Pub Date : 2022-06-17DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2022.2075723
María Inés Moraes, Rebeca Riella, C. Vicario, Pablo Marmissolle
ABSTRACT There has recently been renewed interest among economic historians in preindustrial inequality, but there are still few case studies on wealth inequality in preindustrial Latin America, particularly involving colonial Spanish America before 1820. This paper presents a study of wealth inequality in Montevideo, an area of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, in the late colonial period. This work addresses the level of wealth inequality, the composition of wealth, and its relationship with social structure in Montevideo in the late eighteenth century. It uses a data set of probate inventories and population records as its main sources, estimating a Gini index, presenting a stylized picture of the social structure, and analysing the differences in wealth between social groups in 1772–3. The main finding is that wealth inequality in Montevideo was similar to that in the English colonies of North America in 1774 and was lower than that in preindustrial economies in Europe in the same time period. Although most of this society was made up of a relatively wealthy middle class, some important assets were strongly concentrated among the elite.
{"title":"Wealth inequality in colonial Hispanic-America: Montevideo in the late eighteenth century","authors":"María Inés Moraes, Rebeca Riella, C. Vicario, Pablo Marmissolle","doi":"10.1080/20780389.2022.2075723","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20780389.2022.2075723","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT There has recently been renewed interest among economic historians in preindustrial inequality, but there are still few case studies on wealth inequality in preindustrial Latin America, particularly involving colonial Spanish America before 1820. This paper presents a study of wealth inequality in Montevideo, an area of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, in the late colonial period. This work addresses the level of wealth inequality, the composition of wealth, and its relationship with social structure in Montevideo in the late eighteenth century. It uses a data set of probate inventories and population records as its main sources, estimating a Gini index, presenting a stylized picture of the social structure, and analysing the differences in wealth between social groups in 1772–3. The main finding is that wealth inequality in Montevideo was similar to that in the English colonies of North America in 1774 and was lower than that in preindustrial economies in Europe in the same time period. Although most of this society was made up of a relatively wealthy middle class, some important assets were strongly concentrated among the elite.","PeriodicalId":54115,"journal":{"name":"Economic History of Developing Regions","volume":"37 1","pages":"288 - 314"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-06-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60048779","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-15DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2022.2058926
Atsushi Kobayashi
ABSTRACT While scholars have disclosed the pre-1870 intercontinental market integration between Europe and Asia, the contemporaneous intra-Asian international market has been assumed fragmentary. Contrary to this prevailing view, this study demonstrates that Southeast Asia's international rice market was in a process of integration from the 1830s onwards, with a dynamic shift in market linkages and efficiency via Singapore. Specifically, an estimation of coefficient of variation demonstrates long-run price convergence in Java, Singapore, and Southern China from the 1830s until 1872. Moreover, according to temporal variations of transaction costs and adjustment speed estimated using a Threshold Autoregressive model, direct market integration between Java and China shifted to indirect integration based on Singapore's intermediary function after the mid-1840s; market efficiency steadily improved through speedier information transmission while adapting to changing market linkages. This study suggests that rather than Western-led trade liberalizations, Singapore's entrepôt function significantly contributed to the post-1830s progress of Southeast Asia's rice market integration.
