Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2020.1851909
Zira Box
ABSTRACT Throughout the years immediately following the Spanish Civil War, Francoist discourse on the nation was strongly linked to the idea of virility. All the different political cultures of the dictatorship defined the Spanish nation as intrinsically shaped around values that spoke firstly of daring, strength and vigour, but also of self-discipline, restraint and control. Despite the intensity of this discourse, the narrative it presented revealed porosities and elasticities that permitted ambiguous images to filter through that challenged this language of national virility. One example was the imagery of José Gutiérrez Solana, a leading artist of the regime and assiduous participant in its art exhibitions, but one who, with his dark paintings full of beggars, death and fanaticism, presented a substantially different image of the Spanish nation. Beginning with this apparent contradiction, the intention of this article is to examine the discourse deployed around Solana in order to explore the ways in which the profile of the virile and victorious nation was renegotiated to include his work within it, and the degree to which the key to this inclusion lay in a set of reinterpretations intended to extend virility to an artist otherwise close to images of the “feminization” of Spain.
{"title":"Renegotiating the Boundaries of the Virile Nation: the España negra of José Gutiérrez Solana in the art exhibitions of postwar Spain (1940–45)","authors":"Zira Box","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2020.1851909","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2020.1851909","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Throughout the years immediately following the Spanish Civil War, Francoist discourse on the nation was strongly linked to the idea of virility. All the different political cultures of the dictatorship defined the Spanish nation as intrinsically shaped around values that spoke firstly of daring, strength and vigour, but also of self-discipline, restraint and control. Despite the intensity of this discourse, the narrative it presented revealed porosities and elasticities that permitted ambiguous images to filter through that challenged this language of national virility. One example was the imagery of José Gutiérrez Solana, a leading artist of the regime and assiduous participant in its art exhibitions, but one who, with his dark paintings full of beggars, death and fanaticism, presented a substantially different image of the Spanish nation. Beginning with this apparent contradiction, the intention of this article is to examine the discourse deployed around Solana in order to explore the ways in which the profile of the virile and victorious nation was renegotiated to include his work within it, and the degree to which the key to this inclusion lay in a set of reinterpretations intended to extend virility to an artist otherwise close to images of the “feminization” of Spain.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"253 - 270"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74459692","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2020.1851917
David Marcilhacy
ABSTRACT After winning its independence in 1903, the Republic of Panama launched a propaganda campaign to create national consciousness and, diplomatically, dispel its image among Ibero-American states as a country “made in Washington”. The 1916 National Exhibition was mounted to serve this dual purpose, and initially scheduled to celebrate both the 400th anniversary of the discovery of the Pacific Ocean by Núñez de Balboa (1913), and the opening of the Panama Canal (1914). The authorities met great difficulties in organizing the event, which had to be postponed until 1916, when a world war was underway, and after the Panama-Pacific Exposition already held in San Francisco. This limited its success and drastically reduced international participation, which further emphasized Panama’s isolation. Nevertheless, it marked an essential step in Panama’s self-affirmation as a new nation. Based on unpublished archival sources and the contemporary press, this paper examines the contradictions of this commemoration. On the one hand, the 1916 celebrations sought to highlight the triumphs of modern technology and worldwide exchanges, but in an international context of global war, exacerbated nationalism and imperialist expansion; on the other, the event was used as an affirmation of nationalism and Hispanic identity, when in reality the country’s subordinate relationship with the US was becoming ever more consolidated.
