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Rabbit Spleen and Medicinal Herbs: Animal Infectious Diseases, Grassroots Communes, and the State in Maoist China 兔脾与药材》:毛泽东时代中国的动物传染病、基层社和国家
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q4 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-09-18 DOI: 10.1353/bhm.2024.a937507
Jongsik Christian Yi

summary:

This article explores how Mao-era China responded to major epizootic and zoonotic diseases. It foregrounds a series of patterns in fighting contagious animal diseases—lockdowns, quarantines, disinfection, mass animal vaccination, mass education, and prioritizing the treatment of infected animals over mass culling—which were together called the Comprehensive Prevention and Treatment (CPT). Shedding light on this understudied topic in the fields of the history of medicine and of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the author argues that it was not the central or provincial governments but rather local communes that led the effort to protect livestock from animal infectious diseases. This article critically demonstrates how the story of the CPT highlights the resilience of communal actors as well as the possibilities and limitations of the Maoist ideal of self-reliance.

摘要:本文探讨了毛泽东时代的中国如何应对重大动物传染病和人畜共患病。文章介绍了一系列防治动物传染病的模式--封锁、检疫、消毒、大规模动物疫苗接种、大众教育、优先治疗感染动物而非大规模扑杀--这些模式被统称为 "综合防治"(CPT)。为了揭示这一在医学史和中华人民共和国(PRC)史领域中未被充分研究的课题,作者认为,不是中央或省级政府,而是地方公社领导了保护牲畜免受动物传染病侵害的工作。这篇文章以批判性的视角论证了中国防止酷刑委员会的故事如何凸显了公社行动者的韧性,以及毛泽东自力更生理想的可能性和局限性。
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引用次数: 0
A Tribute to Caroline Catherine Hannaway (1943–2024) 向卡罗琳-凯瑟琳-汉纳威(1943-2024)致敬
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q4 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-09-18 DOI: 10.1353/bhm.2024.a937502
Sharon E. Kingsland, Jeremy A. Greene
<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> A Tribute to Caroline Catherine Hannaway (1943–2024) <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Sharon E. Kingsland and Jeremy A. Greene </li> </ul> <p>Caroline Catherine Hannaway (née Moorhouse), a historian of medicine with close ties to the Johns Hopkins Departments of History of Medicine and History of Science and Technology for many years, passed away on March 14, 2024. Caroline was born in Melbourne, Australia, on August 22, 1943. Her father, Charles Edmund Moorhouse (1911–2002), was a professor of electrical engineering at the University of Melbourne. Her mother, Catherine Albright Moorhouse (née Manderson; 1914–1989), was born in Buenos Aires, Argentina, later becoming an Australian citizen. Caroline grew up in Melbourne along with her sister, Jane, and her brother, Weston.</p> <p>Caroline’s undergraduate studies in the 1960s were in the history and philosophy of science at the University of Melbourne. Students were expected to study the history of all sciences, including astronomy, physics, mathematics, chemistry, and biology. Caroline did not intend originally to be a historian of medicine, but there was one seminar in the history of nineteenth-century British medicine, taught by Diana Dyason, that piqued her interest because the course focused on reading primary texts.