Pub Date : 2020-12-05DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.08
Steir-Livny
ABSTRACT:The article explores several Israeli documentary films of the past fifteen years which dare to touch on the under-researched subject of romantic relationships between Israeli Jews and German non-Jews, in three different documentary sub-genres. The main premise here is that overall, the heightened emphasis in Israel on Holocaust commemoration, the unique insights of second and third generation survivor offspring, the rise of globalization and the attraction felt by contemporary Israelis to Berlin have inspired the production of films that tackle a subject once considered taboo. Unlike current Israeli documentaries however, which treat political and social issues like the plight of the Palestinians, immigrant workers, asylum seekers, etc., and focus on “the other” or “the stranger”, the films discussed here, burdened by Holocaust memory, foreground the Jewish-Israeli side of the relationship, thus precluding an in-depth representation of the German side.
{"title":"(Im)Possible Romance: Intimate Relationships Between Israeli Jews and Non-Jewish Germans in Contemporary Israeli Documentary Cinema","authors":"Steir-Livny","doi":"10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.08","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:The article explores several Israeli documentary films of the past fifteen years which dare to touch on the under-researched subject of romantic relationships between Israeli Jews and German non-Jews, in three different documentary sub-genres. The main premise here is that overall, the heightened emphasis in Israel on Holocaust commemoration, the unique insights of second and third generation survivor offspring, the rise of globalization and the attraction felt by contemporary Israelis to Berlin have inspired the production of films that tackle a subject once considered taboo. Unlike current Israeli documentaries however, which treat political and social issues like the plight of the Palestinians, immigrant workers, asylum seekers, etc., and focus on “the other” or “the stranger”, the films discussed here, burdened by Holocaust memory, foreground the Jewish-Israeli side of the relationship, thus precluding an in-depth representation of the German side.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":"149 - 171"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42400743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-05DOI: 10.2979/ISRAELSTUDIES.26.1.02
D. Tal
ABSTRACT:The accepted approach to American-Israeli relations during Eisenhower’s presidency (1953–1957) holds that Eisenhower was aloof and distant toward Israel. Yet, Eisenhower’s policies toward Israel during those years were nuanced and sophisticated, entwining interests and ideals. With the onset of the Cold War, Eisenhower aimed to preserve and increase American influence in the Middle East in a way that would not put Israel at risk, but would respond to concerns voiced at home about his policies toward Israel and the surrounding nations. Furthermore, the administration’s approach was more continuous with Truman’s than Eisenhower and Dulles let on, as evidenced by their policy of “friendly impartiality” toward Israel, attentiveness to Israel’s military and economic needs, and sensitivity to the views of American Jewry.
{"title":"United States—Israel Relations (1953–1957) Revisited","authors":"D. Tal","doi":"10.2979/ISRAELSTUDIES.26.1.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/ISRAELSTUDIES.26.1.02","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:The accepted approach to American-Israeli relations during Eisenhower’s presidency (1953–1957) holds that Eisenhower was aloof and distant toward Israel. Yet, Eisenhower’s policies toward Israel during those years were nuanced and sophisticated, entwining interests and ideals. With the onset of the Cold War, Eisenhower aimed to preserve and increase American influence in the Middle East in a way that would not put Israel at risk, but would respond to concerns voiced at home about his policies toward Israel and the surrounding nations. Furthermore, the administration’s approach was more continuous with Truman’s than Eisenhower and Dulles let on, as evidenced by their policy of “friendly impartiality” toward Israel, attentiveness to Israel’s military and economic needs, and sensitivity to the views of American Jewry.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":"24 - 46"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42762791","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-05DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.09
Havatzelet Yahel
ABSTRACT:In 2007, a majority of UN member states adopted a declaration regarding the rights of indigenous people. The declaration acknowledged a series of indigenous rights but failed to provide a concrete definition of who is indigenous. As a result, the term remained vague, open to interpretation and manipulation, and led to confusion and controversy. In Israel mean-while the indigenous concept found a foothold in public discourse. The Israeli Supreme Court (ISC) first encountered the concept when Negev Bedouin citizens claimed indigenous land rights. Two years later, the ISC applied the same concept in a series of judgments regarding the status of the permanent residents of East Jerusalem. The article examines the way the international indigenous discourse has penetrated ISC rulings and analyzes the phenomenon in light of the judicial activism discourse.
