Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1944029
C. Schwab
ABSTRACT This article investigates the multiple functions of a periodical as a format of knowledge produced by and for the educated population of a middle-sized Spanish town. Situated between media and knowledge history, the purpose of this study is twofold: First, it discusses the contents and editorial circumstances of La Floresta Andaluza. Secondly, it looks into the connections between media, knowledge, space, and social configurations by investigating the periodical as an agent of public communication that addresses (and makes up) its audience as a knowledge milieu and politically responsible group. As a consequence, the article contributes to a new understanding of media history from the periphery and explores the relationships between editorial activities, the production of knowledge, and sociopolitical transformations in nineteenth-century Spain.
{"title":"Local publishing, local knowledge, local communication: the case of La Floresta Andaluza (Seville, 1843–1844)","authors":"C. Schwab","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2021.1944029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2021.1944029","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article investigates the multiple functions of a periodical as a format of knowledge produced by and for the educated population of a middle-sized Spanish town. Situated between media and knowledge history, the purpose of this study is twofold: First, it discusses the contents and editorial circumstances of La Floresta Andaluza. Secondly, it looks into the connections between media, knowledge, space, and social configurations by investigating the periodical as an agent of public communication that addresses (and makes up) its audience as a knowledge milieu and politically responsible group. As a consequence, the article contributes to a new understanding of media history from the periphery and explores the relationships between editorial activities, the production of knowledge, and sociopolitical transformations in nineteenth-century Spain.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"197 - 212"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87905687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1943802
R. Llorens
ABSTRACT The exodus provoked by the Civil War (1936–1939) is, due to its magnitude, the principal field of study on Spanish exile. Nevertheless, during the Spanish Republic in peacetime (1931–1936), different exiles took place which have not raised as much interest within the historiography. This is the case of those that had to flee Spain after being involved in the October Revolution of 1934. They were anonymous activists, the middle ranks, and also well-known leaders of the working-class movement, many of whom would play an important role during the time of the Popular Front, the Civil War and exile. In order to carry out this study, the archives of the five French départements bordering Spain, the Archives Nationales and the Archives de la Préfecture de Police in Paris were consulted. That facilitated identifying two hundred and seventy-five refugees, as well as understanding important aspects of their route towards exile, how they crossed the border, what their the journey was and the vicissitudes they experienced in French territory and what the conduct of the French authorities was.
{"title":"Spanish revolutionary exile in France (1934-1936)","authors":"R. Llorens","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2021.1943802","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2021.1943802","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The exodus provoked by the Civil War (1936–1939) is, due to its magnitude, the principal field of study on Spanish exile. Nevertheless, during the Spanish Republic in peacetime (1931–1936), different exiles took place which have not raised as much interest within the historiography. This is the case of those that had to flee Spain after being involved in the October Revolution of 1934. They were anonymous activists, the middle ranks, and also well-known leaders of the working-class movement, many of whom would play an important role during the time of the Popular Front, the Civil War and exile. In order to carry out this study, the archives of the five French départements bordering Spain, the Archives Nationales and the Archives de la Préfecture de Police in Paris were consulted. That facilitated identifying two hundred and seventy-five refugees, as well as understanding important aspects of their route towards exile, how they crossed the border, what their the journey was and the vicissitudes they experienced in French territory and what the conduct of the French authorities was.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"335 1","pages":"171 - 195"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75341737","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1944030
D. Treece
ABSTRACT What should we make of the recent neo-racist turn in Brazil – the eruption of anti-Black and anti-Indigenous hate-speech on the part of senior government officials, including President Jair Bolsonaro, combined with institutional attacks on the multi-culturalist consensus of the last two decades? While symptomatic of Bolsonarismo’s determination to roll back the previous forty years of social justice reforms, the far Right’s recent attacks on multiculturalism and the collapse of earlier consensual models of “race” and nation have both exposed a deeper underlying continuity in the racialisation of Brazilian society, above all its class character – something the Black movement’s contemporary focus on the affirmative action agenda has failed to address. The new racism should really be understood as the Neoliberal project’s reassertion of the particular historical form of racial capitalism that Bolsonarismo was appointed to reinstate, which routinely disposes of Brazil’s Afro-descendant majority as an “edge population” straddling the frontiers between inclusion and exclusion. If there is to be any prospect of rebuilding an opposition to Neoliberalism that can speak to that Black majority, the anti-racist and anti-capitalist struggles must be integrated, and anti-racism must become a priority for the Left, not merely one among many “social justice” causes, but Brazil’s national question.