{"title":"Market integration via entrepôt: Southeast Asia's rice trade, 1828–1870","authors":"Atsushi Kobayashi","doi":"10.1080/20780389.2022.2058926","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20780389.2022.2058926","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While scholars have disclosed the pre-1870 intercontinental market integration between Europe and Asia, the contemporaneous intra-Asian international market has been assumed fragmentary. Contrary to this prevailing view, this study demonstrates that Southeast Asia's international rice market was in a process of integration from the 1830s onwards, with a dynamic shift in market linkages and efficiency via Singapore. Specifically, an estimation of coefficient of variation demonstrates long-run price convergence in Java, Singapore, and Southern China from the 1830s until 1872. Moreover, according to temporal variations of transaction costs and adjustment speed estimated using a Threshold Autoregressive model, direct market integration between Java and China shifted to indirect integration based on Singapore's intermediary function after the mid-1840s; market efficiency steadily improved through speedier information transmission while adapting to changing market linkages. This study suggests that rather than Western-led trade liberalizations, Singapore's entrepôt function significantly contributed to the post-1830s progress of Southeast Asia's rice market integration.","PeriodicalId":54115,"journal":{"name":"Economic History of Developing Regions","volume":"37 1","pages":"201 - 226"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45771266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-10DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2022.2057294
Jacob Ferrell, Joel Wainwright
ABSTRACT The former British colony of Belize faces serious economic problems today, reflecting a collapse in tourism following COVID-19. To account for this fragility, a return to economic history is needed. We focus on two critical periods. First, we examine why the Belizean state was unable to form a developmental state in the period of the anticolonial movement and self-government (the 1950s–1960s). Particular attention is given to George Price, leader of the anti-colonial People’s United Party (PUP) and ‘father of the country’. Second, turning to the post-colonial period, we examine one experimental chapter that lasted roughly a decade (1998–2007) when a coherent state-led economic strategy was pursued. During both periods the PUP-led state sought to reorganize development strategy along progressive lines, but failed to deliver. Because capital was almost completely foreign dominated, the fledgling Belizean developmental state could not discipline capital toward developmental alignment.
{"title":"The political economy of development in Belize under the People’s United Party","authors":"Jacob Ferrell, Joel Wainwright","doi":"10.1080/20780389.2022.2057294","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20780389.2022.2057294","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The former British colony of Belize faces serious economic problems today, reflecting a collapse in tourism following COVID-19. To account for this fragility, a return to economic history is needed. We focus on two critical periods. First, we examine why the Belizean state was unable to form a developmental state in the period of the anticolonial movement and self-government (the 1950s–1960s). Particular attention is given to George Price, leader of the anti-colonial People’s United Party (PUP) and ‘father of the country’. Second, turning to the post-colonial period, we examine one experimental chapter that lasted roughly a decade (1998–2007) when a coherent state-led economic strategy was pursued. During both periods the PUP-led state sought to reorganize development strategy along progressive lines, but failed to deliver. Because capital was almost completely foreign dominated, the fledgling Belizean developmental state could not discipline capital toward developmental alignment.","PeriodicalId":54115,"journal":{"name":"Economic History of Developing Regions","volume":"38 1","pages":"65 - 88"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47015662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-14DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2021.2025046
M. Llorca-Jaña, Javier Rivas, I. Pérez, Juan Navarrete-Montalvo
ABSTRACT This paper studies the evolution of numeracy in Chile for cohorts born from the 1780s to the 1970s, providing a new series of this important indicator of human capital, essential to promote economic growth. This is the longest series currently available of any human capital indicator for Chile. It shows that numeracy was very low until the early twentieth century but that, contrary to traditional interpretations, it increased gradually from the 1780s (well before the promulgation of the primary instruction law of 1860), until full basic numeracy skills were achieved by the mid-twentieth century. This transition was completed some 3–4 decades after parallel developments occurred in the leading countries of the region and some 120 years behind the most developed areas of Europe. This development was characterized by high gender numeracy inequality until the first decades of the twentieth century, as well as by a pronounced regional inequality. However, there was a quick process of convergence across provinces, completed at the same time as gender inequality was reduced. Our numeracy data is also consistent with alternative human capital indicators such as literacy and schooling, and we provide a set of explanations about why they all improved, and their timing.