<sup>1</sup> She decided to leave Australia for graduate study in Baltimore at the Institute of the History of Medicine at the Johns Hopkins University, which had offered her tuition and a fellowship. She ended up staying in Baltimore after graduation, not her original intent, because she met Owen Hannaway, historian of chemistry in the History of Science Department. Owen was a brilliant and creative scholar, teacher, and raconteur. They fell in love, married in 1969, and were a devoted couple until Owen’s death in 2006. Since Owen was from Glasgow, they enjoyed not only visits to Scotland over the years, but also the Scottish and Celtic festivals in Maryland.</p> <p>Both Owen and William Coleman, who was historian of biology and medicine in the Department of History of Science, encouraged Caroline’s interests in French medicine, which became the subject of her doctoral <strong>[End Page v]</strong> dissertation. Coleman had pointed out the obvious advantages to working on French history, namely that one could spend weeks in Paris enjoying the food and historical surroundings as well as having adventures in the archives. She and Owen took this advice to heart, spending many summers in France working on various projects. But digging in the archives for her dissertation research presented many challenges and required perseverance. The records she needed were in the Academy of Medicine in Paris, but prospective users had first to persuade the porter to open the street door to allow entry, then thread their way along corridors and stairways mostly in the dark: “The keeper of the archives saw herself as the guardian of treasures to be protected rather than
向卡罗琳-凯瑟琳-汉纳威(1943-2024 年)致敬 莎伦-金斯兰(Sharon E. Kingsland)和杰里米-格林(Jeremy A. Greene) 卡罗琳-凯瑟琳-汉纳威(Caroline Catherine Hannaway,女,Moorhouse)是一位医学历史学家,多年来与约翰-霍普金斯大学医学史系和科技史系保持着密切联系,于 2024 年 3 月 14 日去世。卡罗琳于 1943 年 8 月 22 日出生于澳大利亚墨尔本。她的父亲查尔斯-埃德蒙-穆尔豪斯(Charles Edmund Moorhouse,1911-2002 年)是墨尔本大学电气工程教授。母亲凯瑟琳-阿尔布莱特-穆尔豪斯(Catherine Albright Moorhouse,女,曼德森,1914-1989 年)出生于阿根廷布宜诺斯艾利斯,后来成为澳大利亚公民。卡罗琳与姐姐简和弟弟韦斯顿一起在墨尔本长大。20 世纪 60 年代,卡罗琳在墨尔本大学攻读科学史和科学哲学。学生们要学习所有科学的历史,包括天文学、物理学、数学、化学和生物学。卡罗琳原本并不打算成为一名医学史学者,但有一次由戴安娜-戴雅森(Diana Dyason)教授的十九世纪英国医学史研讨会引起了她的兴趣,因为该课程侧重于阅读原始文本1。她决定离开澳大利亚,前往巴尔的摩约翰-霍普金斯大学医学史研究所攻读研究生,该研究所为她提供了学费和奖学金。毕业后,她最终留在了巴尔的摩,但这并不是她的初衷,因为她遇到了科学史系的化学史学家欧文-汉纳威(Owen Hannaway)。欧文是一位才华横溢、富有创造力的学者、教师和演讲家。他们相爱了,1969 年结婚,直到欧文 2006 年去世,他们一直是一对恩爱夫妻。由于欧文来自格拉斯哥,多年来他们不仅喜欢访问苏格兰,还喜欢参加马里兰州的苏格兰和凯尔特节日。欧文和威廉-科尔曼(William Coleman)都鼓励卡罗琳对法国医学产生兴趣,这也成为她博士论文的主题。科尔曼指出了研究法国历史的明显优势,即可以花几周时间在巴黎享受美食和历史环境,还可以在档案馆里探险。她和欧文将这一建议铭记于心,在法国度过了许多个夏天,从事各种项目。但是,为她的论文研究而挖掘档案却面临着许多挑战,需要坚持不懈。她需要的档案在巴黎医学院,但潜在的使用者必须先说服门房打开街门允许进入,然后在黑暗中沿着走廊和楼梯穿行:"档案保管员将自己视为需要保护的珍宝的守护者,而不是使用的便利者。没有任何清单,也没有任何查找指南,而我作为研究人员,不得不115 点击查看大图 查看完整分辨率 卡洛琳-凯瑟琳-汉纳威,博士 汉纳威博士收藏的照片。 [尾页vi]盒随机订购的未编目资料 "2,但她还是完成了工作。她完成了题为 "十八世纪法国的医学、公共福利和国家 "的博士论文:巴黎皇家医学会(1776-1793 年)"的博士论文。3 1998 年,她与 Ann La Berge 共同编辑了《构建巴黎医学》一书,对 Erwin Ackerknecht 的学术研究进行了重新评估,多年来,Erwin Ackerknecht 在法国大革命至 19 世纪 30 年代的巴黎医学史上一直占据主导地位。该书提供了新的解释,揭穿了关于那段时期的许多神话。医学史研究所是美国医学史协会期刊《医学史公报》的编辑部所在地。1979 年,卡罗琳成为该杂志的副主编,1983 年成为编辑。20 世纪 80 年代...
