Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2022.2052689
Carme Bernat Mateu
ABSTRACT This article analyses the relationship between anarchism and modernity, paying specific attention to the tensions and paradoxes that arose between the two. The central thesis of this piece is that within nineteenth-century Spanish anarchism, a modernity-anti-modernity tension operated, enforced by the modern imaginary while also trying to transcend and end it. The original responses of anarchism to the pre-established schemes are observed from the study of anarchist conceptions of the human being, society, temporality, and nature. It is argued that paradox is a central element of the modern historical experience, since new currents were born out of its principles that strained and questioned the very philosophical bases of enlightened modernity. Thus, anarchism is interpreted as one of the “monsters” of modernity.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2022.2052690
M. Asensio
ABSTRACT With this study we intend to explore the impact of naturism on the Valencian anarcho-syndicalist power base in the 1920s and 1930s. The methodology used in this article has been oral history, since we consider this as the most useful to access the ways of understanding reality, as represented by historical actors. In fact, we have analysed unpublished oral sources to examine the processes of reappropriation of spaces and their uses developed by libertarian militants. Through the collective practices associated with naturism, the libertarian militant structured new contentious discourses that influenced the return to nature as an essential phase of the revolution. These experiences would engender the basis upon which to construct an anarcho-naturist identity, along with a whole set of new meanings and representative universe, which varied according to the experiences of each militant. In short, with this work we interrogate the different representations and subjective experiences of the libertarian militancy around naturism and its practices, which will thus improve the understanding of the weight of naturist collective practices in the imaginary, and in the process of constructing the identity of libertarian militant.
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Pub Date : 2021-11-18DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1998983
J. Villar
This article studies the relationship between holiness and nation in the second half of the nineteenth century. The Spanish case is a good example of how the local, the national and the universal were combined through the celebrations of beatification or canonization during the pontificates of Pius IX and Leo XIII.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1998986
Sebastián Hernández Méndez
ABSTRACT The article studies the construction process of the Argentine-Uruguayan Hortus Conclusus sanctuary, inaugurated in Palestine in 1902. It focuses on the project’s diffusion and the construction of solidarity networks between Latin America, Rome and Palestine articulated by the Archbishop of Montevideo Mariano Soler. The central argument is that the case studied exhibits some particularities of the “global turn” of the Catholic Church in the Río de la Plata, which rather than being a passive recipient of congregations, images and devotions received from European “centers” of Catholic renovation, functioned as a dynamic space of appropriation and even universalization for many of these forms and images. This can be perceived by reconstructing the life of transnational agents and projects that linked different places in the world, amplifying the global consciousness of Catholicism at the local, national, and continental levels. Also, the article exemplifies how a Marian devotion was able to function as a symbolic space in service of political identities, and as a vehicle for (trans)national movements.
本文研究了1902年在巴勒斯坦落成的阿根廷-乌拉圭Hortus Conclusus圣殿的建设过程。它的重点是项目的传播和拉丁美洲、罗马和巴勒斯坦之间团结网络的建设，这是由蒙得维的亚大主教马里亚诺·索勒提出的。中心论点是，所研究的案例展示了Río de la Plata天主教会“全球转向”的一些特殊性，而不是被动地接受来自欧洲天主教改革“中心”的会众，图像和奉献，而是作为一个动态的挪用空间，甚至是这些形式和图像的普遍化。这可以通过重建连接世界不同地方的跨国机构和项目的生活，在地方、国家和大陆层面上扩大天主教的全球意识来感知。此外，文章举例说明了玛丽安的奉献如何能够作为服务于政治身份的象征性空间，以及作为(跨)民族运动的载体。
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Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1998985
Javier Esteve Martí
ABSTRACT SUMMARY: The Sacred Heart of Jesus was the protagonist of a devotion that became very popular in Spain during the second half of the 1800s and the former decades of the 20th century. In the Iberian Peninsula the heart of Christ became a symbol of an identity discourse that combined a fundamentalist conception of religion, a definition of the Spanish nation as intrinsically Catholic, and counter-revolutionary ideas. The aim of this article is to analyse why, during the years between 1899 and 1939, the Sacred Heart became a reference with a growing presence in the public space. Secondly, it explores why this presence caused a fierce dispute between those who considered that the Spanish Volksgeist was inherently Catholic, and those who believed otherwise. The existence of a war for the occupation and demarcation of public space stimulated the reproduction of the heart of Christ in scapulars, plaques or monuments, but also explains that the political groups who defended the secularization of society and a Spanish nationalism opposed to National-Catholic approaches reacted with anger to the spread of the Sacred Heart in the public space.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1998984
Francisco Javier Ramón Solans
ABSTRACT This article aims to analyze the politics of the past implemented by Spanish Catholics during the so-called “age of anniversaries.” The promotion of Catholic commemorations in Spain was a reaction to the culture war which was waged around the role of religion in the public sphere during the Spanish Restauration (1874–1923). Historiography has tended to analyze these commemorations in the light of the political tensions that existed between factions of the Spanish right. This focus has obscured, however, the important role that these commemorations played in the development of a Catholic reading of the past, as well as in the formation of a National Catholic political culture. This essay offers a complete study of the catholic commemoration in Spain from the pioneering celebration of Calderón de la Barca in 1881 to the first centenary of the War of Independence in 1908. By doing so, the paper aims to demonstrate the role played by these politics of the past in the construction of a National Catholic political culture in Spain.
