and activities of the Amistad Judeo-Cristiana should be included within the larger historiographical trend that highlights the role played by civil society in helping pave the way for the Spanish transition to democracy.
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引用次数: 0
The Atlanticity of the Macaronesian islands during the Iberian Union 伊比利亚联盟时期马卡罗尼西亚群岛的大西洋性
IF 0.3 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2225294
Javier Luis Álvarez Santos
ABSTRACT The search for the definition of the Macaronesian islands world (Azores, Madeira, Canary Islands and Cape Verde) has been a subject of constant reflection for the interpretation of these societies, both to understand their origin and their worldview, and to define the parameters that unite the island spaces with the Atlantic and, consequently, with that which is foreign. This research is focused on the analysis the characteristics which define the island phenomenon with the goal of understanding the peculiar significance of the composition of modern Macaronesian society during the consolidation of the Atlantic world at the time of the Iberian Union. In this regard, the islands of Macaronesia formed an essential terrain to feed and boost transatlantic circulation. The attraction of certain islands is their ability to cross distant paths, redistribute products and promote migratory flows in the Atlantic. In this way, the fluid contacts between islands of Macaronesia, which are complementary, promoted between the Castilian and Portuguese islanders not only a feeling of belonging to a supranational Iberian monarchy, but also a sensitivity of belonging to the same island region formed by a Portuguese and Spanish population of extrapeninsular origin with its nexus being it’s the Atlantic insularity.
寻找马卡罗尼西亚群岛世界(亚速尔群岛、马德拉群岛、加那利群岛和佛得角)的定义一直是对这些社会解释的不断反思的主题,既要了解它们的起源和世界观,又要定义将岛屿空间与大西洋联系起来的参数,因此,与外国联系起来的参数。本研究的重点是分析定义岛屿现象的特征,目的是了解在伊比利亚联盟时期大西洋世界巩固期间现代马卡罗内西亚社会组成的特殊意义。在这方面,马卡罗尼西亚群岛形成了滋养和促进跨大西洋环流的重要地形。某些岛屿的吸引力在于它们能够跨越遥远的路径,重新分配产品并促进大西洋的迁徙流动。通过这种方式,马卡罗西亚岛屿之间的流动联系是互补的,促进了卡斯蒂利亚和葡萄牙岛民之间不仅有一种属于超国家的伊比利亚君主制的感觉,而且也有一种属于同一岛屿地区的敏感性,该地区由来自半岛外的葡萄牙人和西班牙人组成,其联系是大西洋岛屿。
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引用次数: 0
Confrontations in the Argentine Congress during state formation (1862-1880): Provincial politicians, national authorities, and the public sphere of Buenos Aires 国家形成期间阿根廷国会的对抗(1862-1880):省政治家、国家当局和布宜诺斯艾利斯的公共领域
IF 0.3 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2225295
L. Cucchi
ABSTRACT The paper analyses physical and verbal confrontations that unfolded in the Argentine Congress during the process of state formation, to understand the connections between those altercations and other dimensions of the political conflict of the time. In the mid-nineteenth century, Argentina was organised as a representative and federal republic. Congress became then the incarnation of the federation, the place where the representatives of all the districts met, and where congressmen regularly questioned Cabinet members. Focusing on those episodes, it examines how congressmen related to each other, the Executive, the public that followed the sessions in the Chamber, and the press. It takes into consideration drawings, pictures, photomechanical prints, lithographs, and cartoons of the Legislative and its members that provided a visual experience of Congress and affected its legitimacy.
本文分析了阿根廷国会在国家形成过程中发生的肢体和言语冲突,以了解这些争执与当时政治冲突的其他方面之间的联系。在19世纪中期,阿根廷被组织为一个代议制和联邦制共和国。国会成为联邦的化身,是所有地区代表开会的地方,也是国会议员定期质询内阁成员的地方。以这些事件为重点,它考察了国会议员之间的关系,行政部门,在会议厅会议后的公众以及新闻界。它考虑了立法机构及其成员的素描、图片、照相版画、平版版画和漫画,这些提供了国会的视觉体验,并影响了其合法性。
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引用次数: 0
After the Purchase: Spanish Diaspora, Nation and Empire in New Orleans (1803–1865) 收购后:新奥尔良的西班牙侨民、民族与帝国(1803-1865)
IF 0.3 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2226976
Ignacio García de Paso
ABSTRACT After half a century of Spanish imperial control over the Mississippi, the territory of Louisiana was purchased and annexed to the United States in 1803. The goal of this article is to examine the continuities of the Spanish imperial dominion over New Orleans since the Louisiana Purchase up until the American Civil War, using the Spanish-speaking community as an observatory to trace them. Decades after the Louisiana Purchase, Spanish-speaking colonists and immigrants continued to inhabit New Orleans’ Vieux Carré, keeping various links to the former territories of the Spanish Monarchy, to the Peninsula and most specially to Cuba. The Spanish community generated new instruments of association as a group, such as bilingual newspapers, associations of mutual assistance, and its own militia. This heterogeneous community experienced in various ways the political upheavals affecting the Gulf of Mexico during the first six decades of the nineteenth century. This included diverse intents on behalf of the former metropole to exert different degrees of control over the community through various means, especially as Cuban separatism became a political force to be reckoned with in the Gulf.
