Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2022.2094627
J. Cruz
ABSTRACT The political process that led to the Gloriosa Revolution of September 1868 in Spain has been sufficiently studied. We also know well the ideological foundations, the connection with the economic situation, and the social composition of the groups behind the revolution. What is less known are some of the mobilization dynamics used by the Progressive Party and the groups to its left to carry out the insurrection. In the years prior to the revolution, the insurgents organized patriotic banquets, civic parades, and similar events in city squares, pleasure gardens, and monuments, all charged with revolutionary symbolism. Many of the spaces used to spread insurrectional culture were recently created in the process of the expansion of the Spanish cities. This article studies the use made by Progressives and their allies of captivating forms of mobilization in these new public spaces and places of memory to attract the popular groups to the revolution.
{"title":"The backgrounds of the Spanish Revolution of 1868: Civic Celebrations and Popular Politics","authors":"J. Cruz","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2022.2094627","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2022.2094627","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The political process that led to the Gloriosa Revolution of September 1868 in Spain has been sufficiently studied. We also know well the ideological foundations, the connection with the economic situation, and the social composition of the groups behind the revolution. What is less known are some of the mobilization dynamics used by the Progressive Party and the groups to its left to carry out the insurrection. In the years prior to the revolution, the insurgents organized patriotic banquets, civic parades, and similar events in city squares, pleasure gardens, and monuments, all charged with revolutionary symbolism. Many of the spaces used to spread insurrectional culture were recently created in the process of the expansion of the Spanish cities. This article studies the use made by Progressives and their allies of captivating forms of mobilization in these new public spaces and places of memory to attract the popular groups to the revolution.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"4 1","pages":"239 - 259"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89891769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2022.2094625
Javier Esteban-Ochoa-de-Eribe
ABSTRACT At the dawn of the nineteenth century, the Basque language, or Euskera, was eminently popular. The vast majority of written works in the language were religious books. This would change significantly throughout the first third of the century with a notable increase in the number of texts in this language and a change in content; published texts were political or written with, and about, hymns and dances, all in a more manageable format than their predecessors. This article seeks to understand this quantitative and thematic change, and of format, which was closely linked to the process of popular politicisation experienced in the Hispanic monarchy around that time. I will untangle the motives for creating and disseminating these texts and the reception of the discourses contained therein by the target audience, i.e. the popular classes, for whom a modern political language, until then indiscernible in this language, was created or adapted. Basque-language printed material was a local manifestation of this context and can aid in understanding similar manifestations in other locations. With this, we can discover the media used to involve marginal and popular (to varying degrees) communities in the emerging public sphere.
{"title":"Preach, teach, sing and dance: towards the configuration of a modern political language in the Basque tongue (1813–1833)","authors":"Javier Esteban-Ochoa-de-Eribe","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2022.2094625","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2022.2094625","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT At the dawn of the nineteenth century, the Basque language, or Euskera, was eminently popular. The vast majority of written works in the language were religious books. This would change significantly throughout the first third of the century with a notable increase in the number of texts in this language and a change in content; published texts were political or written with, and about, hymns and dances, all in a more manageable format than their predecessors. This article seeks to understand this quantitative and thematic change, and of format, which was closely linked to the process of popular politicisation experienced in the Hispanic monarchy around that time. I will untangle the motives for creating and disseminating these texts and the reception of the discourses contained therein by the target audience, i.e. the popular classes, for whom a modern political language, until then indiscernible in this language, was created or adapted. Basque-language printed material was a local manifestation of this context and can aid in understanding similar manifestations in other locations. With this, we can discover the media used to involve marginal and popular (to varying degrees) communities in the emerging public sphere.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"60 1","pages":"203 - 220"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91014710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2022.2087953
Jason Garner
ABSTRACT This article charts the evolution of the Catalan Cooperative movement from the creation of the first regional organisation, the Chamber of Catalan and Balearic Cooperatives in 1898, to the end of the Civil War in 1939. It looks at the aims of the Chamber and its successor organisation the Federation of Catalan Cooperatives, as expressed at congresses and in the movement’s press and then analyses the tactics adopted to achieve these and why, in general, they did not enjoy the success that was hoped for. The founders of the Chamber were influenced by movements in other countries, specifically France, Belgium and the United Kingdom and was a member of the International Cooperative Alliance adopting the principles of these including political neutrality and the belief in acting independently of the State and political organisations. It was hoped that Catalan cooperatives would be able to catch up with and match the strength and influence of cooperatives in these countries. However, although the cooperative movement enjoyed spectacular growth during the Civil War, much of the progress that was made by cooperatives was due to circumstance and state intervention rather than due to the movement itself.