本文旨在分析西班牙天主教徒在所谓的“周年纪念时代”所实施的过去政治。在西班牙，天主教纪念活动的推广是对西班牙复辟时期(1874-1923)围绕宗教在公共领域所扮演的角色展开的文化战争的一种反应。史学倾向于根据西班牙右翼派系之间存在的政治紧张局势来分析这些纪念活动。然而，这种关注掩盖了这些纪念活动在发展天主教对过去的解读以及形成全国天主教政治文化方面所发挥的重要作用。本文对西班牙天主教的纪念活动进行了全面的研究，从1881年的开创性的Calderón de la Barca庆祝活动到1908年的独立战争第一个百年纪念活动。通过这样做，本文旨在展示这些过去的政治在西班牙国家天主教政治文化的建设中所发挥的作用。
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Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1998989
M. Derham
ABSTRACT This timely article analyses the creation of a divided society in Venezuela. Since before the birth of the Republic in 1831, elite politicians and intellectuals have tried to foment the imposition of a society in their own (European, white, elite) image through the cultural promotion of privileged immigrants. Unlike other countries in the region, the mass European immigration only happened in the 1950s, during the government of Marcos Pérez Jiménez, a hundred years later than elsewhere. However, by lauding immigration and denigrating the local mixed race population, influenced by the example of Argentina a hundred years before and a continuation of nineteenth-century Positivism, they set the stage for the divisiveness which predates the election of President Hugo Chávez in 1998. This article traces this cultural construction through interviews with now-deceased politicians with responsibility for immigration programmes and analysis of the works of pro-immigration intellectuals.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1998988
María Pilar Salomón Chéliz
ABSTRACT The present article analyses both the discourse as well as actions and policies through which non-Carlist Catholic movement promoted and socialised the Catholic image of Spain, from the end of the nineteenth century until the beginning of the 1920s. The anticlerical fervour of the first decade of the twentieth century served to mobilise Catholics who called for the re-Catholicisation of Spanish society for the benefit of religion and the fatherland. Recourse to the fatherland and its identity as exclusively Catholic were significantly reinforced during the insecurity unleashed by the crisis of 1917 and the threat of revolution. Finally, the present paper also analyses the repercussions of the Catalan nationalist movement in 1918–1919 and the Rif War, two events that only augmented the centrality of the fatherland for the Catholic discourse of the period.