经过半个世纪的西班牙帝国对密西西比河的控制,路易斯安那州于1803年被购买并并入美国。本文的目的是考察西班牙帝国统治新奥尔良的连续性,从路易斯安那购买到美国内战,使用讲西班牙语的社区作为观察站来追踪它们。路易斯安那购地几十年后,说西班牙语的殖民者和移民继续居住在新奥尔良的Vieux carr,与西班牙君主制的前领土,与半岛,尤其是与古巴保持着各种联系。西班牙社区作为一个群体产生了新的联合工具,如双语报纸、互助协会和自己的民兵。在十九世纪的前六十年里,这个异质的社区以不同的方式经历了影响墨西哥湾的政治动荡。这包括代表前大都市的各种意图,通过各种手段对社区施加不同程度的控制,特别是在古巴分离主义成为海湾地区不可忽视的政治力量的情况下。
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引用次数: 0
“When the overseas provinces are called by the Constitution” (About the constitutional status of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines, 1837-1898) “当海外省份被宪法召唤时”(谈古巴、波多黎各和菲律宾的宪法地位,1837-1898)
IF 0.3 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2221106
María Julia Solla Sastre
ABSTRACT This article discusses the relationship between constitution and colonies in Spain. Since 1837, Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines were expressly excluded from the formal constitutions of the metropolis. Differently to the type of constitutionalism from which they were expelled, the colonies, however, seemed to retain a real and material constitution, defined by geographers with geographic criteria, which ultimately served to uphold the whole political discourse concerning the particularities of nations overseas as well as to justify, in constitutional terms, their exclusion from the series of Spanish constitutions until the final collapse of their colonial regime in 1898.
本文探讨西班牙宪法与殖民地的关系。自1837年以来,古巴、波多黎各和菲律宾被明确排除在大都会的正式宪法之外。然而,与他们被驱逐的宪政类型不同,殖民地似乎保留了一个真实的、物质的宪法,由地理学家用地理标准定义,最终维护了有关海外国家特殊性的整个政治话语,并从宪法的角度证明,他们被排除在西班牙宪法之外,直到1898年殖民政权最终崩溃。
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引用次数: 0
Transnational Fascism: Portugal and the Brazilian Integralism of Plínio Salgado 跨国法西斯主义:葡萄牙和巴西的整合主义Plínio萨尔加多
IF 0.3 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2226977
Leandro Pereira Gonçalves
ABSTRACT The Brazilian Integralist Action (AIB), the most successful fascist movement in Latin America, was created on 7 October 1932. Under the leadership of Plínio Salgado, its purpose was to create an original doctrine. Fascist politics were not restricted to Europe – it crossed borders and directly influenced Latin American politics. In view of this, this research adopts the principle that fascism is a transnational and transatlantic phenomenon. Latin American fascism was wide-reaching and strongly affected by Iberian countries. Amidst this context, the present analysis investigates the Brazilian fascist movement, integralism, an organization that has been culturally influenced by the Brazilian intellectual circularity, especially regarding its appropriation of Portuguese elements. The AIB gained unprecedented visibility in Brazil and was a major social institution in the 1930s but came to an end in 1937. This did not end Brazilian fascism – its activities continued under leader Plínio Salgado, who lived in exile in Portugal, when he reorganized his thoughts, actions, and political strategies. Integralism gained a new definition after World War II: António de Oliveira Salazar became the face of the corporatist politics of the movement and remained in this role until the end of integralism, marked by the death of Plínio Salgado in 1975.