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引用次数: 0
The Art of Childbirth: A Bilingual Edition by Marie Baudoin (review) 分娩的艺术玛丽-鲍多因(Marie Baudoin)的双语版(评论
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q4 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-09-18 DOI: 10.1353/bhm.2024.a937508
Lianne McTavish
<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Art of Childbirth: A Bilingual Edition</em> by Marie Baudoin <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Lianne McTavish </li> </ul> Marie Baudoin. <em>The Art of Childbirth: A Bilingual Edition</em>. Ed. and trans. Cathy McClive. The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The Toronto Series, 98. New York: Iter Press, 2022. x + 244 pp. Ill $54.95 (978-1-64959-078-7). <p>Cathy McClive has produced the first thorough analysis of a previously unpublished manuscript written in 1671 by French midwife Marie Baudoin. McClive’s book begins with a masterful introduction to the life and work of Baudoin, who was the chief mistress-midwife and governor of the Hôtel-Dieu in Clermont-Ferrand, located about 420 kilometres south of Paris. This lengthy introduction (132 pp.) is followed by an annotated translation of the seventeenth-century French text (44 pp.), and then a transcription of it (34 pp.). The translation into English of a largely unknown midwifery text is important, and it sheds new light on the early modern period.</p> <p>McClive’s introduction is arguably the highlight of the publication. Meticulously researched, it draws on her expertise in the history of childbirth to place Baudoin’s writing within the context of early modern midwifery practice and theories of childbirth. The introduction goes, however, far beyond the medical domain to consider the diverse circumstances that shaped Baudoin’s midwifery text. McClive draws on archival sources to examine Baudoin’s personal relationships, notably her marriage and position within an influential Jansenist network, as well as the midwife’s savvy use of microcredit to pursue her goals after separating from her husband, and her role in managing disputes with the <em>soeurs grises</em> at the hospital in Clermont-Ferrand. McClive further considers the materiality of the midwifery manuscript, the opportunities and limitations of surviving historical records, and the gendered dynamics that inform all of the topics she addresses. This nuanced approach reveals the complex life of one early modern French woman, while undermining simplistic understandings of early modern midwifery, including the idea that male practitioners used instruments, while women did not.</p> <p>The original manuscript by Baudoin is unique in several respects. It was written in the form of a forty-page letter, addressed to the Parisian physician Noël Vallant, perhaps at his request. Though Vallant had planned to publish Baudoin’s discussion of her midwifery theory and hands-on practice, he never did so. Sections of Baudoin’s text were published in 1899, when physician Paul-Émile Le Maguet extracted parts of the letter from Vallant’s <em>portefeuille</em>, now at the Bibliothèque Nationale, and commented on them in his medical thesis, but, as McClive shows, he excluded the most innovative and historically interesting aspects of the manuscript.<sup>1</sup> McClive suggests that Le Maguet d
