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Why Separate State and Religion? 为什么要把国家和宗教分开?
IF 0.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-24 DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.27.2.07
R. Cohen-Almagor
ABSTRACT:The article opens with a discussion of my premises in relation to the separation of state and religion. Section II elucidates the goal of creating a decent and just society in Israel. Section III explains the manner in which liberal democratic values, based on the above presmises, enable Israel to fulfill this goal. These values include liberty, tolerance, human rights, equality, truth, and justice. The Respect for Others Argument and the Harm Principle safeguard the rights of women, ethnic, religious, national and cultural minorities, homosexuals and others who might otherwise find themselves at a disadvantage in society. Section IV delineates how and why justice is the all-encompassing value Israel must adopt. The Conclusion focuses on the means of compromise and deliberation used in the decision-making processes.
摘要:文章首先讨论了我关于国家与宗教分离的前提。第二节阐述了在以色列建立一个体面和公正社会的目标。第三节解释了基于上述假设的自由民主价值观使以色列能够实现这一目标的方式。这些价值观包括自由、宽容、人权、平等、真理和正义。尊重他人的论点和伤害原则保障妇女、族裔、宗教、民族和文化少数群体、同性恋者和其他可能在社会中处于不利地位的人的权利。第四节阐述了正义如何以及为什么是以色列必须采用的包罗万象的价值观。结论侧重于决策过程中使用的妥协和审议手段。
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引用次数: 1
Israel the Unremarkable: Religious Freedom Through a Comparative Lens 无法标记的以色列:从比较视角看宗教自由
IF 0.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-24 DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.27.2.05
J. Fox, Ron E. Hassner
ABSTRACT:The article seeks to correct for the exceptionalist tendency among scholars of Israeli politics and religion by offering quantitative and qualitative analyses of religious discrimination, regulation of religion and support of religion in Israel compared to other countries. We find that Israel’s religious policies are unremarkable. In some areas, Israel’s policies parallel those of other democracies. In other areas, they exceed or fall short of comparable democracies. Our quantitative analysis draws on the Religion and State (RAS) Dataset. Israel exhibits far less discrimination against minority religions than many non-democratic countries, but scores average among democracies. Israel engages in a moderate amount of regulation and support of its majority religion compared to other countries. It engages in more regulation and support of its majority religion than most democracies. We conclude with a case study contrasting Israel’s religious policies as manifested in the IDF with British religious politics towards its armed forces. The purpose of this comparison is to move discussions of religion, state, and society in Israel away from normative judgments and towards a dispassionate analysis of discernible cross-case similarities and differences.
摘要:本文通过对以色列与其他国家的宗教歧视、宗教管制和宗教支持进行定量和定性分析,试图纠正以色列政治和宗教学者中的例外论倾向。我们发现以色列的宗教政策并不引人注目。在某些领域,以色列的政策与其他民主国家的政策相似。在其他领域,它们超过或低于可比较的民主国家。我们的定量分析利用了宗教和国家(RAS)数据集。与许多非民主国家相比,以色列对少数民族宗教的歧视要少得多,但在民主国家中却处于平均水平。与其他国家相比,以色列对其占多数的宗教进行了适度的监管和支持。与大多数民主国家相比,它对占多数的宗教进行了更多的监管和支持。最后,我们用一个案例研究来对比以色列在以色列国防军中表现出来的宗教政策与英国对其武装部队的宗教政治。这种比较的目的是将对以色列宗教、国家和社会的讨论从规范性判断转移到对可识别的跨案例相似性和差异性的冷静分析。
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引用次数: 1
“Who is a Convert? ”—The Law of Return and the Legality of Reform and Conservative Conversions in Israel “谁是皈依者?”——回归律与以色列改革与保守皈依的合法性
IF 0.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-24 DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.27.2.04
Nicole Maor, D. Ellenson
ABSTRACT:The Law of Return cements the connection between Israel and world Jewry by determining who is eligible as a “Jew” for full and immediate Israeli citizenship. It has also been the source of legal and political challenges since it was enacted in 1950 and until today because of controversy over “who is a Jew” for purposes of the Law. In March 2021, the Supreme Court ended decades of debate around the question “who is a Jew by choice” and “whose conversions will be recognized” for the purpose of the law by extending recognition to persons converted under Reform and Conservative auspices in Israel. This article traces the legal and political background of this landmark decision and considers its impact.