{"title":"Human capital in Chile: The development of numeracy during the last 250 years","authors":"M. Llorca-Jaña, Javier Rivas, I. Pérez, Juan Navarrete-Montalvo","doi":"10.1080/20780389.2021.2025046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20780389.2021.2025046","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper studies the evolution of numeracy in Chile for cohorts born from the 1780s to the 1970s, providing a new series of this important indicator of human capital, essential to promote economic growth. This is the longest series currently available of any human capital indicator for Chile. It shows that numeracy was very low until the early twentieth century but that, contrary to traditional interpretations, it increased gradually from the 1780s (well before the promulgation of the primary instruction law of 1860), until full basic numeracy skills were achieved by the mid-twentieth century. This transition was completed some 3–4 decades after parallel developments occurred in the leading countries of the region and some 120 years behind the most developed areas of Europe. This development was characterized by high gender numeracy inequality until the first decades of the twentieth century, as well as by a pronounced regional inequality. However, there was a quick process of convergence across provinces, completed at the same time as gender inequality was reduced. Our numeracy data is also consistent with alternative human capital indicators such as literacy and schooling, and we provide a set of explanations about why they all improved, and their timing.","PeriodicalId":54115,"journal":{"name":"Economic History of Developing Regions","volume":"37 1","pages":"227 - 256"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-02-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42722530","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-04DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2021.2024073
Stefania Galli, D. Theodoridis, K. Rönnbäck
ABSTRACT The present article provides a comparative review of historical economic inequality in the two most unequal regions of the world, namely Latin America and Africa. This contribution examines novel studies that provide quantitative estimates of income and/or wealth inequality in the two continents in terms of sources, methods, results and interpretations, focusing on the period 1650 to 1950. The article shows that although scholars in the two regions have often employed similar methodologies, their results are far from conforming to a uniform pattern. The present review highlights how scholars of Latin America and Africa tend to remain geographically isolated, failing to capture the learning opportunities stemming from the work of their continental counterparts in terms of both sources and methods.
{"title":"Economic inequality in Latin America and Africa, 1650 to 1950: Can a comparison of historical trajectories help to understand underdevelopment?","authors":"Stefania Galli, D. Theodoridis, K. Rönnbäck","doi":"10.1080/20780389.2021.2024073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20780389.2021.2024073","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The present article provides a comparative review of historical economic inequality in the two most unequal regions of the world, namely Latin America and Africa. This contribution examines novel studies that provide quantitative estimates of income and/or wealth inequality in the two continents in terms of sources, methods, results and interpretations, focusing on the period 1650 to 1950. The article shows that although scholars in the two regions have often employed similar methodologies, their results are far from conforming to a uniform pattern. The present review highlights how scholars of Latin America and Africa tend to remain geographically isolated, failing to capture the learning opportunities stemming from the work of their continental counterparts in terms of both sources and methods.","PeriodicalId":54115,"journal":{"name":"Economic History of Developing Regions","volume":"38 1","pages":"41 - 64"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41619005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-18DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2021.2009797
Nikita Lychakov, D. Saprykin, Nadia Vanteeva
ABSTRACT Using data from official manufacturing censuses, we compare labour productivity in the UK and the Russian Empire around 1908 in the industries in which medium- and large-size enterprises predominated. We find that Russia’s labour productivity was 75.3 or 57.4% of the British level, depending on whether we include or exclude Russia’s large and highly productive spirits industry. Russia’s productivity was between France’s and the Netherlands’, if we include the spirits industry; and between the Netherlands’ and Italy’s, if we exclude it. We find that the majority of Russian industries underperformed the British ones. However, some of the industries that had been established or modernized during the state-induced industrialization policies of the 1890s, including the metallurgy in the Southern industrial region, iron and steel tubes, railway carriages, and butter and cheese, performed on a par with or close to their British counterparts. The remaining modernized industries, including spirits, tobacco, and petrochemical sectors, outperformed their British equivalents. Our findings suggest that although Russia’s aggregate labour productivity lagged behind the UK’s, Russia’s modernized industries achieved, and in some cases surpassed, the productivity level of their British counterparts.
