Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2178169
R. Cleminson, Diogo Duarte
ABSTRACT This article explores, through a close reading of newspapers and publications connected to the Portuguese libertarian movement, anarchist discourses and practices around understandings of “race” in Portugal in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. A contribution is made both to studies of Lusophone anarchism as well as broader labour movement history where analyses of the interconnections between race and colonialism have been sparse. Portuguese anarchist understandings of race are placed within the context of broader ideas on internationalism within the anarchist movement, contemporary theories of the inheritance of racial characteristics and contestations against notions of nationhood and nationalism. The specific context of Portuguese colonialism and the development of anthropology in the country form the backdrop against which anarchist ideas are analysed. The article argues that while anarchism disrupted certain tropes within racial and colonialist discourse, it also reinforced some cultural categories and rigidified understandings of race, culture and social development.
{"title":"Anarchism, colonialism and the question of “race” in Portugal (c.1890-1930)","authors":"R. Cleminson, Diogo Duarte","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2023.2178169","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2023.2178169","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article explores, through a close reading of newspapers and publications connected to the Portuguese libertarian movement, anarchist discourses and practices around understandings of “race” in Portugal in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. A contribution is made both to studies of Lusophone anarchism as well as broader labour movement history where analyses of the interconnections between race and colonialism have been sparse. Portuguese anarchist understandings of race are placed within the context of broader ideas on internationalism within the anarchist movement, contemporary theories of the inheritance of racial characteristics and contestations against notions of nationhood and nationalism. The specific context of Portuguese colonialism and the development of anthropology in the country form the backdrop against which anarchist ideas are analysed. The article argues that while anarchism disrupted certain tropes within racial and colonialist discourse, it also reinforced some cultural categories and rigidified understandings of race, culture and social development.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"73 1","pages":"115 - 135"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84390693","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2184011
Jesús de Felipe Redondo
ABSTRACT This paper addresses the question of why labour legislation produces diverse, often opposing, responses among sectors of the population that apparently benefit from it. In particular, it explores the changes in the attitudes of unionized Spanish workers to the social reforms between 1870 and 1930. These workers had previously rejected state intervention in labour relations. Since 1870, most continued without calling for social laws, but occasionally demanded the application of those already approved. A second current among them, organized in anarcho-syndicalist associations, reiterated their opposition to those reforms. A third trend, grouped around socialist organizations, initially rejected labour legislation, but ended up supporting it. The analysis presented here aims to explain these trade-union attitudes by examining their expressions in the press, in their manifestos and public statements, and in the labour conflicts. It shows that these attitudes were based on one of the two assumptions about the social relations that shaped workers conceptions and actions at the time: “sociable human nature” and “objective social structure.” Its main thesis is that these two assumptions about what society was emerged from the partial reformulation or rejection of prior conceptions that had driven trade-union actions until the late nineteenth century.
{"title":"Human nature, objective social structure, and social reforms: unionized Spanish workers attitudes towards social legislation, 1870–1930","authors":"Jesús de Felipe Redondo","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2023.2184011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2023.2184011","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper addresses the question of why labour legislation produces diverse, often opposing, responses among sectors of the population that apparently benefit from it. In particular, it explores the changes in the attitudes of unionized Spanish workers to the social reforms between 1870 and 1930. These workers had previously rejected state intervention in labour relations. Since 1870, most continued without calling for social laws, but occasionally demanded the application of those already approved. A second current among them, organized in anarcho-syndicalist associations, reiterated their opposition to those reforms. A third trend, grouped around socialist organizations, initially rejected labour legislation, but ended up supporting it. The analysis presented here aims to explain these trade-union attitudes by examining their expressions in the press, in their manifestos and public statements, and in the labour conflicts. It shows that these attitudes were based on one of the two assumptions about the social relations that shaped workers conceptions and actions at the time: “sociable human nature” and “objective social structure.” Its main thesis is that these two assumptions about what society was emerged from the partial reformulation or rejection of prior conceptions that had driven trade-union actions until the late nineteenth century.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"190 1","pages":"21 - 43"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78992171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2184007
Daniel Pérez-Zapico
ABSTRACT This article analyses how electricity and electrical technologies were used to generate a whole series of narratives about national regeneration in a context of national (and imperial) decline. It will follow the debates that the advent of the “electrical era” triggered among a group of Spanish engineers that in 1902 published the book La ciencia y la industria eléctrica en España al subir al trono S.M. el Rey Don Alfonso XIII. The publication acted as a memorandum addressed to the young monarch aimed at encouraging the promising applications of electricity in Spain. As members of an international community, engineers embraced the alleged universal promises of electricity but adapted them to Spain’s local conditions. Accordingly, through the pages of the book they used technologies of electrification and electricity as cultural resources to refashion national identity and establish the foundations of a new modernity. By analysing how Spanish engineers conceived the relationship between energy and the future of the nation, this article aims at enriching the historiography of Spanish nationalisms through the lenses of the history of technology (particularly, histories of techno-nationalism) and cultural histories of electricity and energies.