摘要:《回归法》通过确定谁有资格作为“犹太人”获得正式和直接的以色列公民身份,巩固了以色列与世界犹太人之间的联系。自1950年颁布以来,该法一直是法律和政治挑战的根源,直到今天,因为该法中关于“谁是犹太人”的争议。2021年3月,最高法院结束了数十年来围绕“谁是犹太人”和“谁的皈依将得到承认”这一问题的辩论,将承认范围扩大到在以色列改革和保守党主持下皈依的人。本文追溯了这一具有里程碑意义的决定的法律和政治背景,并考虑了其影响。
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引用次数: 2
Introduction 介绍
IF 0.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-24 DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.27.2.02
Ilan Peleg
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引用次数: 0
Religion and State in Israel-Diaspora Relations—A Social-Covenant Approach 以色列侨民关系中的宗教与国家——社会契约视角
IF 0.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-24 DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.27.2.08
David Barak-Gorodetsky
ABSTRACT:The article addresses the role of the Diaspora in Israel’s religious and state affairs from the perspective of post-secular society. The social covenant approach to religion and state and the diasporic interests entailed differentiate between the spheres of formal legal status and social capital. In the first sphere, diasporic interests relating to conversion are subjected to the principles of Jewish collective consensus, whereas in the second, policies may be adopted to boost the social capital of global Jewish communities in Israel.
摘要:本文从后世俗社会的视角探讨了流散犹太人在以色列宗教和国家事务中的作用。对宗教和国家的社会契约方法以及所涉及的流散利益区分了正式法律地位和社会资本领域。在第一个领域,与皈依有关的流散利益服从于犹太人集体共识的原则,而在第二个领域,可以采取政策来促进以色列全球犹太社区的社会资本。
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引用次数: 0
A Jewish and Democratic State or a Democratic and Jewish State? —A New Outline for Jewish Existence in Israel 犹太和民主国家还是民主和犹太国家--犹太人在以色列生存的新纲
IF 0.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-24 DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.27.2.06
A. Sagi
ABSTRACT:The article examines the “is and ought” in the relationship between the two characteristics—Jewish and democratic—that define the State of Israel. Claiming that the precedence of “Jewish” to “democratic” is detrimental to both, the article concludes that “Jewish” must be a thin term allowing for the inclusion of all modes of Jewish existence, lest the State of Israel cease to be the state of the Jewish people and become the state of a new Jewish people created within it.
摘要:本文探讨了界定以色列国的两个特征——犹太主义和民主主义之间的“是”与“应该”的关系。文章声称,“犹太”优先于“民主”对两者都是有害的,文章的结论是,“犹太”必须是一个单薄的术语,允许包括所有犹太人的存在模式,以免以色列国不再是犹太人的国家,而成为在其中建立的新犹太人的国家。
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引用次数: 1
Distinguished Member of the Euro(trash) Family? Israeli Self-Representation in the Eurovision Song Contest 欧元(垃圾)家族的杰出成员?以色列在欧洲歌唱大赛中的自我表现
IF 0.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-24 DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.27.2.12
Daniel Mahla
ABSTRACT:Israel has been competing in the Eurovision song contest, Europe’s biggest music festival, since 1973. The spectacle is a formidable arena for participating countries to shape their image and brand their nations. At the same time, its distinctively European character challenges Israelis, whose country is one of the few located outside the continent’s geographical borders, to grapple with their social, cultural, and political affiliations with Europe and its institutions. Against this backdrop, the article traces the participation of the Jewish state in Eurovision and the debates this has generated in the Israeli public in order to investigate the shifts that have occurred in the country’s self-representation and thereby, the messages Israel has sought to convey to Europeans.