{"title":"The Challenges for Anti-racists in Bolsonaro’s Brazil","authors":"D. Treece","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2021.1944030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2021.1944030","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT What should we make of the recent neo-racist turn in Brazil – the eruption of anti-Black and anti-Indigenous hate-speech on the part of senior government officials, including President Jair Bolsonaro, combined with institutional attacks on the multi-culturalist consensus of the last two decades? While symptomatic of Bolsonarismo’s determination to roll back the previous forty years of social justice reforms, the far Right’s recent attacks on multiculturalism and the collapse of earlier consensual models of “race” and nation have both exposed a deeper underlying continuity in the racialisation of Brazilian society, above all its class character – something the Black movement’s contemporary focus on the affirmative action agenda has failed to address. The new racism should really be understood as the Neoliberal project’s reassertion of the particular historical form of racial capitalism that Bolsonarismo was appointed to reinstate, which routinely disposes of Brazil’s Afro-descendant majority as an “edge population” straddling the frontiers between inclusion and exclusion. If there is to be any prospect of rebuilding an opposition to Neoliberalism that can speak to that Black majority, the anti-racist and anti-capitalist struggles must be integrated, and anti-racism must become a priority for the Left, not merely one among many “social justice” causes, but Brazil’s national question.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":"213 - 233"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85598970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1939529
Maria Reyes Baztán
ABSTRACT “Cold, hot, as a snack, as a morning tapa, with onion or without, juicy or compacted (…) the Spanish omelette – with the blessing of the paella and the Iberian ham – (…) shines as our most universal dish”. Found in every bar of Spain and consumed in every household and in every region, the Spanish omelette (tortilla española or tortilla de patatas) has contributed to Spain’s nation-building since the late nineteenth century. Despite its humble origins – which initially slowed down its general praise and acceptance – nationalist elites and nation-state agents used the omelette to promote the “Spanishness” of the Spanish cuisine and to project an image of a highly diverse but united country. Yet, the role of the tortilla in the nation-building process has been largely dismissed by scholars. This article explores how nationalist ideologues have used the tortilla to foster and promote a specific conception of the “Spanish nation” and to overcome a series of obstacles that have hindered its nation-building process since the late nineteenth century. The exploration of the omelette’s uses advances visions of Spain’s nation-building process and its recent history.
摘要:“冷的，热的，作为小吃，作为早晨的小吃，加洋葱或不加洋葱，多汁或浓缩的(…)西班牙煎蛋卷，加上海鲜饭和伊比利亚火腿，(…)闪耀着我们最普遍的光芒。”西班牙煎蛋卷(tortilla española或tortilla de patatas)出现在西班牙的每个酒吧，在每个家庭和每个地区都有食用，自19世纪末以来，它为西班牙的国家建设做出了贡献。尽管它的卑微起源——最初延缓了它的普遍赞誉和接受——民族主义精英和民族国家代理人用煎蛋来推广西班牙美食的“西班牙特色”，并塑造了一个高度多元化但团结的国家的形象。然而，玉米饼在国家建设过程中的作用在很大程度上被学者们忽视了。本文探讨了民族主义理论家如何利用玉米饼来培养和促进“西班牙民族”的特定概念，并克服了自19世纪后期以来阻碍其国家建设进程的一系列障碍。对煎蛋卷的探索使用了西班牙国家建设过程和近代史的先进愿景。
{"title":"Potatoes and nation-building: the case of the Spanish omelette","authors":"Maria Reyes Baztán","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2021.1939529","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2021.1939529","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT “Cold, hot, as a snack, as a morning tapa, with onion or without, juicy or compacted (…) the Spanish omelette – with the blessing of the paella and the Iberian ham – (…) shines as our most universal dish”. Found in every bar of Spain and consumed in every household and in every region, the Spanish omelette (tortilla española or tortilla de patatas) has contributed to Spain’s nation-building since the late nineteenth century. Despite its humble origins – which initially slowed down its general praise and acceptance – nationalist elites and nation-state agents used the omelette to promote the “Spanishness” of the Spanish cuisine and to project an image of a highly diverse but united country. Yet, the role of the tortilla in the nation-building process has been largely dismissed by scholars. This article explores how nationalist ideologues have used the tortilla to foster and promote a specific conception of the “Spanish nation” and to overcome a series of obstacles that have hindered its nation-building process since the late nineteenth century. The exploration of the omelette’s uses advances visions of Spain’s nation-building process and its recent history.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"151 - 170"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79736681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1946911
M. Mendonça
ABSTRACT The Military regime that took power in 1966, led by General Juan Carlos Onganía, aimed at restructuring the economy while putting to an end all political activities. As part of its national plan committed to anticommunism, the regime took over the national universities, which were believed to be loci of communist activities. In 1969, however, a series of popular rebellions, followed by a steady increase of urban guerrilla activities, weakened the military government. By 1970, its only option was to restore democracy and, if possible, prevent Juan Perón from winning the elections. In this context, the presidential term inaugurated by General Agustin Lanusse in 1971 signalled a shift not only in national politics, but also in university life, where the policies shifted from mere repression to an expansion of the system. This article analyses this process, stressing the importance of youth, and especially university students, in the new political scenario: as the rise of armed organizations was linked to the presence of youth, this social actor gained political momentum. Hence, the government sought to address it from several courses of action. Among them, a new university policy, which lead to a huge restructuring of the public system, stood out.