1903年赢得独立后，巴拿马共和国发起了一场宣传运动，以建立民族意识，并在外交上消除其在伊比利亚美洲国家中的形象，即“华盛顿制造”的国家。1916年的国家展览是为了实现这一双重目的，最初计划庆祝Núñez de Balboa发现太平洋400周年(1913年)和巴拿马运河开通(1914年)。当局在组织这次活动时遇到了很大的困难，不得不推迟到1916年，当时世界大战正在进行，巴拿马-太平洋博览会已经在旧金山举行。这限制了它的成功，大大减少了国际参与，进一步强调了巴拿马的孤立。然而，它标志着巴拿马作为一个新国家自我肯定的重要一步。本文以未发表的档案资料和当代新闻为基础，考察了这一纪念活动的矛盾。一方面，1916年的庆祝活动试图突出现代技术和全球交流的胜利，但在全球战争的国际背景下，加剧了民族主义和帝国主义的扩张;另一方面，这一事件被用作对民族主义和西班牙裔身份的肯定，而实际上，该国与美国的从属关系正变得越来越巩固。
{"title":"The interoceanic nation in a world at war: Panama and the 1916 exhibition, a conflicted celebration","authors":"David Marcilhacy","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2020.1851917","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2020.1851917","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT After winning its independence in 1903, the Republic of Panama launched a propaganda campaign to create national consciousness and, diplomatically, dispel its image among Ibero-American states as a country “made in Washington”. The 1916 National Exhibition was mounted to serve this dual purpose, and initially scheduled to celebrate both the 400th anniversary of the discovery of the Pacific Ocean by Núñez de Balboa (1913), and the opening of the Panama Canal (1914). The authorities met great difficulties in organizing the event, which had to be postponed until 1916, when a world war was underway, and after the Panama-Pacific Exposition already held in San Francisco. This limited its success and drastically reduced international participation, which further emphasized Panama’s isolation. Nevertheless, it marked an essential step in Panama’s self-affirmation as a new nation. Based on unpublished archival sources and the contemporary press, this paper examines the contradictions of this commemoration. On the one hand, the 1916 celebrations sought to highlight the triumphs of modern technology and worldwide exchanges, but in an international context of global war, exacerbated nationalism and imperialist expansion; on the other, the event was used as an affirmation of nationalism and Hispanic identity, when in reality the country’s subordinate relationship with the US was becoming ever more consolidated.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"55 1","pages":"271 - 293"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85151278","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-03DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2020.1789375
Javier Fernández-Sebastián
ABSTRACT This article provides an overview of the early uses of the term democracy in Spain and in Hispanic America during the 19th century. It is mainly built on the collaborative research conducted in the region in the field of conceptual history in recent years, especially on the publications of the Iberconceptos network. By grouping all the Spanish-speaking countries of the Western Hemisphere into a single block, my comparative approach is schematic, for it is clear that this part of the world is far from being a homogeneous sociopolitical space. Even so, the contrast between the two poles – Spain and Latin America – has proved to be heuristically productive, since it enables us to identify certain similarities and differences between the respective conceptualizations and practices associated with democracy that occurred on both sides of the Atlantic between 1808 and 1875, approximately. From some common features, patterns and milestones that this essay reveals it is possible to draw a schematic chronology that could serve as a general framework to subsequent more specific historical studies on the evolution of the concept of democracy in this or that particular country belonging to this cultural area.
{"title":"Discussing democracy in Spain and in Latin America during the age of revolutions: commonalities and differences","authors":"Javier Fernández-Sebastián","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2020.1789375","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2020.1789375","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article provides an overview of the early uses of the term democracy in Spain and in Hispanic America during the 19th century. It is mainly built on the collaborative research conducted in the region in the field of conceptual history in recent years, especially on the publications of the Iberconceptos network. By grouping all the Spanish-speaking countries of the Western Hemisphere into a single block, my comparative approach is schematic, for it is clear that this part of the world is far from being a homogeneous sociopolitical space. Even so, the contrast between the two poles – Spain and Latin America – has proved to be heuristically productive, since it enables us to identify certain similarities and differences between the respective conceptualizations and practices associated with democracy that occurred on both sides of the Atlantic between 1808 and 1875, approximately. From some common features, patterns and milestones that this essay reveals it is possible to draw a schematic chronology that could serve as a general framework to subsequent more specific historical studies on the evolution of the concept of democracy in this or that particular country belonging to this cultural area.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"59 1","pages":"113 - 126"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89555515","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-03DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2020.1789374
M. Casals, Andrés Estefane, Juan Luis Ossa
ABSTRACT This article traces the changes in the meanings and uses of the concept of democracy in Chile in the period 1822–1851. Based on an extensive revision of newspapers, it shows how the idea of democracy evolved from a negative understanding of it to an increasingly positive vision that saw it as a key mechanism for legitimising political power. Essential for this transition were, first, the doctrinal disputes of the 1820s, which established a series of liberal and republican principles that ended up being constituent characteristics of Chilean democracy. Second, the concept of representation, which by normalising a way of exercising power through delegates democratically elected, allowed to cleanse democracy from what contemporaries considered its most menacing excesses. The article identifies four moments of progress and retreats of democracy during the first half of the nineteenth century, demonstrating the extent to which this was a more complex process than what is commonly believed. In so doing, it aims to question some of the general assumptions about the origins of democracy both in Latin America and Chile and to demonstrate how the acknowledgement of the idea of representative democracy was one of the main legacies of these seminal debates for nineteenth-century Chilean politics.