{"title":"Israel and International Law: The Indigenous Concept in Supreme Court Rulings","authors":"Havatzelet Yahel","doi":"10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.09","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:In 2007, a majority of UN member states adopted a declaration regarding the rights of indigenous people. The declaration acknowledged a series of indigenous rights but failed to provide a concrete definition of who is indigenous. As a result, the term remained vague, open to interpretation and manipulation, and led to confusion and controversy. In Israel mean-while the indigenous concept found a foothold in public discourse. The Israeli Supreme Court (ISC) first encountered the concept when Negev Bedouin citizens claimed indigenous land rights. Two years later, the ISC applied the same concept in a series of judgments regarding the status of the permanent residents of East Jerusalem. The article examines the way the international indigenous discourse has penetrated ISC rulings and analyzes the phenomenon in light of the judicial activism discourse.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":"172 - 195"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45286724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-05DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.10
Reuven Gafni
ABSTRACT:The article presents in a preliminary manner, a historical and geographical phenomenon that has yet to be dealt with extensively: The settlement and activities of Jewish medical personnel working alone in Arab towns and villages from the beginning of the Mandate period till the outbreak of the Arab Revolt: , the motives which led Jewish doctors to settle in Arab cities; the characteristics of their activities, medical and cultural; the relations they formed with the local Arab populace; and the circumstances which eventually led to the end of their activities in these cities. A sensitive reading of related sources may offer a deeper insight into the phenomenon as it was perceived within the bi-national context—mainly on the Jewish side, but on the Arab side as well. The article is based on current research dealing with Jews in Arab cities during the Mandate period, with a primary focus on several Jewish physicians who worked within an Arab milieu before the Arab Revolt.
{"title":"Lone Jewish Medical Personnel in Arab Towns: A Conditional Presence in British Mandate Palestine","authors":"Reuven Gafni","doi":"10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.10","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:The article presents in a preliminary manner, a historical and geographical phenomenon that has yet to be dealt with extensively: The settlement and activities of Jewish medical personnel working alone in Arab towns and villages from the beginning of the Mandate period till the outbreak of the Arab Revolt: , the motives which led Jewish doctors to settle in Arab cities; the characteristics of their activities, medical and cultural; the relations they formed with the local Arab populace; and the circumstances which eventually led to the end of their activities in these cities. A sensitive reading of related sources may offer a deeper insight into the phenomenon as it was perceived within the bi-national context—mainly on the Jewish side, but on the Arab side as well. The article is based on current research dealing with Jews in Arab cities during the Mandate period, with a primary focus on several Jewish physicians who worked within an Arab milieu before the Arab Revolt.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":"196 - 218"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42156458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-05DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.07
Timor
ABSTRACT:The article investigates the rising influence of the Herut-Liberal Party’s student organization. It focuses on the remarkable achievements of young activists who garnered ideological support for the party and were instrumental in the coming to power of a new leadership in the Likud-led government.
{"title":"Right-Wing Elite on Israeli Campuses: The Herut Student Movement, 1965–1977","authors":"Timor","doi":"10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.07","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:The article investigates the rising influence of the Herut-Liberal Party’s student organization. It focuses on the remarkable achievements of young activists who garnered ideological support for the party and were instrumental in the coming to power of a new leadership in the Likud-led government.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":"126 - 148"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45993929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-05DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.06
Michal Shaul
ABSTRACT:The article illuminates the process by which the Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) memory of the Holocaust has been transformed to enlist society in reconstructing consciousness of the tragedy into a carefully nurtured memory of idyllic ultra-Orthodox life in interwar Eastern Europe, with the assertion that there is a direct continuity between that vanished life and life in Israel today.
{"title":"Memory as a Mobilizing Force: The Restoration of the Haredi World in Israel After the Holocaust","authors":"Michal Shaul","doi":"10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.06","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:The article illuminates the process by which the Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) memory of the Holocaust has been transformed to enlist society in reconstructing consciousness of the tragedy into a carefully nurtured memory of idyllic ultra-Orthodox life in interwar Eastern Europe, with the assertion that there is a direct continuity between that vanished life and life in Israel today.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":"102 - 125"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49563915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-05DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.04
Khinvraj Jangid
ABSTRACT:Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first Prime Minister (1947–64), and David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first Prime Minister (1948–54; 1955–63), played substantial roles in shaping two modern nation-states in post-Colonial Asia. The article is anchored by a comparative study of the two leaders who influenced nation-building through their individual political values and ideological convictions. The key question posed here is what similarities existed in the nation-building roles these figures played and how they may have contributed to the trajectories followed by their respective nations. Nehru and Ben-Gurion were both modernists in terms of their political visions of a secular, socialist-democratic and egalitarian state. Although the two men never met and remained on non-speaking terms because India had reservations about forging ties with Israel, they both represented qualities of leadership in Asia.