本文分析了在国家(和帝国)衰落的背景下，电力和电气技术如何被用来产生一系列关于国家复兴的叙事。它将遵循“电气时代”的到来在一群西班牙工程师中引发的争论，这些工程师于1902年出版了《科学与工业的结合》一书España al subir al trono S.M. el Rey Don Alfonso XIII。这份出版物是写给年轻的君主的备忘录，旨在鼓励西班牙有前途的电力应用。作为国际社会的一员，工程师们接受了所谓的电力普及承诺，但根据西班牙的当地情况进行了调整。因此，通过这本书，他们将电气化技术和电力作为文化资源，重新塑造了民族认同，建立了新的现代性的基础。通过分析西班牙工程师如何构思能源与国家未来之间的关系，本文旨在通过技术史(特别是技术民族主义的历史)和电力和能源的文化史来丰富西班牙民族主义的史学。
{"title":"Electricity, national identity and regeneration in Spain around 1900","authors":"Daniel Pérez-Zapico","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2023.2184007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2023.2184007","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses how electricity and electrical technologies were used to generate a whole series of narratives about national regeneration in a context of national (and imperial) decline. It will follow the debates that the advent of the “electrical era” triggered among a group of Spanish engineers that in 1902 published the book La ciencia y la industria eléctrica en España al subir al trono S.M. el Rey Don Alfonso XIII. The publication acted as a memorandum addressed to the young monarch aimed at encouraging the promising applications of electricity in Spain. As members of an international community, engineers embraced the alleged universal promises of electricity but adapted them to Spain’s local conditions. Accordingly, through the pages of the book they used technologies of electrification and electricity as cultural resources to refashion national identity and establish the foundations of a new modernity. By analysing how Spanish engineers conceived the relationship between energy and the future of the nation, this article aims at enriching the historiography of Spanish nationalisms through the lenses of the history of technology (particularly, histories of techno-nationalism) and cultural histories of electricity and energies.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"29 1","pages":"137 - 162"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81597136","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2184010
Miguel A. Cabrera
ABSTRACT The aim of this article is to explore the historical genealogy and the process by which social citizenship was constituted in Spain. Because its origins lie in nineteenth -century social reformism, the reasons why it appeared and the repercussions it had require analysis. This analysis clearly reveals that social reformism emerged as the result of the internal crisis of the imaginary of classical liberal individualism and its ensuing reframing in organicist terms. Given the incapacity of the liberal regime to attain the promised social, economic, and harmonious egalitarian political order, the new individualist organicism promoted the adoption of new ways of reaching this objective. The most important was the announcement of social reforms, which required state intervention in economic and labour relations. With time, these measures of reform would acquire the condition of social rights and give rise to the institution of so-called social citizenship.
{"title":"From liberal organicism to social citizenship","authors":"Miguel A. Cabrera","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2023.2184010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2023.2184010","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The aim of this article is to explore the historical genealogy and the process by which social citizenship was constituted in Spain. Because its origins lie in nineteenth -century social reformism, the reasons why it appeared and the repercussions it had require analysis. This analysis clearly reveals that social reformism emerged as the result of the internal crisis of the imaginary of classical liberal individualism and its ensuing reframing in organicist terms. Given the incapacity of the liberal regime to attain the promised social, economic, and harmonious egalitarian political order, the new individualist organicism promoted the adoption of new ways of reaching this objective. The most important was the announcement of social reforms, which required state intervention in economic and labour relations. With time, these measures of reform would acquire the condition of social rights and give rise to the institution of so-called social citizenship.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"86 1","pages":"5 - 19"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80903322","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2184009
Inmaculada Blasco Herranz
ABSTRACT This article aims to contribute to a better knowledge of historical feminism in Spain based on and in dialogue with the wealth of research on the subject by Spanish historiography in recent decades. Although the social nature of Spanish feminism and its articulation around notions of sexual difference has been pinpointed, a more profound reflection on the social nature of feminism, as well as its effects on the shaping of feminism as a social reform movement, is needed. For that purpose, this article pays attention to the epistemological framework of social duties (and rights) which became widespread in the early twentieth century. The main working hypothesis is that these notions of sexual difference were not static and that, from the second half of the nineteenth century onwards, they were given another meaning in light of the emergence of “the social” as a result of the criticism of classical liberalism’s assumptions and explanations of human nature. Sexual difference was reframed through the impact of the new ideas about society, which facilitated proposals for women’s public intervention in social improvement and for reshaping marriage and the domestic sphere.