{"title":"Universities in Argentina between Lanusse and Peron (1971–1973): youth, repression and dialogue","authors":"M. Mendonça","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2021.1946911","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2021.1946911","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Military regime that took power in 1966, led by General Juan Carlos Onganía, aimed at restructuring the economy while putting to an end all political activities. As part of its national plan committed to anticommunism, the regime took over the national universities, which were believed to be loci of communist activities. In 1969, however, a series of popular rebellions, followed by a steady increase of urban guerrilla activities, weakened the military government. By 1970, its only option was to restore democracy and, if possible, prevent Juan Perón from winning the elections. In this context, the presidential term inaugurated by General Agustin Lanusse in 1971 signalled a shift not only in national politics, but also in university life, where the policies shifted from mere repression to an expansion of the system. This article analyses this process, stressing the importance of youth, and especially university students, in the new political scenario: as the rise of armed organizations was linked to the presence of youth, this social actor gained political momentum. Hence, the government sought to address it from several courses of action. Among them, a new university policy, which lead to a huge restructuring of the public system, stood out.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"4 1","pages":"235 - 250"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75167880","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1939528
Gabriela De Lima Grecco
ABSTRACT The aim of this paper is to study the rise of fascism in Brazil, focusing on the most important fascist movement in Latin America: Ação Integralista Brasileira (AIB). Additionally, the article analyses the ties between the New State of Getúlio Vargas and the AIB, pointing out the complex and conflicted relations that exist between authoritarian dictatorships, on the one hand, and fascist movements on the other. The creation of the AIB situated fascist political culture in an elevated position in the Brazilian political scene. At the same time, the integralists sought to differentiate themselves from the European form of fascism. In this sense, this study also highly relevant in that it can reveal the political commonalities between European and Latin American fascist movements, as well as the importance of fascist ideology as a source of inspiration or as a political point of reference for other dictatorships or anti-liberal movements.
{"title":"Samba with fascism: Ação Integralista Brasileira and its relations with the New State of Getúlio Vargas","authors":"Gabriela De Lima Grecco","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2021.1939528","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2021.1939528","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The aim of this paper is to study the rise of fascism in Brazil, focusing on the most important fascist movement in Latin America: Ação Integralista Brasileira (AIB). Additionally, the article analyses the ties between the New State of Getúlio Vargas and the AIB, pointing out the complex and conflicted relations that exist between authoritarian dictatorships, on the one hand, and fascist movements on the other. The creation of the AIB situated fascist political culture in an elevated position in the Brazilian political scene. At the same time, the integralists sought to differentiate themselves from the European form of fascism. In this sense, this study also highly relevant in that it can reveal the political commonalities between European and Latin American fascist movements, as well as the importance of fascist ideology as a source of inspiration or as a political point of reference for other dictatorships or anti-liberal movements.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"118 49","pages":"133 - 149"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/14701847.2021.1939528","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72370893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1904173
(2021). Editorial Note. Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies: Vol. 27, Trajectories of Republican Exiles after the Spanish Civil War, pp. 1-1.
{"title":"Editorial Note","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2021.1904173","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2021.1904173","url":null,"abstract":"(2021). Editorial Note. Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies: Vol. 27, Trajectories of Republican Exiles after the Spanish Civil War, pp. 1-1.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"260 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138505486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1898153
Diego Gaspar Celaya
ABSTRACT Thousands of Spaniards contributed to the defence and the liberation of France as military contractors, legionnaires and soldiers between 1939 and 1945. This paper focuses on three elements of their contributions. First, it investigates the importance of French internment camps for Spanish refugees that became key recruitment grounds for soldiers and labourers. Secondly, it will analyse the importance of the military background Spanish volunteers acquired in both Spanish and French ranks. Thirdly, it will analyse the features of Free French Spanish volunteers and their fighting itineraries as transnational soldiers. Despite its importance, politicians in both France and Spain only recognised Spanish contributions to the French resistance after the Second World War. This is a fourth aspect of the entangled Franco-Spanish history of the Second World War that this article analyses. By incorporating the accounts of French Gaullists, Communists and Spanish Francoists, it demonstrates how the context of the Cold War, which reinforced these interpretations, left little room for the study and commemorative inclusion of these “outsiders”.