摘要:自1973年以来,以色列一直在参加欧洲最大的音乐节——欧洲歌唱大赛。对于参赛国家来说,这是一个塑造自己形象和树立国家品牌的强大舞台。与此同时,其独特的欧洲特征给以色列带来了挑战,以色列是少数几个位于欧洲大陆地理边界之外的国家之一,要努力处理与欧洲及其机构的社会、文化和政治关系。在此背景下,本文追溯犹太国家参加欧洲歌唱大赛,以及由此在以色列公众中引发的辩论,以调查该国自我表现的转变,以及以色列试图向欧洲人传达的信息。
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引用次数: 1
The Limits of Symbolic Capital: The Case of Jerusalem's Jewish Quarter Evacuees in Qatamon 象征性首都的界限:以卡塔蒙的耶路撒冷犹太区撤离者为例
IF 0.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.27.1.03
E. Brin
ABSTRACT:During Israel's War of Independence evacuees from the Jewish Quarter in Jerusalem's Old City were resettled in the abandoned Arab neighborhood of Qatamon only to be threatened soon after with eviction and replacement by members of the civil service. Repeated attempts at collective eviction ended with most of the evacuees managing to remain in their homes and enjoy comfortable rent arrangements. This outcome has been attributed by some to the symbolic capital of the Old City refugees, the empathy they elicited from the general public and the state's decision makers in response to their harsh wartime experiences and material sacrifices. Alternately, a critical analysis would suggest that the determining factor was the authorities' unrelated desire to end what had become a drawn-out affair, combined with logistical reasons that worked in favor of the refugees. The case before us offers new insights into the role of capital, symbolic and otherwise, in the shaping of Jerusalem's physical space during the early days of Israeli statehood.
摘要:在以色列独立战争期间,从耶路撒冷老城犹太区撤离的难民被安置在被遗弃的阿拉伯社区卡塔蒙,但很快就受到了驱逐的威胁,并被公务员取代。集体驱逐的多次尝试以大多数撤离者设法留在家中并享受舒适的租金安排而告终。这一结果被一些人归因于旧城难民的象征性首都,他们从公众和国家决策者那里引起的同情,以回应他们的残酷战争经历和物质牺牲。另一种批评性的分析则认为,决定因素是当局不相关的愿望,即结束这场旷日持久的事件,再加上后勤方面的原因对难民有利。摆在我们面前的这个案例为我们提供了新的视角,让我们了解在以色列建国初期,首都在塑造耶路撒冷物理空间方面所扮演的角色,无论是象征性的还是其他方面的。
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引用次数: 2
Infanticide and the Life-Threatening Abandonment of Children in Israel's State-Building Era (1948–1968) 以色列建国时期的杀婴和危及生命的弃婴(1948-1968)
IF 0.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.27.1.08
Orna Alyagon Darr, Nomi Levenkron
ABSTRACT:Our study sheds light on an obscure aspect of Israel's first two decades when cases of infanticide and life-threatening abandonment were a familiar occurrence. Such cases reveal the disparity between the venerated Zionist ideal of motherhood and family, and the practical reality in which unmarried girls, mothers of children with special needs, or mentally ill and indigent mothers killed or abandoned their own children. Surprisingly, cases of this type were treated with leniency by the legal system and the public at large. Based on criminal files and the contemporary press, we argue that this response is better understood given the cultural background of the offences which reflected wider social and national distress. Each of these cases reflects not only the image of a homicidal mother, but also a fissure in the emerging Israeli society.