{"title":"From rejection to acknowledgement and dispute: four moments in the origins of Chilean representative democracy, 1822–1851","authors":"M. Casals, Andrés Estefane, Juan Luis Ossa","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2020.1789374","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2020.1789374","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article traces the changes in the meanings and uses of the concept of democracy in Chile in the period 1822–1851. Based on an extensive revision of newspapers, it shows how the idea of democracy evolved from a negative understanding of it to an increasingly positive vision that saw it as a key mechanism for legitimising political power. Essential for this transition were, first, the doctrinal disputes of the 1820s, which established a series of liberal and republican principles that ended up being constituent characteristics of Chilean democracy. Second, the concept of representation, which by normalising a way of exercising power through delegates democratically elected, allowed to cleanse democracy from what contemporaries considered its most menacing excesses. The article identifies four moments of progress and retreats of democracy during the first half of the nineteenth century, demonstrating the extent to which this was a more complex process than what is commonly believed. In so doing, it aims to question some of the general assumptions about the origins of democracy both in Latin America and Chile and to demonstrate how the acknowledgement of the idea of representative democracy was one of the main legacies of these seminal debates for nineteenth-century Chilean politics.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"159 - 173"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89512998","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-03DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2020.1790229
G. Paquette
ABSTRACT This article addresses how the political language of democracy was used in nineteenth-century Brazil prior to 1850 and how its deployment was connected to related yet distinct political concepts, particularly liberalism and republicanism. It explores the prevalence of the language of democracy in a constitutional monarchy predicated on a socio-political order that was itself dependent on slavery and in which the vast majority of subjects, enslaved and free, were either de facto or de jure disenfranchised or excluded from the political process. The article focuses on the political ideas of the rebellions of the 1820s-40s, which mainly occurred in the provinces far from the capital of Rio de Janeiro, including the Confederation of the Equator, the Sabinada, the Farroupilha, and the Praieira.
{"title":"Demotic and “democratic” languages in post-independence Brazil, 1822-48","authors":"G. Paquette","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2020.1790229","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2020.1790229","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article addresses how the political language of democracy was used in nineteenth-century Brazil prior to 1850 and how its deployment was connected to related yet distinct political concepts, particularly liberalism and republicanism. It explores the prevalence of the language of democracy in a constitutional monarchy predicated on a socio-political order that was itself dependent on slavery and in which the vast majority of subjects, enslaved and free, were either de facto or de jure disenfranchised or excluded from the political process. The article focuses on the political ideas of the rebellions of the 1820s-40s, which mainly occurred in the provinces far from the capital of Rio de Janeiro, including the Confederation of the Equator, the Sabinada, the Farroupilha, and the Praieira.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"149 - 158"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84215809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-03DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2020.1789373
J. Rivera
ABSTRACT The article assesses the reception of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America in nineteenth-century Mexico. It explores the impact in two political debates at the time: judicial review (or the writ of amparo) and the question whether Mexico ought to be a central or a federal republic. Tocqueville was instrumental for the participants in those debates. The article examines the nature of these Tocquevillian interventions. Did Democracy in America enlighten the political dilemmas that actors faced at the time? Politicians and thinkers gave more importance to the descriptions of the American institutions that the book provided, and very often overlooked the importance of Tocqueville’s remarks on Mexico’s cultural and social inability to sustain democracy.
{"title":"Tocqueville in Mexico","authors":"J. Rivera","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2020.1789373","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2020.1789373","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article assesses the reception of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America in nineteenth-century Mexico. It explores the impact in two political debates at the time: judicial review (or the writ of amparo) and the question whether Mexico ought to be a central or a federal republic. Tocqueville was instrumental for the participants in those debates. The article examines the nature of these Tocquevillian interventions. Did Democracy in America enlighten the political dilemmas that actors faced at the time? Politicians and thinkers gave more importance to the descriptions of the American institutions that the book provided, and very often overlooked the importance of Tocqueville’s remarks on Mexico’s cultural and social inability to sustain democracy.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"175 - 188"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74582141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-03DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2020.1790228
E. Posada-Carbó
ABSTRACT This brief essay places the various articles of this dossier within the growing literature on the history of democracy, noting the neglect that Latin America and the Caribbean, in spite of some advances, continue to suffer in the field. It then highlights some of the contributions offered by the essays of the dossier.
