ABSTRACT: The article examines works by two Orthodox artists, an American, Mierle Laderman Ukeles (b. 1939) and an Israeli, Hagit Molgan (b. 1972), both concerned with the Jewish laws and rituals of niddah (menstruation) and tevilah (immersion). The analysis of the similarities and differences between works from two major Jewish centers, Israel and the United States, provides insight into how critical responses in works of art point to complex cultural divides. Scholars and curators of Jewish art tend to examine Jewish-Israeli art as distinct from Jewish art created elsewhere. Due to this disconnect, the relationship between Jewish-Israeli art and its patrons around the world has received little attention before now. Consequently, the discussion of art created in different spaces and times contributes to a richer, more contextualized understanding of diasporic art.
{"title":"Breaking the Taboo: Ritual Impurity in Israeli and American Jewish Feminist Art","authors":"David Sperber","doi":"10.2979/is.2023.a885228","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/is.2023.a885228","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT: The article examines works by two Orthodox artists, an American, Mierle Laderman Ukeles (b. 1939) and an Israeli, Hagit Molgan (b. 1972), both concerned with the Jewish laws and rituals of niddah (menstruation) and tevilah (immersion). The analysis of the similarities and differences between works from two major Jewish centers, Israel and the United States, provides insight into how critical responses in works of art point to complex cultural divides. Scholars and curators of Jewish art tend to examine Jewish-Israeli art as distinct from Jewish art created elsewhere. Due to this disconnect, the relationship between Jewish-Israeli art and its patrons around the world has received little attention before now. Consequently, the discussion of art created in different spaces and times contributes to a richer, more contextualized understanding of diasporic art.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"81 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142365","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT: A major controversy in the Land of Israel under the British Mandate for Palestine was whether or not the leadership of the Yishuv had the authority to subject the greatest possible number of Jewish sectors to its own policies without the jurisdiction of a sovereign government. The article focuses on the spring-summer of 1947, when the British executed Zionist underground members of Etzel and Lehi, and anti-British sentiment surged in the Yishuv, challenging the earlier consensus on authority. A national myth about the fortitude and sacrifice of the martyred men "hung on the gallows" was promulgated by the Etzel as the crowning expression of "Triumph of defeat" that would end British rule. The hope of the Etzel and the fear of the Yishuv leadership was that the gallows affair would shift various groups in the direction of the "dissenters from national authority." Trials, rescue efforts, mourning over the hanged martyrs and exposure to the Etzel (and Lehi) propaganda greatly increased support for the Irgun. The struggle with Mapai leadership would be tested vis-à-vis the impact of what it regarded as the "poisonous magic" of the gallows, as well as its endeavors to create a formula of evolutionary Zionism which would prove an antidote to the myth of the "gallows martyrs."
{"title":"The Authority of the Yishuv vis-à-vis the Challenge of the Gallows Myth, Palestine-Spring-Summer 1947","authors":"Amir Goldstein","doi":"10.2979/is.2023.a885229","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/is.2023.a885229","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT: A major controversy in the Land of Israel under the British Mandate for Palestine was whether or not the leadership of the Yishuv had the authority to subject the greatest possible number of Jewish sectors to its own policies without the jurisdiction of a sovereign government. The article focuses on the spring-summer of 1947, when the British executed Zionist underground members of Etzel and Lehi, and anti-British sentiment surged in the Yishuv, challenging the earlier consensus on authority. A national myth about the fortitude and sacrifice of the martyred men \"hung on the gallows\" was promulgated by the Etzel as the crowning expression of \"Triumph of defeat\" that would end British rule. The hope of the Etzel and the fear of the Yishuv leadership was that the gallows affair would shift various groups in the direction of the \"dissenters from national authority.\" Trials, rescue efforts, mourning over the hanged martyrs and exposure to the Etzel (and Lehi) propaganda greatly increased support for the Irgun. The struggle with Mapai leadership would be tested vis-à-vis the impact of what it regarded as the \"poisonous magic\" of the gallows, as well as its endeavors to create a formula of evolutionary Zionism which would prove an antidote to the myth of the \"gallows martyrs.