{"title":"“That other woman–person with a broad social mission”1: historical feminism, social reform, and citizenship in Spain","authors":"Inmaculada Blasco Herranz","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2023.2184009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2023.2184009","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article aims to contribute to a better knowledge of historical feminism in Spain based on and in dialogue with the wealth of research on the subject by Spanish historiography in recent decades. Although the social nature of Spanish feminism and its articulation around notions of sexual difference has been pinpointed, a more profound reflection on the social nature of feminism, as well as its effects on the shaping of feminism as a social reform movement, is needed. For that purpose, this article pays attention to the epistemological framework of social duties (and rights) which became widespread in the early twentieth century. The main working hypothesis is that these notions of sexual difference were not static and that, from the second half of the nineteenth century onwards, they were given another meaning in light of the emergence of “the social” as a result of the criticism of classical liberalism’s assumptions and explanations of human nature. Sexual difference was reframed through the impact of the new ideas about society, which facilitated proposals for women’s public intervention in social improvement and for reshaping marriage and the domestic sphere.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"45 - 64"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81195467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2184018
Marie Walin
ABSTRACT Prenuptial certificates were one of the most widely debated eugenicist measures in Spain, despite never having been legally adopted (as they were in several western European and Latin American countries). This article suggests antecedents for this measure by looking at arguments which developed in Spain from the 1840s that favoured controlling procreation in order to improve future generations. I aim to show how Spanish eugenics in the early twentieth century were part of a long tradition of hygienist thinking. In discussing the “positive” nature of Spanish eugenics, as described in the historiography on “Latin” eugenics, I will also shed new light on the influence of Catholicism. Due to its hold on the institution of marriage, the Catholic Church in Spain had more than a theoretical effect on eugenics; it also administered practical examples of the exclusion of individuals from procreating by investigating grounds for the annulment of marriage for reasons of impotence or insanity. In this article, I will argue that the Church acted as a model for other institutions, showing how it was possible to control procreation through legal restrictions, while maintaining privileges over the state in legislating on such issues, up to the period of the Franco dictatorship.
{"title":"Who should procreate? Selecting the best breeders through the control of marriage, Spain 1850s–1920s","authors":"Marie Walin","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2023.2184018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2023.2184018","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Prenuptial certificates were one of the most widely debated eugenicist measures in Spain, despite never having been legally adopted (as they were in several western European and Latin American countries). This article suggests antecedents for this measure by looking at arguments which developed in Spain from the 1840s that favoured controlling procreation in order to improve future generations. I aim to show how Spanish eugenics in the early twentieth century were part of a long tradition of hygienist thinking. In discussing the “positive” nature of Spanish eugenics, as described in the historiography on “Latin” eugenics, I will also shed new light on the influence of Catholicism. Due to its hold on the institution of marriage, the Catholic Church in Spain had more than a theoretical effect on eugenics; it also administered practical examples of the exclusion of individuals from procreating by investigating grounds for the annulment of marriage for reasons of impotence or insanity. In this article, I will argue that the Church acted as a model for other institutions, showing how it was possible to control procreation through legal restrictions, while maintaining privileges over the state in legislating on such issues, up to the period of the Franco dictatorship.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"85 1","pages":"91 - 113"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84153468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2023.2184008
Helena Andrés Granel
ABSTRACT This work analyses the ideas about maternity and female education deriving from different eugenic proposals developed in Argentina and Spain during a period of intense international debate on the implications of voluntary birth control for the future of the race and nations. In an age in which state intervention in human reproduction was presented as a solution to social healthcare problems, an enquiry is made into its evolution in these two countries where a social-hygiene approach to racial issues would prevail in different types of eugenic initiatives which, relating to diverse demographic strategies, expressed fundamental discrepancies on the permissibility or convenience of disseminating birth control methods. These different projects expressly aimed at “hygiene of reproduction” and at helping women to acquire a “maternal culture” are explored by placing the accent on the role of eugenics in the social construction of maternity. Although they took different approaches to sexual morality and bodily autonomy, they essentially propounded medical and educational ideas about reproduction which, based on the cultivation of “femininity,” would establish sexual differentiation as a eugenic value to be preserved and developed in pursuit of racial improvement.