本文描绘了加泰罗尼亚合作社运动的演变，从1898年第一个区域组织——加泰罗尼亚和巴利阿里合作社商会的创建，到1939年内战结束。它考察了商会及其后继组织加泰罗尼亚合作社联合会(Federation of catalalan Cooperatives)在大会和运动媒体上所表达的目标，然后分析了为实现这些目标而采取的策略，以及为什么它们总体上没有获得所希望的成功。商会的创始人受到其他国家，特别是法国、比利时和联合王国的运动的影响，是国际合作联盟的成员，采用这些原则，包括政治中立和相信独立于国家和政治组织行事。希望加泰罗尼亚合作社能够赶上这些国家合作社的实力和影响，并与之相匹配。然而，尽管合作社运动在内战期间取得了惊人的增长，但合作社取得的大部分进展是由于环境和国家干预，而不是由于运动本身。
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2022.2052692
Luis Toledo Machado
ABSTRACT This article focuses on the creation of communes within the last years of Franco’s dictatorship and Spain’s transition to democracy (1968–1986). Specifically, it analyses why some self-considered counter-cultural and young people conceived the communes as an alternative to the family in a general debate about social organization. Responding to an ontological turn in history, the article shows that communes were expected to carry out a personal revolution and open a way to realise a harmonious social relationship by the practical implementation of a set of assumptions about both the world and human nature.
{"title":"The communes as the counter-cultural alternative to the family within the Spanish democratic transition (1968-1986): an ontological approach","authors":"Luis Toledo Machado","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2022.2052692","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2022.2052692","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article focuses on the creation of communes within the last years of Franco’s dictatorship and Spain’s transition to democracy (1968–1986). Specifically, it analyses why some self-considered counter-cultural and young people conceived the communes as an alternative to the family in a general debate about social organization. Responding to an ontological turn in history, the article shows that communes were expected to carry out a personal revolution and open a way to realise a harmonious social relationship by the practical implementation of a set of assumptions about both the world and human nature.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"82 1","pages":"75 - 93"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86901129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2022.2052691
Javier Navarro Navarro
ABSTRACT Higinio Noja Ruiz (Nerva, Huelva, 1894-Valencia, 1972) remains a little-known figure in the history of anarchism and libertarian culture in Spain. However, he enjoyed great prestige during the 1920s and 1930s thanks to his novels, essays, leaflets, and articles, which were widely read by a libertarian and working-class audience. Noja Ruiz was a man of many talents: a social writer and novelist, an anarcho-syndicalist essayist and thinker, a rationalist teacher, and a pedagogue. In addition to this intellectual and cultural activity, Noja’s militant commitment included agitation and tireless propaganda efforts as a libertarian “man of action,” especially in the late 1910s and early 1920s. This article is part of a broader study on the life and work of Noja and it reflects firstly on the Spanish anarchist culture of the first half of the 20th century; secondly, it deals with the different models of militancy within the libertarian movement in Spain; and thirdly, it assesses how useful the study of biographies can be in those two research fields.