评论者: 分娩的艺术玛丽-波多因著,双语版 Lianne McTavish 玛丽-波多因著。分娩的艺术》:双语版。ed. and trans.凯茜-麦克利夫早期现代欧洲的另一种声音》:多伦多丛书,98。纽约:Iter Press, 2022.x + 244 pp.插页 54.95 美元(978-1-64959-078-7)。Cathy McClive 首次对法国助产士玛丽-波多昂(Marie Baudoin)写于 1671 年、此前未曾发表的手稿进行了详尽的分析。McClive在书中首先对Baudoin的生活和工作进行了精湛的介绍,Baudoin是巴黎以南约420公里处克莱蒙费朗Hôtel-Dieu的首席女主人兼助产士和管理者。冗长的导言(132 页)之后是十七世纪法文文本的注释译文(44 页),然后是该文本的抄录本(34 页)。将这本鲜为人知的助产书翻译成英文非常重要,它为我们揭示了现代早期的新情况。麦克利夫的导言可以说是该出版物的亮点。她利用自己在分娩史方面的专业知识进行了缜密的研究,将鲍多因的著作置于早期现代助产实践和分娩理论的背景之下。不过,该书的导言远远超出了医学范畴,考虑到了形成鲍多因助产文章的各种环境。麦克利弗利用档案资料研究了波多昂的人际关系,特别是她的婚姻和在一个有影响力的詹森派网络中的地位,以及这位助产士在与丈夫分居后精明地利用小额贷款来追求自己的目标,以及她在处理与克莱蒙费朗医院的女医生之间的纠纷时所扮演的角色。麦克利弗还进一步考虑了助产士手稿的物质性、现存历史记录的机遇和局限性,以及她所探讨的所有主题中的性别动态。这种细致入微的研究方法揭示了一位现代早期法国妇女的复杂生活,同时打破了对现代早期助产术的简单化理解,包括男性从业者使用器械而女性不用的观点。鲍多昂的原稿在几个方面都很独特。也许是应巴黎医生诺埃尔-瓦朗(Noël Vallant)的请求,它以一封长达 40 页的信件的形式写给了他。虽然瓦朗曾计划出版鲍多昂关于助产理论和实践的讨论,但他从未这样做。1899 年,医生保罗-埃米尔-勒马奎(Paul-Émile Le Maguet)从瓦朗的信箱(现存于法国国家图书馆)中摘录了部分内容,并在他的医学论文中对其进行了评论,但正如麦克利弗所指出的,他排除了手稿中最具创新性和历史意义的部分1。麦克利弗认为,勒马奎特故意删除了有关鲍多因的权威知识和决策能力的证据 [页尾 326];至于手稿为何从未由瓦朗出版,则不太清楚。在这里,麦克利夫指出,波多昂的实践相对来说没有受到克莱蒙费朗医疗等级制度的阻碍,那里对助产士的管理要晚于巴黎。随着外省城市监管力度的加大,助产士看似独立和广泛的执业范围可能会变得更成问题,这也导致瓦朗对出版工作持谨慎态度。在波多昂的手稿中,最引人注目的材料是她声称女助产士对死于分娩的妇女进行尸检(第69页),以及她提到自己使用手术器械干预分娩。鲍多因从一位外科医生那里借来了一个钩子,并顺便提到了它,暗示她使用的器械并不引人注目(第 150 页)。更引人注目的是助产士对自己发明工具的描述:"看到我的手指无法完成我想要它们做的事情,我就做了一个钩针或钩子,它的两端不是尖的,而是圆润光滑的,这样它就可以在子宫颈和婴儿的脖子之间滑动"(第 154 页)。McClive 强调了这一实例的重要性,它表明鲍多因自信地设计和使用工具,即使她在文本的其他地方 "口口声声说 "医疗等级制度(第 101 页)。这一证据有助于...
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引用次数: 0
A Clinic for the People: Toward an Antiracist Psychiatry at the Tuskegee Institute 1947–1965 人民的诊所:1947-1965年塔斯基吉研究所的反种族主义精神病学
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q4 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-09-18 DOI: 10.1353/bhm.2024.a937505
Kylie M. Smith

summary:

From 1947 until 1963, a small group of psychiatrists from the Tuskegee Veterans Administration Hospital ran a Mental Hygiene Clinic designed to provide outpatient care and education to the Black residents of Macon County, Alabama. In an analysis of the clinic and the work of its Director, Dr. Prince Barker, we see the ways that Black psychiatrists tried to develop an antiracist approach to psychiatry and to develop their own autonomy in segregated Alabama. But there were limitations to this work. Tensions between the state funding body, local politics, and the internal racism of psychiatry itself all made it difficult for Tuskegee psychiatrists to provide alternatives to care beyond the veil of the color line.

摘要:从1947年到1963年,塔斯基吉退伍军人管理局医院的一小群精神病学家开设了一家心理卫生诊所,旨在为阿拉巴马州梅肯县的黑人居民提供门诊治疗和教育。通过对该诊所及其主任普林斯-巴克(Prince Barker)医生工作的分析,我们看到了黑人精神病学家试图发展反种族主义精神病学方法的方式,以及他们在种族隔离的阿拉巴马州发展自身自主性的方式。但这项工作也有局限性。州政府撥款機構、地方政治以及精神病學內部種族歧視之間的緊張關係,都讓塔斯基吉的精神科醫師很難提供超越膚色線面紗的其他照護方式。
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引用次数: 0
The Doctor Who Would Be King by Guillaume Lachenal (review) 纪尧姆-拉谢纳尔(Guillaume Lachenal)的《会成为国王的博士》(评论
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q4 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-09-18 DOI: 10.1353/bhm.2024.a937509
Matthew M. Heaton