{"title":"Spanish exiles, transnational soldiers from the French internment camps to the Free French Forces","authors":"Diego Gaspar Celaya","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2021.1898153","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2021.1898153","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Thousands of Spaniards contributed to the defence and the liberation of France as military contractors, legionnaires and soldiers between 1939 and 1945. This paper focuses on three elements of their contributions. First, it investigates the importance of French internment camps for Spanish refugees that became key recruitment grounds for soldiers and labourers. Secondly, it will analyse the importance of the military background Spanish volunteers acquired in both Spanish and French ranks. Thirdly, it will analyse the features of Free French Spanish volunteers and their fighting itineraries as transnational soldiers. Despite its importance, politicians in both France and Spain only recognised Spanish contributions to the French resistance after the Second World War. This is a fourth aspect of the entangled Franco-Spanish history of the Second World War that this article analyses. By incorporating the accounts of French Gaullists, Communists and Spanish Francoists, it demonstrates how the context of the Cold War, which reinforced these interpretations, left little room for the study and commemorative inclusion of these “outsiders”.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"7 1","pages":"27 - 40"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85139211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1898154
Olga Glondys
ABSTRACT Coinciding with a growing activity of the new opposition groups, produced in the end of the decade of the 1950s and whose main result was the meeting in 1962 in Munich, an important campaign was held in 1961 for the amnesty of the Spanish political prisoners. Behind the great history of this international protest were found, not easy to unravel or perceive at the time, rivalries and struggles for the leadership among the anti-Franco forces, as well as internal discussions about the strategic aspects of such actions. The article documents that the strategy of countering communist campaigns and propaganda activities from the radical anti-communist approach found growing rejection in progressive circles of liberal exile, generating an important controversy following a protest letter published by Republican Spanish intellectuals in The New York Times regarding pro-amnesty activities of the communists. Those internal quarrels among the liberal sectors of the opposition revealed the growing sterility of the political projects of the anticommunist exile leaders connected to the American covert cold war organisations, and gave reason to the supporters of an action of influence and political mobilization led from inside Spain and among its new opposition groups.
{"title":"Cold war controversies in the pro-amnesty campaigns of the Spanish political prisoners (1961) and the erosion of Spanish exiles’ leadership in the anti-Francoist policies1","authors":"Olga Glondys","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2021.1898154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2021.1898154","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Coinciding with a growing activity of the new opposition groups, produced in the end of the decade of the 1950s and whose main result was the meeting in 1962 in Munich, an important campaign was held in 1961 for the amnesty of the Spanish political prisoners. Behind the great history of this international protest were found, not easy to unravel or perceive at the time, rivalries and struggles for the leadership among the anti-Franco forces, as well as internal discussions about the strategic aspects of such actions. The article documents that the strategy of countering communist campaigns and propaganda activities from the radical anti-communist approach found growing rejection in progressive circles of liberal exile, generating an important controversy following a protest letter published by Republican Spanish intellectuals in The New York Times regarding pro-amnesty activities of the communists. Those internal quarrels among the liberal sectors of the opposition revealed the growing sterility of the political projects of the anticommunist exile leaders connected to the American covert cold war organisations, and gave reason to the supporters of an action of influence and political mobilization led from inside Spain and among its new opposition groups.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"29 1","pages":"63 - 77"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76074961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/14701847.2021.1897753
Scott Ramsay, Liam Morris
ABSTRACT This is an introduction to a special issue on the experiences of Republican exiles who fled Spain during Spanish Civil War. The aim of the issue is to focus on elements of the experiences of Spaniards in exile that have received little attention in English-language scholarship. The articles within cover the experiences of women in exile in France; Spaniards who fought in the Free French Forces during the Second World War; the plight of Republican refugees in Soviet gulags; and Spanish intellectuals in exile who clashed with the Spanish Communist Party on issues relating to pro-amnesty campaigns for political prisoners in Spain.
{"title":"Introduction: trajectories of republican exiles after the Spanish Civil War","authors":"Scott Ramsay, Liam Morris","doi":"10.1080/14701847.2021.1897753","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2021.1897753","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This is an introduction to a special issue on the experiences of Republican exiles who fled Spain during Spanish Civil War. The aim of the issue is to focus on elements of the experiences of Spaniards in exile that have received little attention in English-language scholarship. The articles within cover the experiences of women in exile in France; Spaniards who fought in the Free French Forces during the Second World War; the plight of Republican refugees in Soviet gulags; and Spanish intellectuals in exile who clashed with the Spanish Communist Party on issues relating to pro-amnesty campaigns for political prisoners in Spain.","PeriodicalId":53911,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies","volume":"12 1","pages":"3 - 5"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81960519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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