{"title":"Imagining Nations, Creating States: Nehru, Ben-Gurion and an Analogical Study of India and Israel in Post-colonial Asia","authors":"Khinvraj Jangid","doi":"10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.04","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first Prime Minister (1947–64), and David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first Prime Minister (1948–54; 1955–63), played substantial roles in shaping two modern nation-states in post-Colonial Asia. The article is anchored by a comparative study of the two leaders who influenced nation-building through their individual political values and ideological convictions. The key question posed here is what similarities existed in the nation-building roles these figures played and how they may have contributed to the trajectories followed by their respective nations. Nehru and Ben-Gurion were both modernists in terms of their political visions of a secular, socialist-democratic and egalitarian state. Although the two men never met and remained on non-speaking terms because India had reservations about forging ties with Israel, they both represented qualities of leadership in Asia.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":"73 - 94"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48066801","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-26DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.03
R. Cohen-Almagor
ABSTRACT:The article records my interview with Track Two Palestinian peace negotiator Hussein Agha. We discussed his own involvement in the peace process; the Oslo Accords; the Stockholm channel; the Beilin/Abu Mazen Agreement and Camp David 2000. We also discussed the qualities of the two Palestinian leaders who chose him for different assignments, Arafat and Abbas; the use of violence as a political weapon; Palestinian internal rivalries; the merits of Track Two negotiations, and the Palestinian Right of Return. The interview assesses the positive and negative lessons and implications of the peace process.
{"title":"History of Track Two Peace Negotiations: Interview with Hussein Agha","authors":"R. Cohen-Almagor","doi":"10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.26.1.03","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:The article records my interview with Track Two Palestinian peace negotiator Hussein Agha. We discussed his own involvement in the peace process; the Oslo Accords; the Stockholm channel; the Beilin/Abu Mazen Agreement and Camp David 2000. We also discussed the qualities of the two Palestinian leaders who chose him for different assignments, Arafat and Abbas; the use of violence as a political weapon; Palestinian internal rivalries; the merits of Track Two negotiations, and the Palestinian Right of Return. The interview assesses the positive and negative lessons and implications of the peace process.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":"47 - 72"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44999478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-23DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.25.3.11
Ilan Peleg
{"title":"Introduction to Israel Dialectics—The 2018 Basic Law: Israel as the Nation-State of the Jewish People","authors":"Ilan Peleg","doi":"10.2979/israelstudies.25.3.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.25.3.11","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"132 - 134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46880009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-23DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.25.3.18
Ôrît Kāmîr
ABSTRACT:The Basic Law: Israel as Nation-State was not crafted to pronounce any arrangement or instate any procedure. The article claims that the basic law was constructed to elevate the discourse of national Jewish honor and the legislative and executive branches that champion it, while downgrading human dignity and rights, the basic law that constitutes them, and the judiciary that enforces them. Israel, and the Zionist movement that created it, have always vacillated between a devotion to human dignity—the absolute value accorded to every human being as such—and a commitment to the idea of honor, the honor of the Jewish nation in particular. The pursuit of national honor dictates an attribution of a hierarchy of values to different people and national groups; it goes hand in hand with internal, group "loyalty" at the expense of the humane treatment of "others". It encourages admiration of a "strong leader" who symbolizes the collective. This article claims that the enactment of Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty was understood as giving precedence to dignity over national honor, and to the judiciary over other branches of government. In contrast, the enactment of Basic Law: Israel as Nation-State was designed to enhance the honor of the Jewish nation, to make it "great again". The article claims that in order to understand the new basic law in context, it must be read together with the fierce attempts of Israel's right-wing legislature and government to expel illegal immigrants, including asylum seekers, to confiscate Palestinian land and to weaken the judicial system.
{"title":"Basic Law: Israel as Nation-State—National Honor Defies Human Dignity and Universal Human Rights","authors":"Ôrît Kāmîr","doi":"10.2979/israelstudies.25.3.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.25.3.18","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:The Basic Law: Israel as Nation-State was not crafted to pronounce any arrangement or instate any procedure. The article claims that the basic law was constructed to elevate the discourse of national Jewish honor and the legislative and executive branches that champion it, while downgrading human dignity and rights, the basic law that constitutes them, and the judiciary that enforces them. Israel, and the Zionist movement that created it, have always vacillated between a devotion to human dignity—the absolute value accorded to every human being as such—and a commitment to the idea of honor, the honor of the Jewish nation in particular. The pursuit of national honor dictates an attribution of a hierarchy of values to different people and national groups; it goes hand in hand with internal, group \"loyalty\" at the expense of the humane treatment of \"others\". It encourages admiration of a \"strong leader\" who symbolizes the collective. This article claims that the enactment of Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty was understood as giving precedence to dignity over national honor, and to the judiciary over other branches of government. In contrast, the enactment of Basic Law: Israel as Nation-State was designed to enhance the honor of the Jewish nation, to make it \"great again\". The article claims that in order to understand the new basic law in context, it must be read together with the fierce attempts of Israel's right-wing legislature and government to expel illegal immigrants, including asylum seekers, to confiscate Palestinian land and to weaken the judicial system.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"213 - 227"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48800393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：