{"title":"“The history of democracy in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1800-1870: an introduction”","authors":"E. Posada-Carbó","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2020.1790228","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2020.1790228","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This brief essay places the various articles of this dossier within the growing literature on the history of democracy, noting the neglect that Latin America and the Caribbean, in spite of some advances, continue to suffer in the field. It then highlights some of the contributions offered by the essays of the dossier.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"66 1","pages":"107 - 111"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88997624","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-03DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2020.1789376
C. Gibson
ABSTRACT This article considers Haitian nation-building in the nineteenth century and its connection to the wider development of democracy in the Americas. In the way that the Haitian Revolution has caused scholars to rethink the discourses around concepts like liberty or rights, the early decades of Haiti’s independence also offer the opportunity to consider the meaning of freedom. Full universal freedom was at the centre of building Haiti’s political future, and this article looks at where that sits in the context of how democratic ideas and practices took shape in the nineteenth century by considering three key moments: Jean-Jacques Dessalines’s constitution in 1805; the era of the two Haitis; and unification with Spanish Santo Domingo from 1822–44.
{"title":"Freedom over democracy in post-revolutionary Haiti, c. 1804-1844","authors":"C. Gibson","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2020.1789376","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2020.1789376","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article considers Haitian nation-building in the nineteenth century and its connection to the wider development of democracy in the Americas. In the way that the Haitian Revolution has caused scholars to rethink the discourses around concepts like liberty or rights, the early decades of Haiti’s independence also offer the opportunity to consider the meaning of freedom. Full universal freedom was at the centre of building Haiti’s political future, and this article looks at where that sits in the context of how democratic ideas and practices took shape in the nineteenth century by considering three key moments: Jean-Jacques Dessalines’s constitution in 1805; the era of the two Haitis; and unification with Spanish Santo Domingo from 1822–44.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"81 1","pages":"127 - 136"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82591617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-03DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2020.1789378
Eduardo A. Zimmermann
ABSTRACT Since the early years of Independence, through the failed constitutional projects of 1819 and 1826, and culminating in the 1853 Constitutional Convention of 1853, the River Plate provinces witnessed a varied number of juridical and political debates on the status of democracy and its different meanings: as an expression of social forces announcing the dawn of a new form of social organization; as an ideal of representative government that was to accompany the transition from monarchical to republican forms of government; and as a number of possible electoral regimes and technical solutions to the problem of representation. On the other hand, constitutionalism promised not only a way of structuring the new governments but also the adoption of the idea of individual rights as an ideological foundation for the new liberal regimes, and a project to transcend the inorganic rule of provincial caudillos. This paper explores the different languages in which nineteenth-century Argentine constitutionalism was shaped, through an analysis of political and constitutional debates and the writings of many of the actors of the period, taking into account the ways in which the conflictive context of independence, civil wars, national unification, and state building delineated a particular conception of liberal constitutionalism.
{"title":"Caudillos, democracy, and constitutionalism in mid nineteenth-century Argentina","authors":"Eduardo A. Zimmermann","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2020.1789378","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2020.1789378","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since the early years of Independence, through the failed constitutional projects of 1819 and 1826, and culminating in the 1853 Constitutional Convention of 1853, the River Plate provinces witnessed a varied number of juridical and political debates on the status of democracy and its different meanings: as an expression of social forces announcing the dawn of a new form of social organization; as an ideal of representative government that was to accompany the transition from monarchical to republican forms of government; and as a number of possible electoral regimes and technical solutions to the problem of representation. On the other hand, constitutionalism promised not only a way of structuring the new governments but also the adoption of the idea of individual rights as an ideological foundation for the new liberal regimes, and a project to transcend the inorganic rule of provincial caudillos. This paper explores the different languages in which nineteenth-century Argentine constitutionalism was shaped, through an analysis of political and constitutional debates and the writings of many of the actors of the period, taking into account the ways in which the conflictive context of independence, civil wars, national unification, and state building delineated a particular conception of liberal constitutionalism.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"341 1","pages":"189 - 203"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79535375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-03DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2020.1789377
Jesús Sanjurjo
ABSTRACT Democratic ideas were used to legitimize both the need to abolish and to preserve the slave trade and slavery in the Spanish empire during the nineteenth century. This article will demonstrate that the relationship between “slavery” and “democracy” in the Spanish political debate is complex and changing. For political actors, on various places of the ideological spectrum, democratic ideas were presented both as incompatible with slavery and as a reason to oppose its abolition.
{"title":"“Without liberty there is no honour”, nor democracy. Cuba, slavery and abolitionism in nineteenth century Spain’s empire","authors":"Jesús Sanjurjo","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2020.1789377","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2020.1789377","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Democratic ideas were used to legitimize both the need to abolish and to preserve the slave trade and slavery in the Spanish empire during the nineteenth century. This article will demonstrate that the relationship between “slavery” and “democracy” in the Spanish political debate is complex and changing. For political actors, on various places of the ideological spectrum, democratic ideas were presented both as incompatible with slavery and as a reason to oppose its abolition.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"27 1","pages":"137 - 148"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83579325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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