{"title":"Biography, culture and militancy in Spanish anarchism: Higinio Noja Ruiz (1894–1972)","authors":"Javier Navarro Navarro","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2022.2052691","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2022.2052691","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Higinio Noja Ruiz (Nerva, Huelva, 1894-Valencia, 1972) remains a little-known figure in the history of anarchism and libertarian culture in Spain. However, he enjoyed great prestige during the 1920s and 1930s thanks to his novels, essays, leaflets, and articles, which were widely read by a libertarian and working-class audience. Noja Ruiz was a man of many talents: a social writer and novelist, an anarcho-syndicalist essayist and thinker, a rationalist teacher, and a pedagogue. In addition to this intellectual and cultural activity, Noja’s militant commitment included agitation and tireless propaganda efforts as a libertarian “man of action,” especially in the late 1910s and early 1920s. This article is part of a broader study on the life and work of Noja and it reflects firstly on the Spanish anarchist culture of the first half of the 20th century; secondly, it deals with the different models of militancy within the libertarian movement in Spain; and thirdly, it assesses how useful the study of biographies can be in those two research fields.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"776 1","pages":"59 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78837289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2022.2052693
Alberto Cañas de Pablos
ABSTRACT This article aims to frame Neapoltan general Guglielmo Pepe’s presence in Spain and Portugal after the deep revolutionary wave in Southern Europe in 1820–1. It was a conjunction, which was influenced by a positive perception towards soldiers and military elements, marked by the memory of Napoleonic Wars. First, the national honourable soldier-citizen image, which was forged since the 1790s, will be analysed. After Waterloo, political trips by the members of the “Liberal International” were continuous before, during and after revolutions inspired by the Cadiz Constitution, which in the Spanish and Portuguese cases lasted until 1823. These Iberian countries acted as crucial refuges for political émigrés and their subsequent exiles. Pepe was the most important revolutionary reference which visited them, fleeing from Naples, and trying to defend and expand European liberal-constitutional systems. His activity founding secret societies will be another focus of this article.
{"title":"When honour sets sail: Southern European constitutional revolution and Guglielmo Pepe’s political trips towards Iberian Peninsula during Liberal Triennium (1820–1823)","authors":"Alberto Cañas de Pablos","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2022.2052693","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2022.2052693","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article aims to frame Neapoltan general Guglielmo Pepe’s presence in Spain and Portugal after the deep revolutionary wave in Southern Europe in 1820–1. It was a conjunction, which was influenced by a positive perception towards soldiers and military elements, marked by the memory of Napoleonic Wars. First, the national honourable soldier-citizen image, which was forged since the 1790s, will be analysed. After Waterloo, political trips by the members of the “Liberal International” were continuous before, during and after revolutions inspired by the Cadiz Constitution, which in the Spanish and Portuguese cases lasted until 1823. These Iberian countries acted as crucial refuges for political émigrés and their subsequent exiles. Pepe was the most important revolutionary reference which visited them, fleeing from Naples, and trying to defend and expand European liberal-constitutional systems. His activity founding secret societies will be another focus of this article.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"111 - 129"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88041208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2022.2052687
Nathaniel Andrews, R. Cleminson
ABSTRACT This introductory essay discusses some of the key developments that have occurred in the field of Spanish anarchist studies over the last few decades; a field that, unfortunately, remains somewhat marginalised in the academe. In particular, this piece highlights current trends in the relevant historiography, and emphasises the importance of this research to a wide range of fields and disciplines. It concludes by summarising the contributions of the five articles that form this special issue.
{"title":"Introduction: new directions in Spanish anarchist studies","authors":"Nathaniel Andrews, R. Cleminson","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2022.2052687","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2022.2052687","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This introductory essay discusses some of the key developments that have occurred in the field of Spanish anarchist studies over the last few decades; a field that, unfortunately, remains somewhat marginalised in the academe. In particular, this piece highlights current trends in the relevant historiography, and emphasises the importance of this research to a wide range of fields and disciplines. It concludes by summarising the contributions of the five articles that form this special issue.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"36 1","pages":"1 - 4"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81738498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2022.2052688
A. Fernández
ABSTRACT This article focuses on two publications by Spanish anarchist doctors: Apuntes para el estudio médico-higiénico de la miseria (1877) by José García Viñas, and ¡Huelga de vientres! (1904) by Luis Bulffi. The paper sets out to analyze these sources considering how male domination social and symbolic structures were perpetuated within medical, anarchist, and neo-Malthusian transnational networks in which anarchist doctors García Viñas and Bulffi were involved. Moreover, the article will also assess how the alliance between anarchism and medicine that they represented contributed to a particular construction of masculinity models for other groups of men and women, in spite of the image of sexual equality propelled by anarchists and doctors with progressive ideals.