1932年10月7日,巴西统一运动(AIB)成立,是拉丁美洲最成功的法西斯运动。在Plínio Salgado的领导下,其目的是创造一种原创的学说。法西斯政治并不局限于欧洲——它跨越国界,直接影响了拉丁美洲的政治。鉴于此,本研究采用法西斯主义是一种跨国和跨大西洋现象的原则。拉丁美洲法西斯主义影响广泛,受到伊比利亚国家的强烈影响。在这种背景下,本分析调查了巴西法西斯运动,整合主义,一个受到巴西知识循环文化影响的组织,特别是在挪用葡萄牙元素方面。AIB在巴西获得了前所未有的知名度,在20世纪30年代是一个主要的社会机构,但在1937年结束。这并没有结束巴西的法西斯主义——在流亡葡萄牙的领导人Plínio Salgado的领导下,它的活动仍在继续,他重新组织了自己的思想、行动和政治策略。第二次世界大战后,整合主义获得了新的定义:António de Oliveira Salazar成为运动中社团主义政治的代言人,并一直担任这一角色,直到整合主义结束,以Plínio Salgado于1975年去世为标志。
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引用次数: 0
Late nineteenth-century popular printed poetry in Chile and its contribution to a radical cultural theory 19世纪晚期智利流行印刷诗歌及其对激进文化理论的贡献
IF 0.3 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2221107
Chiara Sáez, Antonieta Vera
ABSTRACT The subject of this study is Lira Popular in Chile, printed and distributed between 1866 and 1930. It was a publication halfway between literature and journalism, constituting a differentiated and autonomous communicational practice that can be considered a primary source through which to know the world visions and representations of the popular sectors in Chile at the turn of the century, beyond distinction worker – massive. The majority research in this area is one-dimensional studies conducted in response to questions the researchers themselves have prioritized. Instead, the question driving this study is: how to access the content of popular printed poetry in a way in which subjects, topics, and the inherent hierarchical relationships emerge from the very own sources? Through a content analysis, the main finding is an internal consistency on concerns and topics in the works of different poets, showing persons of popular origins acting and thinking politically, both within and outside the modern enlightenment, used as a guide to the concept of absent popular culture. The conclusions aim to the manner in which these findings can contribute to a theory popular culture and their subjects in the context of modern Latin America
本研究的对象是1866年至1930年间印制发行的《智利流行里拉》。它是一种介于文学和新闻之间的出版物,构成了一种差异化和自主的交流实践,可以被认为是一个主要的来源,通过它可以了解世界的愿景和智利流行部门在世纪之交的代表,超越了区分工人-大规模。该领域的大多数研究都是针对研究人员自己优先考虑的问题进行的一维研究。相反,推动这项研究的问题是:如何以一种从自己的来源中产生的主题、主题和内在等级关系的方式访问流行印刷诗歌的内容?通过内容分析,主要发现是不同诗人作品中关注点和主题的内在一致性,展示了现代启蒙运动内外大众出身的人的政治行为和思想,以此作为对缺席的大众文化概念的指导。结论的目的是这些发现的方式可以有助于理论流行文化和他们的主题在现代拉丁美洲的背景下
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Social reform, Gender and Sexuality: recent historical approaches to the origins of the welfare state in Spain 引言:社会改革,性别和性:西班牙福利国家起源的近期历史方法
IF 0.3 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2184012
Inmaculada Blasco Herranz
The articles in this special issue have been conceived as contributions to broadening knowledge on the origins of the welfare state and social citizenship in Spain from the late nineteenth century to 1936. 1 Drawing on new theoretical approaches and different fields of historical study, our aim is to highlight and explore aspects of this process that have been insufficiently analyzed to date. Specifically, the authors pay attention to cultural breaches and conceptual frameworks that underlay this process and generated new individual and social identities and behaviours. The contributions to this special issue are two-pronged. On the one hand, they question the widespread belief that welfare states arose as a result of socioeconomic transformations or undertakings by one political – ideological current or another. An alternative explanation is developed through their exploration of the crisis experienced by the classical liberal model of society and the new notions of the social as causal factors in shaping social reform policy. On the other hand, some of the articles will specifically focus on the pivotal role played by these mediations: discourses on gender and sexuality as constitutive elements of emerging visions of the social and society in the construction of social reform projects. As Marie Walin puts it, “the dark side of social reform” produced subjects whose exclusion from the category of social citizenship was articulated around notions of gender and sexuality that were open or subtly grounded in historical hierarchies. Finally, given that hygiene and eugenics were embedded in social reform from the outset, their specific function in the process under analysis will be disentangled.
本期特刊的文章被认为是对拓宽对19世纪末至1936年西班牙福利国家和社会公民起源的认识的贡献。利用新的理论方法和不同的历史研究领域,我们的目标是突出和探索迄今为止尚未充分分析的这一过程的各个方面。具体来说,作者关注的是文化突破和概念框架,它们是这一过程的基础,并产生了新的个人和社会身份和行为。本期特刊的投稿是双管齐下的。一方面,他们质疑人们普遍认为的福利国家是社会经济转型或某种政治意识形态潮流的结果。另一种解释是通过他们对古典自由主义社会模式和社会作为形成社会改革政策的因果因素的新概念所经历的危机的探索而发展起来的。另一方面,一些文章将特别关注这些调解所起的关键作用:在社会改革项目的建设中,将性别和性作为新兴社会愿景和社会的构成要素的话语。正如玛丽·瓦林(Marie Walin)所说,“社会改革的阴暗面”产生了一些被排除在社会公民范畴之外的主体,这些主体围绕着性别和性的概念,这些概念是开放的,或者是微妙地植根于历史等级制度。最后,鉴于卫生和优生学从一开始就嵌入到社会改革中,它们在分析过程中的具体功能将被解开。
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引用次数: 0
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