\"","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"58 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142368","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT: Until the late 1970s, Israeli Haredim were known for their strict observance of halakha, their deference to their rabbis, the strictly Orthodox education of their children, and their reliable vote for Haredi political parties. Apart from these mores, most Haredim were comfortable leading a normal Israeli life: dressing as they pleased; living wherever their social, cultural, and economic needs were met; choosing an occupation or place of work that suited their capabilities and professional experience; and taking pride in the state which had accepted them as equal citizens after the Holocaust, supported their particular religious needs, and enabled them to follow their Haredi lifestyle to the full. In the wake of a process which began in the mid-1950s and culminated in the late 1970s, Israel's Haredi society adopted a way of life and attitudes which were different from those they had previously followed. The transformation was driven by three main factors: a growing frustration and the realization that the society, public space, and governing bodies of the country were becoming increasingly secularized. A second factor was the rise to power of Rabbi Menachem Mann Shach who became Haredi society's foremost leader during these years. And the third was the 1977 political turnaround when for the first time, right wing parties established the government. This provided Rabbi Shach with the political opportunity to lead the Haredi sector away from its former lifestyle which sought to integrate into Israeli society, and towards a disdain for Israel, Zionist ideology, and non-Haredi society. Rabbi Shach achieved this by imposing strict and unprecedented religious and social norms, glorified as the return to a "golden age" that never really existed.
{"title":"From Integration to Segregation—The Turnaround in Israel's Haredi Society in the Late 1970s","authors":"Menachem Keren-Kratz","doi":"10.2979/is.2023.a885230","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/is.2023.a885230","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT: Until the late 1970s, Israeli Haredim were known for their strict observance of halakha, their deference to their rabbis, the strictly Orthodox education of their children, and their reliable vote for Haredi political parties. Apart from these mores, most Haredim were comfortable leading a normal Israeli life: dressing as they pleased; living wherever their social, cultural, and economic needs were met; choosing an occupation or place of work that suited their capabilities and professional experience; and taking pride in the state which had accepted them as equal citizens after the Holocaust, supported their particular religious needs, and enabled them to follow their Haredi lifestyle to the full. In the wake of a process which began in the mid-1950s and culminated in the late 1970s, Israel's Haredi society adopted a way of life and attitudes which were different from those they had previously followed. The transformation was driven by three main factors: a growing frustration and the realization that the society, public space, and governing bodies of the country were becoming increasingly secularized. A second factor was the rise to power of Rabbi Menachem Mann Shach who became Haredi society's foremost leader during these years. And the third was the 1977 political turnaround when for the first time, right wing parties established the government. This provided Rabbi Shach with the political opportunity to lead the Haredi sector away from its former lifestyle which sought to integrate into Israeli society, and towards a disdain for Israel, Zionist ideology, and non-Haredi society. Rabbi Shach achieved this by imposing strict and unprecedented religious and social norms, glorified as the return to a \"golden age\" that never really existed.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142366","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT: The subject of this article is the public struggle over the establishment of the labor court system in Israel and the complex attitudes of the Histadrut, particularly in the 1960s. The conflict, I argue, was resolved in accordance with state policy and economic interests. At the time, the government's view of labor courts as a key mechanism in the settlement of prevalent collective disputes was shared by the political right and employers. This is consistent with another argument that the labor courts represented the government's policy of promoting a social-democratic welfare state model, affected by social-liberal thinking, or "post-socialist liberalism," as it was termed by Yehuda Sha'ari, one of the main promoters of the Labor Court Law. The resulting preference for adjudication over strike action engendered a powerful labor and social security mechanism.