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Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2022.2140957
María Victoria Marquez
ABSTRACT Fracasos de la fortuna is the title of Miguel de Learte Zegama’s autobiography written during the 1780s. Learte Zegama, born in Sangüesa (Navarre) circa 1731, decided to write his memoirs from his childhood in the north of Spain, his years in Cadiz, his travel into the Canary Islands, and his emigration to the province of Rio de la Plata around 1750. This narrative outlines a personal defence of the author to rebuild his deteriorated reputation after the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Gobernación of Tucumán based on his mobility. The present article focuses on two aspects of (t)his story that illuminate the transitory dimension of the migrant’s experience and its subjective fluidity: the impulses and self-presentation. Firstly, I address the two main impulses of Learte to migrate from Cadiz to America and, later, from Tucuman to Navarre. Then, I examine the account of Learte’s sojourn in the Canary Islands and the ambivalent peninsular and American perspective from which he writes. Thus, this case study provides an example of eighteenth-century mobilities, problematising categories like “merchant” or “creole,” and demanding an approach that recognizes formative paths, contingency and multidirectional character of mobility, as constitutive of the early modern experience.
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Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2022.2140950
Bethan Fisk
ABSTRACT Complementing the literature on inter-Caribbean Spanish religious “sanctuary” policy and maritime marronage, this article illuminates how enslaved people shared and acted on religious knowledge across oceans and imperial boundaries, long before the “Age of Revolutions.” Curaçao-born Nicholas Baptista, initially with a Dutch enslaver, and Juan de Rada, born in the Portuguese East Indies and captured by an Englishman, found themselves before the tribunal of the Holy Office of the Inquisition of Cartagena de Indias in the late 1710s. Both men took radically different strategies to becoming Catholic and, in doing so, to materially transform their lives. Transimperial mobilities, through labour in the slave trade, were central to enslaved people’s circulation and production of religious knowledge in the early modern world. Analysis of enslaved people’s testimonies in place, formed by geography, mobility, and labour, deepens our understanding of black knowledge production and its quotidian mobilities across the Early-Modern world.
作为对加勒比海西班牙宗教“庇护”政策和海上婚姻的文献的补充，本文阐明了早在“革命时代”之前，被奴役的人们是如何跨越海洋和帝国边界分享和行动宗教知识的。出生于库拉帕拉索的尼古拉斯·巴普蒂斯塔(Nicholas Baptista)和胡安·德·拉达(Juan de Rada)出生在葡属东印度群岛，后来被一名英国人抓获。18世纪10年代末，他们来到了印度卡塔赫纳宗教裁判所的神圣法庭。两人都采取了截然不同的策略来成为天主教徒，并在此过程中从物质上改变了他们的生活。跨帝国的流动，通过奴隶贸易的劳动，是早期现代世界中被奴役的人们传播和生产宗教知识的核心。对由地理、流动性和劳动力构成的被奴役者的证词的分析，加深了我们对黑人知识生产及其在早期现代世界中的日常流动性的理解。
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Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2022.2140959
Nino Vallen
ABSTRACT Few sixteenth- and seventeenth-century creoles lived a life as mobile as don Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberruza. Born in Tecamachalco (Puebla) in 1564, he travelled to the Spanish court at the age of twelve. After his return to New Spain in 1580, he fought against the Chichimeca in New Mexico and against English pirates in Acapulco, served as interim governor in Manila and spent a year in Japan after having shipwrecked on its coasts. After another stay in Spain, he served as governor in Panama from 1621 to 1627 before returning to New Spain, where he received another office in Veracruz. Such movements played a crucial role in the identity that Vivero and other men fashioned for themselves. In his interactions with the Crown, Vivero produced a self-image that tied his worthiness of the king’s favour to his mobility. This paper explores how the relationship between mobility and the distribution of royal grace affected the movements within the Spanish empire and the writings of those petitioning the Spanish Crown for royal favor. I argue that over time Vivero revised his stories, left movements unmentioned, or recalibrated the balance between mobility and rootedness while fashioning various images of a deserving self.
在16世纪和17世纪，很少有克里奥尔人的生活像don Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberruza那样流动。他于1564年出生在特卡马夏科(普埃布拉)，12岁时前往西班牙宫廷。1580年回到新西班牙后，他在新墨西哥州与奇奇梅卡人作战，在阿卡普尔科与英国海盗作战，在马尼拉担任临时总督，在日本海岸遭遇海难后，他在日本呆了一年。在西班牙又呆了一段时间后，他于1621年至1627年担任巴拿马总督，然后回到新西班牙，在韦拉克鲁斯获得了另一个职位。这些运动在维维罗和其他人塑造自己的身份中起着至关重要的作用。在与国王的互动中，维维罗塑造了一种自我形象，将他对国王的青睐与他的机动性联系在一起。本文探讨了流动性和皇室恩典分配之间的关系如何影响西班牙帝国内部的运动以及那些向西班牙王室请愿的人的写作。我认为，随着时间的推移，维维罗修改了他的故事，没有提及运动，或者重新校准了流动性和根基之间的平衡，同时塑造了各种值得拥有的自我形象。
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