摘要:我们的研究揭示了以色列前二十年的一个不为人知的方面,当时杀婴和危及生命的遗弃事件屡见不鲜。这些案例揭示了备受推崇的犹太复国主义母亲和家庭理想与未婚女孩、有特殊需求儿童的母亲或患有精神病和贫困的母亲杀害或遗弃自己孩子的现实之间的差距。令人惊讶的是,这类案件得到了法律系统和广大公众的宽大处理。根据刑事档案和当代媒体,我们认为,鉴于犯罪的文化背景反映了更广泛的社会和国家困境,这种反应得到了更好的理解。每一起案件都反映了一个杀人母亲的形象,也反映了新兴以色列社会的裂痕。
{"title":"Infanticide and the Life-Threatening Abandonment of Children in Israel's State-Building Era (1948–1968)","authors":"Orna Alyagon Darr, Nomi Levenkron","doi":"10.2979/israelstudies.27.1.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.27.1.08","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:Our study sheds light on an obscure aspect of Israel's first two decades when cases of infanticide and life-threatening abandonment were a familiar occurrence. Such cases reveal the disparity between the venerated Zionist ideal of motherhood and family, and the practical reality in which unmarried girls, mothers of children with special needs, or mentally ill and indigent mothers killed or abandoned their own children. Surprisingly, cases of this type were treated with leniency by the legal system and the public at large. Based on criminal files and the contemporary press, we argue that this response is better understood given the cultural background of the offences which reflected wider social and national distress. Each of these cases reflects not only the image of a homicidal mother, but also a fissure in the emerging Israeli society.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"27 1","pages":"182 - 207"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41792138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
Marketing the Occupation to the Palestinians of the West Bank: Shabak Facebook Pages in Historical Context 向约旦河西岸巴勒斯坦人推销占领:历史背景下的沙巴克脸书页面
IF 0.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.27.1.01
H. Cohen
ABSTRACT:In recent years, Israel's Security Agency (Shabak) launched a new psychological warfare arena with an Arabic language Facebook page addressed to Palestinians, alongside more precisely targeted pages monitored by regional field officers (the so-called "Captains"). The messaging is nearly identical to the kind of propaganda the Zionist media has aimed at Palestinians for over a century: Israel is here to stay, Israel desires co-existence, but those who defy its authority suffer the consequences. The difference is that this time the messages are targeted, personal, illustrated with documentary footage of youths detained, homes demolished, calls for collaborators and informers, and preachy holiday greetings. These Facebook pages have acquired a huge following, but their comments show that the Palestinians are not buying the message. Some signal an interest in the dangled benefits, some respond with a slew of curses, while others use the platform to send political counter-messages. Social media has so far not succeeded in winning over the hearts and minds of Palestinians, though it may discourage them from joining the struggle against the occupation
摘要:近年来,以色列安全局(Shabak)推出了一个新的心理战平台,在Facebook上开设了一个面向巴勒斯坦人的阿拉伯语页面,同时还开设了由地区外勤官员(所谓的“上尉”)监控的更精确的页面。这一信息几乎与犹太复国主义媒体一个多世纪以来针对巴勒斯坦人的宣传完全相同:以色列将留在这里,以色列渴望共存,但那些违抗其权威的人将承受后果。不同的是,这一次的信息是有针对性的、个人化的,配有被拘留的年轻人、被拆除的房屋、呼吁合作者和告密者的纪录片片段,以及说教式的节日问候。这些脸书页面获得了大量粉丝,但他们的评论表明,巴勒斯坦人并不买账。一些人表示对悬挂的利益感兴趣,一些人则用一系列诅咒来回应,而另一些人则利用这个平台发出政治反信息。到目前为止,社交媒体还没有成功地赢得巴勒斯坦人的心,尽管它可能会阻止他们加入反对占领的斗争
{"title":"Marketing the Occupation to the Palestinians of the West Bank: Shabak Facebook Pages in Historical Context","authors":"H. Cohen","doi":"10.2979/israelstudies.27.1.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.27.1.01","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:In recent years, Israel's Security Agency (Shabak) launched a new psychological warfare arena with an Arabic language Facebook page addressed to Palestinians, alongside more precisely targeted pages monitored by regional field officers (the so-called \"Captains\"). The messaging is nearly identical to the kind of propaganda the Zionist media has aimed at Palestinians for over a century: Israel is here to stay, Israel desires co-existence, but those who defy its authority suffer the consequences. The difference is that this time the messages are targeted, personal, illustrated with documentary footage of youths detained, homes demolished, calls for collaborators and informers, and preachy holiday greetings. These Facebook pages have acquired a huge following, but their comments show that the Palestinians are not buying the message. Some signal an interest in the dangled benefits, some respond with a slew of curses, while others use the platform to send political counter-messages. Social media has so far not succeeded in winning over the hearts and minds of Palestinians, though it may discourage them from joining the struggle against the occupation","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"27 1","pages":"1 - 34"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44365844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
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Israel Studies
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