<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Doctor Who Would Be King</em> by Guillaume Lachenal <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Matthew M. Heaton </li> </ul> Guillaume Lachenal. <em>The Doctor Who Would Be King</em>. Trans. Cheryl Smeall. Theory in Forms. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2022. x + 301 pp. Ill. $28.95 (978-1-4780-1786-8). <p>In this rather idiosyncratic volume, Lachenal recounts the life and times of Dr. John Joseph David, a French colonial army doctor who twice found himself in the position of acting as a high-level colonial administrator of French-controlled territories, first on Wallis Island in the South Pacific (1933–38) and later in the Haut-Nyong province of Cameroon (1939–44). In both instances, Dr. David took on responsibilities above and beyond the traditional role of a colonial doctor and in the process established regimes effectively governed by principles of public health, fundamentally linking prospects for economic development and effective administration to the health and well-being of indigenous populations. In both places, David also developed something of a cult of personality, remembered mostly as strong, capable, and variously kind and severe, depending on the circumstances. David’s bearing was so regal that he became known colloquially as “Emperor” in Haut-Nyongo, and as “King” in Wallis, despite never holding either title within French or indigenous political structures.</p> <p>Telling the story of Dr. David, however, is more easily conceptualized than executed. The Haut-Nyong efforts in medical administration seemed novel on first blush, but ultimately “[led] to a somewhat disappointing conclusion: ‘the Haut-Nyong experiment was not very original, neither in substance nor in form’” (p. 74). Though based on principles of prioritizing public health, David’s developmentalist administration ultimately looked very much like other colonial projects of the time, despite being run by doctors. Hoping that David’s earlier odyssey in Wallis might provide insights to reinvigorate the search for historical significance, Lachenal delves into what for him are new and uncharted waters. In Wallis he uncovers another episode of quintessential colonial bravado, in which David insinuated himself into the local political system and instituted significant economic reforms to incorporate Wallis into the imperial economy. But the story here fizzled out, too, with David leaving unceremoniously in the wake of a catastrophic epidemic of typhoid fever, without much to show for his time as “king.” <strong>[End Page 328]</strong> Ultimately, Lachenal laments, “Wallis would be a case study that would have no instance of any generality, except . . . that of ‘micro-insularity’ itself” (p. 137).</p> <p>Lachenal does his due diligence, but the documentary record of David’s tenure is spotty at best. Oral interviews with friends and associates of Dr. David’s in Cameroon and Wallis produce a range of impressions and ar
评论者: 马修-M-希顿(Matthew M. Heaton)著,纪尧姆-拉谢纳尔(Guillaume Lachenal)译,《会成为国王的博士》(The Doctor Who Would Be King)。会成为国王的博士》。Trans.谢丽尔-斯米尔。形式的理论》。北卡罗来纳州达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2022 年。x + 301 pp.插图,28.95 美元 (978-1-4780-1786-8)。约翰-约瑟夫-戴维博士是法国殖民地时期的军医,他曾两次担任法国控制领土的高级殖民行政长官,第一次是在南太平洋的瓦利斯岛(1933-1938 年),后来是在喀麦隆的上尼永省(1939-194 年)。在这两个地方,戴维医生都承担了超越殖民地医生传统角色的责任,并在此过程中建立了有效遵循公共卫生原则的制度,从根本上将经济发展前景和有效管理与土著居民的健康和福祉联系起来。在这两个地方,戴维还形成了某种个人崇拜,在人们的记忆中,他大多是强壮、能干的,而且根据具体情况,有不同的仁慈和严厉。戴维的举止非常威严,以至于他在上尼永戈被称为 "皇帝",在瓦利斯被称为 "国王",尽管他在法国或土著政治结构中从未拥有过这两个头衔。然而,讲述戴维博士的故事更容易概念化,而不是执行。上尼永省在医疗管理方面的努力乍一看似乎很新颖,但最终"[导致]得出了一个有点令人失望的结论:'上尼永省的实验无论是在实质上还是在形式上都不是很新颖'"(第 74 页)。尽管戴维的发展主义管理以公共卫生优先原则为基础,但最终看起来与当时其他殖民项目非常相似,尽管是由医生管理的。Lachenal 希望戴维早先在瓦利斯的探险经历能为重新探寻历史意义提供启示,于是他进入了对他来说未知的新领域。在瓦利斯,他发现了另一个典型的殖民主义虚张声势的插曲,在这个插曲中,戴维融入了当地的政治体系,并实施了重大的经济改革,将瓦利斯纳入帝国经济。但故事在这里也戛然而止,大卫在一场灾难性的伤寒疫情后黯然离去,没有为他的 "国王 "生涯留下什么。[最后,拉切纳尔感叹道:"除了......'微观个体性'本身之外,沃利斯将是一个没有任何普遍性实例的案例研究"(第 137 页)。