{"title":"Adjudication Instead of Strike Action: The Histadrut, the Post-Socialist Liberal Welfare State, and the Passing of the Israel Labor Court Law","authors":"Shimon-Erez Blum","doi":"10.2979/is.2023.a885232","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/is.2023.a885232","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT: The subject of this article is the public struggle over the establishment of the labor court system in Israel and the complex attitudes of the Histadrut, particularly in the 1960s. The conflict, I argue, was resolved in accordance with state policy and economic interests. At the time, the government's view of labor courts as a key mechanism in the settlement of prevalent collective disputes was shared by the political right and employers. This is consistent with another argument that the labor courts represented the government's policy of promoting a social-democratic welfare state model, affected by social-liberal thinking, or \"post-socialist liberalism,\" as it was termed by Yehuda Sha'ari, one of the main promoters of the Labor Court Law. The resulting preference for adjudication over strike action engendered a powerful labor and social security mechanism.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"126 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142364","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT: The years 1954–1964 witnessed two phases of clandestine contacts pursued by Israeli and Sudanese representatives. During the first phase, 1954–1958, Israel developed secret ties with the Sudanese Umma party Israel in an attempt to establish the southern tier of the Periphery Alliance, with Ethiopia and Sudan against Nasser's Egypt but the attempt was sabotaged by the 1958 'Abboud coup. During the second phase, beginning in 1961, the Division for Politico-Economic Planning (DPEP) of Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs developed secret ties with certain Sudanese officials with the aim of helping Sudan compete with its primary competitor in the cotton market, Nasser's Egypt, in order to deal a blow to the Egyptian economy and the Arab boycott of Israel. Although at first the DPEP supplied the 'Abboud regime with anonymous information, over time the Sudanese partners recognized and approve the identity of their Israeli benefactor. This article reveals the extent of the secret ties between Israel and Sudan and the ingenious ways in which Israel fought against Egypt and the Arab Boycott.
{"title":"Israel and Sudan: The Origins of Clandestine Relations (1954–1964)","authors":"Elie Podeh, Andrew Felsenthal","doi":"10.2979/is.2023.a885227","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/is.2023.a885227","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT: The years 1954–1964 witnessed two phases of clandestine contacts pursued by Israeli and Sudanese representatives. During the first phase, 1954–1958, Israel developed secret ties with the Sudanese Umma party Israel in an attempt to establish the southern tier of the Periphery Alliance, with Ethiopia and Sudan against Nasser's Egypt but the attempt was sabotaged by the 1958 'Abboud coup. During the second phase, beginning in 1961, the Division for Politico-Economic Planning (DPEP) of Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs developed secret ties with certain Sudanese officials with the aim of helping Sudan compete with its primary competitor in the cotton market, Nasser's Egypt, in order to deal a blow to the Egyptian economy and the Arab boycott of Israel. Although at first the DPEP supplied the 'Abboud regime with anonymous information, over time the Sudanese partners recognized and approve the identity of their Israeli benefactor. This article reveals the extent of the secret ties between Israel and Sudan and the ingenious ways in which Israel fought against Egypt and the Arab Boycott.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142367","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT: Leveraging the discourse of the Arab-Israeli conflict, Ibtisam Ma'arana uses the vehicle of the beauty pageant to consider the pressures on Arab and Druze women in Israeli society. In her documentary Lady Kul El-Arab (2008) she follows Druze Duah Fares as she participates in a small regional Arab contest and then competes in the national Miss Israel event. While the coverage of beauty competitions and the conventions of films and television programs about them have long considered the tension between female self-empowerment and exploitation, this film disrupts the usual narrative, instead drawing greater attention to nationalism and the identity politics which pageants signify. When Fares is forbidden to participate, Mara'ana shows how patriarchal structures employ modes of control and oppression, including threats of ostracization, violence and murder (under the guise of honor killings) to enforce women's submission. As a public and political figure, who has used her own positionality as a Palestinian woman and Israeli citizen to criticize both Israeli authorities and the treatment of women in Arab society, Mara'ana is implicated in the film. This connection is further cemented when she becomes the family's spokesperson three years after the release of the documentary when Fare's sister Jamila (known as Maya) is killed. This article explores the overlapping conflicts that emerge when a woman from a conservative society participates in a pageant and the particular situation of a Druze woman in Israel as depicted in Mara'ana's documentary.