{"title":"Comparative labour productivity in British and Russian manufacturing, circa 1908","authors":"Nikita Lychakov, D. Saprykin, Nadia Vanteeva","doi":"10.1080/20780389.2021.2009797","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20780389.2021.2009797","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Using data from official manufacturing censuses, we compare labour productivity in the UK and the Russian Empire around 1908 in the industries in which medium- and large-size enterprises predominated. We find that Russia’s labour productivity was 75.3 or 57.4% of the British level, depending on whether we include or exclude Russia’s large and highly productive spirits industry. Russia’s productivity was between France’s and the Netherlands’, if we include the spirits industry; and between the Netherlands’ and Italy’s, if we exclude it. We find that the majority of Russian industries underperformed the British ones. However, some of the industries that had been established or modernized during the state-induced industrialization policies of the 1890s, including the metallurgy in the Southern industrial region, iron and steel tubes, railway carriages, and butter and cheese, performed on a par with or close to their British counterparts. The remaining modernized industries, including spirits, tobacco, and petrochemical sectors, outperformed their British equivalents. Our findings suggest that although Russia’s aggregate labour productivity lagged behind the UK’s, Russia’s modernized industries achieved, and in some cases surpassed, the productivity level of their British counterparts.","PeriodicalId":54115,"journal":{"name":"Economic History of Developing Regions","volume":"37 1","pages":"170 - 200"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46521553","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-17DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2021.1985454
Toyomu Masaki
ABSTRACT This study focuses on the global trade of guinée cloth mainly produced in French India and exported to French West Africa from 1826 to 1925. The article first re-examines the guinée cloth and its role in the western Sahel. Second, it argues that the guinée produced in the French factories established in French India was costly but of poor quality. Consequently, a similar type of cloth made in Europe began replacing the guinée in the Senegalese market in the late nineteenth century. Therefore, the producers of the guinée in the French empire supported protective measures, although merchants and relevant governments did not always share this opinion. Furthermore, the unstable political climate of the early French Third Republic promoted frequent changes in the trade policy on guinée cloth. Consequently, in addition to the traditional route from Saint Louis, Senegal, the article demonstrates that the export of Indian guinée began through more protected routes in northern Africa and was then distributed within the wider region of West Africa. Even the Méline Tariff opened the guinée producers in French India to new markets. Through the guinée cloth trade, this study demonstrates how colonialism and imperialism could lead to globalization.
{"title":"Indian guinée cloth, West Africa, and the French colonial empire 1826–1925: Colonialism and imperialism as agents of globalization","authors":"Toyomu Masaki","doi":"10.1080/20780389.2021.1985454","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20780389.2021.1985454","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study focuses on the global trade of guinée cloth mainly produced in French India and exported to French West Africa from 1826 to 1925. The article first re-examines the guinée cloth and its role in the western Sahel. Second, it argues that the guinée produced in the French factories established in French India was costly but of poor quality. Consequently, a similar type of cloth made in Europe began replacing the guinée in the Senegalese market in the late nineteenth century. Therefore, the producers of the guinée in the French empire supported protective measures, although merchants and relevant governments did not always share this opinion. Furthermore, the unstable political climate of the early French Third Republic promoted frequent changes in the trade policy on guinée cloth. Consequently, in addition to the traditional route from Saint Louis, Senegal, the article demonstrates that the export of Indian guinée began through more protected routes in northern Africa and was then distributed within the wider region of West Africa. Even the Méline Tariff opened the guinée producers in French India to new markets. Through the guinée cloth trade, this study demonstrates how colonialism and imperialism could lead to globalization.","PeriodicalId":54115,"journal":{"name":"Economic History of Developing Regions","volume":"37 1","pages":"101 - 127"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45794647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-17DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2021.1987212
Francisco J. Marco-Gracia, J. Fourie
ABSTRACT At the beginning of the twentieth century in South Africa, the sex ratio for black children under five years was one of the lowest ever recorded. Sex ratios also differed markedly by racial group. Those for white children remained almost invariable, with more boys than girls, while black children had a clear majority of girls, a situation that the literature has almost completely overlooked. The reasons are still not completely clear. Although sex ratios at birth show more births of boys than girls, boys’ mortality was higher than girls’ mortality. Why boys’ mortality was so high and why, as a consequence, the twentieth-century under-five sex ratio for black children was so skewed towards girls, a ratio much lower, for example, than the sex ratios of pre-industrial European countries, remains unanswered. We suggest several possible explanations. The most likely explanation, we argue, was a preference for girls.