Lachenal 做出了应有的努力,但有关 David 任期的文献记录充其量也是零星的。对戴维博士在喀麦隆和瓦利斯的朋友和同事进行的口述访谈产生了一系列印象和人工制品、回忆和感叹,这些都是过去的 "痕迹",它们在现在仍挥之不去,但并没有形成清晰的叙事或令人信服的历史论证。事实上,戴维雄心勃勃的努力的失败本身就说明了这一点:拉切纳尔写道:"如果你所从事的工作微不足道,你就有可能从地图上消失"(第 137 页)。当时间已经耗尽,研究已经穷尽,但故事却没有什么启示性,而书还必须写的时候,历史学家该怎么办?拉切纳尔的答案是专注于旅程,而不是目的地。虽然本书为大卫的冒险提供了标准的历史叙事和背景,但它同样甚至更多地将重点放在了拉切纳尔的个人探索过程上。读者在各种档案中陪伴拉切纳尔发现新的信息并与之交流。我们与他并肩采访线人、寻找旧砍刀,并在当地电视新闻中做客。他认为,"这样的调查就像寻宝"(第 135 页)。他经常提到约瑟夫-康拉德的《黑暗之心》,这清楚地表明 Lachenal 将自己塑造成大卫博士的陪衬,将自己定位为寻找大卫的库尔兹的马洛。他迷上了短暂的记忆,迷上了戴维在当下留下的 "痕迹",并认为这才是一切的意义所在。"我对各种形式的物质、已被证实的、有形的、来自过去的存在很感兴趣,但它们的存在......
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引用次数: 0
Landscapes of Care: Immigration and Health in Rural America by Thurka Sangaramoorthy (review) Thurka Sangaramoorthy 著的《关怀的风景:美国农村地区的移民与健康》(评论)
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q4 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-09-18 DOI: 10.1353/bhm.2024.a937512
Theodore L. Michaels, Seth M. Holmes
<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Landscapes of Care: Immigration and Health in Rural America</em> by Thurka Sangaramoorthy <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Theodore L. Michaels and Seth M. Holmes </li> </ul> Thurka Sangaramoorthy. <em>Landscapes of Care: Immigration and Health in Rural America</em>. Studies in Social Medicine. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023. xxii + 174 pp. $22.95 (978-1-4696-7417-9). <p>In <em>Landscapes of Care</em>, Thurka Sangaramoorthy invites readers to Maryland’s Eastern Shore, a profoundly rural area that has seen a significant rise in immigration over the past decades for its low-wage employment opportunities in seafood, livestock, and agriculture. Through compelling vignettes, the book guides readers through the Eastern Shore’s “landscape,” as its history and current state shape its residents’ health: from macro features of racial capitalism and health care corporatization to local geographies of care, to ethnic hierarchies at workplaces (p. xiv). As a dual-trained medical anthropologist and public health practitioner, Sangaramoorthy aptly integrates concerns for pressing material disparities with diverse theorizations of precarity, infrastructure, and temporality.</p> <p>This book foregrounds the “inextricability of immigration and rural health” through three primary claims (p. 16). First, Sangaramoorthy contests “myth-making” about the rural as “pristine” and white to frame it instead as an area of remarkable poverty and flux of migrant workers (p. 15). Second, she situates racial capitalism as the fundamental organizing principle of immigrant health; immigration status, which has frequently occupied this position for popular media and many academics, is then shown to be a sequela of corporate interests.<sup>1</sup> Third, neo-liberal policies and extractive capitalism have withered rural health infrastructure to leave only an “archipelago” of “Band-Aid” care for those most in need (p. 113).</p> <p>Sangaramoorthy revises common portrayals of the rural United States as “overwhelmingly white and racially homogenous, geographically isolated, and stuck in time” (p. 25). Throughout rural areas, the historical decline of manufacturing and concomitant white flight engendered an influx of low-paying employers that attracted migrant workers. The Eastern Shore exemplifies the variegated nature of these patterns. The activity of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), the primary governmental body incarcerating and deporting people without documentation, varies across geographic locales, thus corralling migrants to areas that experience less surveillance (p. 85). This tendency effectively reproduces segregation with a capitalist complexion: geographic overlap between low-wage industry and little surveillance indicates a functional collusion between the state and corporations. Compounding the complexity of these geographies, many migrants seasonally shuttle between Marylan