摘要:Ibtisam Ma'arana借助阿拉伯-以色列冲突的话语，以选美比赛为载体来思考以色列社会中阿拉伯和德鲁兹女性所面临的压力。在她的纪录片《Lady Kul El-Arab》(2008)中，她跟随Druze Duah Fares参加了一个小型的阿拉伯地区比赛，然后参加了以色列小姐的全国比赛。长期以来，关于选美比赛的报道和有关选美的影视节目一直在考虑女性自我赋权与被剥削之间的紧张关系，但这部电影打破了通常的叙事，转而将更多的注意力放在选美所代表的民族主义和身份政治上。当Fares被禁止参与时，Mara’ana展示了父权结构如何使用控制和压迫模式，包括排斥，暴力和谋杀(在荣誉谋杀的幌子下)的威胁来强制妇女服从。作为一个公众和政治人物，她利用自己作为巴勒斯坦妇女和以色列公民的身份来批评以色列当局和阿拉伯社会对妇女的待遇，玛拉安娜在这部电影中受到牵连。这部纪录片上映三年后，法尔的妹妹雅米拉(Jamila，又名玛雅)被杀，她成为了这个家庭的发言人，这进一步巩固了这种联系。这篇文章探讨了当一个来自保守社会的女人参加一场选美比赛时出现的重叠冲突，以及Mara'ana纪录片中描述的以色列德鲁兹妇女的特殊情况。
{"title":"Beauty and the Patriarchy: Ibtisam Mara'ana's Lady Kul El-Arab (2008)","authors":"Rachel S. Harris","doi":"10.2979/is.2023.a885231","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/is.2023.a885231","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT: Leveraging the discourse of the Arab-Israeli conflict, Ibtisam Ma'arana uses the vehicle of the beauty pageant to consider the pressures on Arab and Druze women in Israeli society. In her documentary Lady Kul El-Arab (2008) she follows Druze Duah Fares as she participates in a small regional Arab contest and then competes in the national Miss Israel event. While the coverage of beauty competitions and the conventions of films and television programs about them have long considered the tension between female self-empowerment and exploitation, this film disrupts the usual narrative, instead drawing greater attention to nationalism and the identity politics which pageants signify. When Fares is forbidden to participate, Mara'ana shows how patriarchal structures employ modes of control and oppression, including threats of ostracization, violence and murder (under the guise of honor killings) to enforce women's submission. As a public and political figure, who has used her own positionality as a Palestinian woman and Israeli citizen to criticize both Israeli authorities and the treatment of women in Arab society, Mara'ana is implicated in the film. This connection is further cemented when she becomes the family's spokesperson three years after the release of the documentary when Fare's sister Jamila (known as Maya) is killed. This article explores the overlapping conflicts that emerge when a woman from a conservative society participates in a pageant and the particular situation of a Druze woman in Israel as depicted in Mara'ana's documentary.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"213 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142370","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT: This article considers the place of Zionist tropes in the 17th century poems of Rabbi Shalom Shabazi in comparison with those found in medieval Sephardi poetry. Centuries after Shabazi's death, Yisrael Yeshayahu and several other Yemeni Zionists, located Shabazi's messianic poems in the literary and historical canon of Zionism. By correlating Shabazi with Yehudah Halevi and other Sephardi poets as heralds of Zionism before the establishment of the State of Israel, Yeshayahu and his fellow activists sought to determine a leading role for Yemeni Jews alongside what Sami Shalom Chetrit has called "Ashkenazi-Zionist 'history makers.'" In Shabazi, Yemeni Jewish leaders found an exemplar of time-honored Yemeni Judaism in a way that resonated with Zionist ideals. The article posits the existence of a continuum between Hayim Nahman Bialik's use of medieval Sephardi poetry and Yeshayahu's use of Shabazi's work; it explains why Yemeni Zionists chose Shabazi in particular as the linchpin of their argument for a proto-Zionist Yemeni cultural heritage; and also indicates the methods used by Yemeni Zionists, and Yeshayahu in particular, to successfully establish Shabazi as a forerunner to Zionism.