{"title":"The fatherland and religion in Spanish Catholicism: from turn-of-the-century decline to the Rif War (c.1898–1923)","authors":"María Pilar Salomón Chéliz","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2021.1998988","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2021.1998988","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The present article analyses both the discourse as well as actions and policies through which non-Carlist Catholic movement promoted and socialised the Catholic image of Spain, from the end of the nineteenth century until the beginning of the 1920s. The anticlerical fervour of the first decade of the twentieth century served to mobilise Catholics who called for the re-Catholicisation of Spanish society for the benefit of religion and the fatherland. Recourse to the fatherland and its identity as exclusively Catholic were significantly reinforced during the insecurity unleashed by the crisis of 1917 and the threat of revolution. Finally, the present paper also analyses the repercussions of the Catalan nationalist movement in 1918–1919 and the Rif War, two events that only augmented the centrality of the fatherland for the Catholic discourse of the period.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"66 1","pages":"349 - 375"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82848316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1998979
Francisco Javier Ramón Solans, J. Portillo
For several years, nation and religion have no longer been viewed as two dichotomous – or indeed opposing – realities (Van Der Veer and Lehmann 1999). Recent historiography has demonstrated the complex and fertile relationship that was woven between the two elements in the modern era (Haupt and Langewiesche 2001, 2004; Brubaker 2012). The clichés that situated religion in the sphere of antimodernity – a hindrance to progress, incompatible with the vibrant and secularised modernity of the nation – have been left behind. The theories that declared the global and ecumenical dimensions of certain faiths irreconcilable with any national/nationalist formulation have also been overcome. To speak of a Catholic nation now, therefore, does not seem as paradoxical as it did in the 1990s. The acknowledgement of the existence of religious nationalisms constituted the first step towards overcoming a series of commonplaces, opening new questions and enriching debates on nationalism. The study of religious decline can thus contribute to finding an intersection in the debate between modernist and perennialist views of the nation, that is between those who argue that the nation is a modern and secularised phenomenon, and those readings that highlight the importance of pre-modern elements in the configuration of modern national identities (Moreno-Almendral 2020). According to this latter reading, nationalists configured their projects as powerful religious discourses such as that of the chosen people (Smith 1991, 2008). Despite noting the footprint of these rhetoric figures, however, this approach neglected the process of nationalisation of these religious practices, symbols and spaces, thereby risking ending up essentialising the national identities that were in the process of being created (Ramón Solans 2019). In the same way, the study of religion is essential for approaching one of the most interesting debates that has been advanced in studies of nationalism: that of the interiorisation and naturalisation of the nation (Quiroga Fernández de Soto 2013; Billig 1995). The Catholic Church acts as a very effective channel for transmitting these values, since it introduces them in rituals and symbols that are recognised and absorbed by the
几年来，民族和宗教不再被视为两个对立的——或者实际上是对立的——现实(Van Der Veer and Lehmann 1999)。最近的史学研究表明，在现代，这两个因素之间交织着复杂而丰富的关系(Haupt and Langewiesche 2001, 2004;布鲁巴克2012)。那些将宗教置于反现代性范畴的陈词滥调——一种进步的障碍，与这个国家充满活力和世俗化的现代性不相容——已被抛在脑后。那些宣称某些信仰的全球性和普世性与任何国家/民族主义表述都不可调和的理论也已被克服。因此，现在谈论一个天主教国家，似乎不像上世纪90年代那样自相矛盾。承认宗教民族主义的存在是克服一系列俗套、提出新问题和丰富关于民族主义的辩论的第一步。因此，对宗教衰落的研究有助于在现代主义和长期主义对国家的看法之间的辩论中找到一个交叉点，即那些认为国家是一个现代和世俗现象的人，以及那些强调前现代元素在现代国家身份配置中的重要性的阅读(Moreno-Almendral 2020)。根据后一种解读，民族主义者将他们的项目配置为强大的宗教话语，例如被选中的人(Smith 1991,2008)。然而，尽管注意到这些修辞人物的足迹，但这种方法忽视了这些宗教习俗、符号和空间的国有化过程，从而有可能最终使正在创建过程中的民族身份本质化(Ramón Solans 2019)。同样，对宗教的研究对于接近民族主义研究中最有趣的辩论之一是必不可少的:国家的内部化和归化(Quiroga Fernández de Soto 2013;同样1995)。天主教会是传播这些价值观的一个非常有效的渠道，因为它在仪式和符号中引入了这些价值观，这些价值观被人们所认可和吸收
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Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1998982
Joseph Rosa
ABSTRACT This paper examines the relationships between religion, national identity and counterrevolution in the context of the independence of Mexico (September 1821). The impact of the Spanish revolution in 1820 had deep reverberations among conservative groups in New Spain. In the reactionary cosmogony, the traditional alliance between the Altar and the Throne was threatened by the policies of the new liberal regime. This tension led some counterrevolutionaries to modify their ideas on independence, which up to that point they had rejected. Under these new circumstances, they opted for emancipation, which would keep Mexico on the sidelines of certain transformations in the liberal revolution. A religious dimension ran throughout this ideological shift, which gave rise to the definition of a new kind of national affirmation. This text will analyze the various components that fed this intertwining, as well as their political implications and limits. It will address the sermons made by ecclesiastics, with special attention given to their interpretations of the historical moment. The contribution made by these religious figures to achieving independence would lead them to make a claim for special treatment in the short-lived Mexican Empire.
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