评论者 Theodore L. Michaels 和 Seth M. Holmes Thurka Sangaramoorthy 著,《关怀的风景:美国农村地区的移民与健康》。社会医学研究》。社会医学研究》。Chapel Hill:Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023.xxii + 174 pp.$22.95 (978-1-4696-7417-9).在《关怀的风景》一书中,Thurka Sangaramoorthy 邀请读者来到马里兰州的东海岸,这是一个极度偏远的农村地区,在过去的几十年中,由于海产品、畜牧业和农业的低工资就业机会,移民人数显著增加。本书通过引人入胜的小故事,引导读者领略东岸的 "风景",因为它的历史和现状塑造了居民的健康:从种族资本主义和医疗保健公司化的宏观特征,到当地的医疗保健地理环境,再到工作场所的种族等级制度(第 xiv 页)。作为一名接受过医学人类学和公共卫生双重培训的从业者,桑格拉莫西恰如其分地将对紧迫的物质差距的关注与对不稳定性、基础设施和时间性的不同理论整合在一起。这本书通过三个主要论点强调了 "移民与农村健康的不可分割性"(第 16 页)。首先,Sangaramoorthy 质疑了将农村描述为 "纯净 "和白人的 "神话",而将其描述为极端贫困和移民工人流动的地区(第 15 页)。其次,她将种族资本主义定位为移民健康的基本组织原则;移民身份经常占据大众媒体和许多学术界的这一位置,然后被证明是企业利益的后遗症。1 第三,新自由主义政策和榨取性资本主义使农村医疗基础设施枯竭,只剩下 "群岛式 "的 "创可贴 "医疗服务来照顾那些最需要帮助的人(第 113 页)。Sangaramoorthy 对美国农村 "绝大多数是白人、种族单一、地理位置偏僻、时间滞后"(第 25 页)的普遍描述进行了修正。在整个农村地区,制造业的历史性衰落和随之而来的白人外流导致低薪雇主大量涌入,吸引了大量外来务工人员。东海岸是这些模式多样化的典型代表。美国移民和海关执法局(ICE)是监禁和驱逐无证件者的主要政府机构,其活动因地理位置而异,从而将移民集中到监控较少的地区(第 85 页)。这种趋势有效地复制了带有资本主义色彩的种族隔离:低工资行业与监控较少地区之间的地理重叠表明了国家与企业之间的功能性勾结。许多移民季节性地穿梭于马里兰州和佛罗里达州等其他地方 [尾页 335]工作,加剧了这些地理环境的复杂性。桑格拉莫西对农村的精辟分析将一个陈旧的刻板印象重塑为种族主义、官僚主义和政治经济载体的拓扑结构。在第二次重新表述中,《关爱景观》努力使种族资本主义取代移民身份,成为解释移民劳工和健康问题的概念中心。Sangaramoorthy 对移民分析提出质疑,一方面,"[扁平化]移民的知识、经验和社会身份"(第 11 页),另一方面,限制了干预的视野,从质疑国家的 "基本原则 "到为移民创造 "更人道 "的条件(第 121 页)。在这一论点的展开过程中,移民身份问题经常出现,尽管桑格拉莫西始终将其与种族资本主义联系在一起。例如,雇主通过 H-2A 和 H-2B 工作签证广泛推动移民(如第 33 页和第 50 页)。要通过这些签证提供就业机会,公司必须证明对外国工人的需求,这促使这些公司通过不适当的招聘广告来人为地描述需求(第 57 页)。当发放的签证不足时,雇主就会向国会申请扩大签证范围(第 132 页)。在这种民族主义等级制度的建立过程中,私人利益有效地控制了移民的进入,从而也控制了国家政策。工作场所的种族和性别等级制度作为这些跨国过程的地方必然结果,相互交织在一起。桑格拉莫西发现,她对这些问题的分析与那些运用结构脆弱性理论的分析之间存在着紧张关系(例如,第 11 页和第 50 页),我们发现她很好地聚焦了那些阐述公民权、阶级、种族化、性别等问题的文献中的某些关键要素。
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引用次数: 0
The Citizen as a Public Health Actor: Complaints as Public Engagement with Aedes Mosquito Control in Singapore, 1965–1985 作为公共卫生行动者的公民:新加坡公众参与伊蚊控制的投诉,1965-1985 年
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q4 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-09-18 DOI: 10.1353/bhm.2024.a937506
Timothy Sim

summary:

In 1986, the World Health Organization heralded Singapore as a model for the control of dengue fever, a viral disease spread by the Aedes aegypti mosquito. Between 1965 and 1985, public health officials successfully employed educational campaigns and mandatory home inspections to convince citizens to guard against mosquito breeding at home. Although this story appears to recapitulate standard narratives of top-down progress in Singapore, this paper argues that the significant role of the public in public health has been overlooked. Citizens complained frequently, sometimes publicly, to public health authorities and often compelled direct responses from them. Through these complaints, citizens modified official anti-mosquito measures and expanded the reach of public health. Public health in Singapore thus appears not simply as the imposition of an autonomous state’s vision onto a docile or even resistant citizenry but as a coevolution of the state and the public.