{"title":"The missing boys: Understanding the unbalanced sex ratio in South Africa, 1894–2011","authors":"Francisco J. Marco-Gracia, J. Fourie","doi":"10.1080/20780389.2021.1987212","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20780389.2021.1987212","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT At the beginning of the twentieth century in South Africa, the sex ratio for black children under five years was one of the lowest ever recorded. Sex ratios also differed markedly by racial group. Those for white children remained almost invariable, with more boys than girls, while black children had a clear majority of girls, a situation that the literature has almost completely overlooked. The reasons are still not completely clear. Although sex ratios at birth show more births of boys than girls, boys’ mortality was higher than girls’ mortality. Why boys’ mortality was so high and why, as a consequence, the twentieth-century under-five sex ratio for black children was so skewed towards girls, a ratio much lower, for example, than the sex ratios of pre-industrial European countries, remains unanswered. We suggest several possible explanations. The most likely explanation, we argue, was a preference for girls.","PeriodicalId":54115,"journal":{"name":"Economic History of Developing Regions","volume":"37 1","pages":"128 - 146"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46293202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-04DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2021.1962705
L. Zegarra
ABSTRACT I analyse the effect of borrower income on loan rates in the credit market of Lima in 1840–65. I show that borrower income had a negative effect on interest rates. Borrower income influenced interest rates mostly through the impact on loan sizes: richer borrowers received larger loans and larger loans were associated with lower loan rates. The results are consistent with the influence of economies of scale on lending and differences in risk between large and small borrowers.
{"title":"Borrower income and loan rates in the credit market of Lima","authors":"L. Zegarra","doi":"10.1080/20780389.2021.1962705","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20780389.2021.1962705","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT I analyse the effect of borrower income on loan rates in the credit market of Lima in 1840–65. I show that borrower income had a negative effect on interest rates. Borrower income influenced interest rates mostly through the impact on loan sizes: richer borrowers received larger loans and larger loans were associated with lower loan rates. The results are consistent with the influence of economies of scale on lending and differences in risk between large and small borrowers.","PeriodicalId":54115,"journal":{"name":"Economic History of Developing Regions","volume":"37 1","pages":"147 - 169"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45072031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/20780389.2021.1917988
C. Marichal, G. Barragán
ABSTRACT The banking history of Latin America and Spain has emerged as a quite active field for comparative research in economics and history. To show the recent liveliness in the field and the many new sources available, the article begins with two sections that provide an overview of the banking history of many countries, as well as bibliographies and references to essential historical documents. Subsequently we present a new web page, hbancaria.org, which contains a bibliography, data, and information on primary sources, researchers, digital collections, and projects related to the field. One of the main objectives of this type of project is to promote discussion among specialists and share information through formats and technologies currently available.
{"title":"New perspectives and sources of the history of banking in Latin America and Spain, nineteenth to twentieth centuries","authors":"C. Marichal, G. Barragán","doi":"10.1080/20780389.2021.1917988","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/20780389.2021.1917988","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The banking history of Latin America and Spain has emerged as a quite active field for comparative research in economics and history. To show the recent liveliness in the field and the many new sources available, the article begins with two sections that provide an overview of the banking history of many countries, as well as bibliographies and references to essential historical documents. Subsequently we present a new web page, hbancaria.org, which contains a bibliography, data, and information on primary sources, researchers, digital collections, and projects related to the field. One of the main objectives of this type of project is to promote discussion among specialists and share information through formats and technologies currently available.","PeriodicalId":54115,"journal":{"name":"Economic History of Developing Regions","volume":"36 1","pages":"451 - 463"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46972365","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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