{"title":"Poet of Zion: Constructing Rabbi Shalom Shabazi as a Forerunner to Zionism","authors":"Benjamin Berman-Gladstone","doi":"10.2979/is.2023.a885233","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/is.2023.a885233","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT: This article considers the place of Zionist tropes in the 17th century poems of Rabbi Shalom Shabazi in comparison with those found in medieval Sephardi poetry. Centuries after Shabazi's death, Yisrael Yeshayahu and several other Yemeni Zionists, located Shabazi's messianic poems in the literary and historical canon of Zionism. By correlating Shabazi with Yehudah Halevi and other Sephardi poets as heralds of Zionism before the establishment of the State of Israel, Yeshayahu and his fellow activists sought to determine a leading role for Yemeni Jews alongside what Sami Shalom Chetrit has called \"Ashkenazi-Zionist 'history makers.'\" In Shabazi, Yemeni Jewish leaders found an exemplar of time-honored Yemeni Judaism in a way that resonated with Zionist ideals. The article posits the existence of a continuum between Hayim Nahman Bialik's use of medieval Sephardi poetry and Yeshayahu's use of Shabazi's work; it explains why Yemeni Zionists chose Shabazi in particular as the linchpin of their argument for a proto-Zionist Yemeni cultural heritage; and also indicates the methods used by Yemeni Zionists, and Yeshayahu in particular, to successfully establish Shabazi as a forerunner to Zionism.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142369","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.28.1.07
Livnat Konopny Decleve
{"title":"This is What My Fear Told Me: Fear as Key to Understanding Political Action","authors":"Livnat Konopny Decleve","doi":"10.2979/israelstudies.28.1.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.28.1.07","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41405638","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.2979/israelstudies.28.1.14
Nava Dushi
ABSTRACT:In a joint interview, shortly after the release of In Between (2016), writer-director Maysaloun Hamoud and lead actress Mouna Hawa proclaimed that the primary aim of the film was to render visible the otherwise invisible lives of young Palestinian women living in Tel-Aviv-Jaffa—an unclassifiable group that forms a minority within a minority within a minority. By what means can a minority relegated to an invisible existence be represented and what is the ethical import of films which grapple with the absence of a feminine space and the impossibility of its representation? These challenges take center stage in several works of contemporary Israeli and Palestinian women filmmakers. While the historical (and present) circumstances and contexts underlying the production of their work differ, the directorial sensibilities which populate the aesthetic fabric of such films point to the emergence of collective assemblages of enunciation that transgress essentialist categorizations.
{"title":"Femininity and the Challenge of Representation: Some Thoughts about Minor Israeli and Palestinian Films","authors":"Nava Dushi","doi":"10.2979/israelstudies.28.1.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.28.1.14","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:In a joint interview, shortly after the release of In Between (2016), writer-director Maysaloun Hamoud and lead actress Mouna Hawa proclaimed that the primary aim of the film was to render visible the otherwise invisible lives of young Palestinian women living in Tel-Aviv-Jaffa—an unclassifiable group that forms a minority within a minority within a minority. By what means can a minority relegated to an invisible existence be represented and what is the ethical import of films which grapple with the absence of a feminine space and the impossibility of its representation? These challenges take center stage in several works of contemporary Israeli and Palestinian women filmmakers. While the historical (and present) circumstances and contexts underlying the production of their work differ, the directorial sensibilities which populate the aesthetic fabric of such films point to the emergence of collective assemblages of enunciation that transgress essentialist categorizations.","PeriodicalId":54159,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies","volume":"28 1","pages":"233 - 247"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43385875","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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