本文主要关注西班牙无政府主义医生的两本出版物:jos García Viñas(1877)的《Apuntes para el estudio msamicdico - higisamicnico de la miseria》和《Huelga de vientres!》(1904)路易斯·布尔菲。本文开始分析这些来源，考虑到男性统治的社会和象征结构如何在医疗、无政府主义和新马尔萨斯主义跨国网络中得以延续，其中无政府主义医生García Viñas和Bulffi参与其中。此外，本文还将评估无政府主义和医学之间的联盟是如何为其他群体的男性和女性的特定建构做出贡献的，尽管无政府主义者和具有进步理想的医生推动了性别平等的形象。
{"title":"Medical anarchists and Masculine domination between 1872 and 1914: Masculine domination in transnational networks and masculinity models in the Spanish medical anarchists José García Viñas and Luis Bulffi","authors":"A. Fernández","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2022.2052688","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2022.2052688","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article focuses on two publications by Spanish anarchist doctors: Apuntes para el estudio médico-higiénico de la miseria (1877) by José García Viñas, and ¡Huelga de vientres! (1904) by Luis Bulffi. The paper sets out to analyze these sources considering how male domination social and symbolic structures were perpetuated within medical, anarchist, and neo-Malthusian transnational networks in which anarchist doctors García Viñas and Bulffi were involved. Moreover, the article will also assess how the alliance between anarchism and medicine that they represented contributed to a particular construction of masculinity models for other groups of men and women, in spite of the image of sexual equality propelled by anarchists and doctors with progressive ideals.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"62 1","pages":"5 - 15"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78902996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1998990
Joseba Agirreazkuenaga
ABSTRACT How to achieve financial success, security and standing in bourgeois society? The answer in fictional accounts and real life alike was a combination of education, fortitude, hands-on business experience and political influence. Satrustegui‘s biography is the argument: a childhood spent in large part in exile, enlistment in the liberal forces following the outbreak of the First Carlist War and distinguished service as a military attaché as interpreter at the headquarters of the Commander of the British Legion in Spain and participant in negotiations leading to the Convention of Bergara, an agreement signed in 1839 that marked the end of hostilities in the Basque Country. His unfulfilled ambitions would later take him to San Francisco, California where he became a partner in the firm E. Mickle and Company in 1850. Appointed Spanish consul in that city on 2 June 1851, Satrustegui became a founding partner of the López and Company shipping company in 1857. He secured a paid diplomatic position in 1864, the first step in a long career during which he served as Spanish consul in Newcastle, Algiers, Montreal, New York and London. In 1876 he received the title of Baron de Satrustegui.
在资产阶级社会中，如何获得财务上的成功、安全感和地位?无论是在虚构的故事中还是在现实生活中，答案都是教育、毅力、实际的商业经验和政治影响力的结合。萨特鲁斯特吉的传记就是这样的观点:他的童年大部分时间是在流亡中度过的，在第一次卡洛斯特战争爆发后，他加入了自由力量，在西班牙担任英国军团指挥官总部的武官，担任翻译，并参与了导致《贝加拉公约》的谈判，该协议于1839年签署，标志着巴斯克地区敌对行动的结束。他未能实现的抱负后来把他带到了加利福尼亚的旧金山，1850年，他在那里成为E. Mickle and Company公司的合伙人。萨特鲁斯特吉于1851年6月2日被任命为西班牙驻该市领事，并于1857年成为López和Company航运公司的创始合伙人。1864年，他获得了一个带薪的外交职位，这是他漫长职业生涯的第一步，在此期间，他曾担任西班牙驻纽卡斯尔、阿尔及尔、蒙特利尔、纽约和伦敦的领事。1876年，他获得了萨特鲁斯特吉男爵的头衔。
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2022.2052694
Thomas K. Lindner
ABSTRACT How were solidarity campaigns transnationally organized and locally performed? To answer this question, this paper examines anti-imperialist solidarity campaigns and their role in the politics of Mexico City in the 1920s. The paper analyzes two political movements: the campaign against the conviction of the Italian-American anarchists Sacco and Vanzetti in the United States and the campaign in solidarity with rebel general Augusto César Sandino who fought against US troops in his native Nicaragua. Transnational solidarity campaigns, it is argued, were an important link between local radical activism and global movements as solidarity had to be performed locally and envisioned globally. Demonstrations, economic boycotts, and public fundraising campaigns were means to perform solidarity in the city, linking local activism to the global anti-imperialist movement. With the example of activism in Mexico City in the post-revolutionary 1920s, this paper analyzes performative and ideological change over time and how the asymmetric potential of localization and globalization affect transnational solidarity campaigns.
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