摘要:1986 年,世界卫生组织称赞新加坡是控制登革热(一种由埃及伊蚊传播的病毒性疾病)的典范。1965 年至 1985 年间,公共卫生官员成功地开展了教育运动和强制性家庭检查,以说服市民防范家中蚊虫滋生。虽然这个故事似乎再现了新加坡自上而下取得进步的标准叙事,但本文认为,公众在公共卫生中的重要作用被忽视了。公民经常向公共卫生当局投诉,有时是公开投诉,并经常迫使他们做出直接回应。通过这些投诉,公民修改了官方的灭蚊措施,扩大了公共卫生的覆盖范围。因此,新加坡的公共卫生不仅仅是将自治国家的愿景强加给温顺甚至抵制的公民,而是国家和公众的共同发展。
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引用次数: 0
Segregated in Life and Death: Arnold R. Rich and the Racial Science of Tuberculosis 生死隔离:阿诺德-里奇与结核病的种族科学
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q4 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-09-18 DOI: 10.1353/bhm.2024.a937504
Margo A. Peyton

summary:

Arnold Rich (1893–1968) was an acclaimed pathologist and the first Jewish department chair at the Johns Hopkins School of Medicine. In his landmark text, The Pathogenesis of Tuberculosis, Rich continued to advance the concept of racial susceptibility to tuberculosis a decade after mainstream medicine recognized that environmental factors fueled the disease. While Rich fits into the historical narrative that embedded categories of race facilitated scientific racism, two characteristics unique to Rich help to explain why he persisted. First were the scientific origins of his theories. While racial theorists sought to prove racial difference through science, Rich used racial difference to prove his outlying theories of tuberculosis immunology. Second was his identity as a prewar Jewish person when America’s focus on a racial binary pressured Jewish Americans to assimilate into white culture. Rich’s life and research exemplify how examining scientific racism through an individual complicates and expands our understanding of how race is constructed in the United States.

摘要:阿诺德-里奇(1893-1968 年)是一位著名的病理学家,也是约翰霍普金斯医学院第一位犹太裔系主任。里奇在其里程碑式的著作《肺结核的发病机制》中,继续推进种族易患肺结核的概念,而在此之前的十年,主流医学已经认识到环境因素助长了这种疾病。虽然里奇符合历史叙事,即内嵌的种族范畴助长了科学种族主义,但里奇的两个独特特征有助于解释他为何坚持不懈。首先,他的理论源于科学。种族理论家试图通过科学来证明种族差异,而里奇则利用种族差异来证明其离经叛道的结核病免疫学理论。其次是他作为战前犹太人的身份,当时美国对种族二元论的关注迫使犹太裔美国人融入白人文化。里奇的生平和研究体现了通过一个人研究科学种族主义是如何使我们对美国种族构建方式的理解复杂化和扩大化的。
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引用次数: 0
Wondrous Transformations: A Maverick Physician, the Science of Hormones, and the Birth of the Transgender Revolution by Alison Li (review) 奇妙的转变:一位特立独行的医生、荷尔蒙科学和变性革命的诞生》,作者艾莉森-李(评论)
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q4 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-09-18 DOI: 10.1353/bhm.2024.a937510
Ketil Slagstad
<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Wondrous Transformations: A Maverick Physician, the Science of Hormones, and the Birth of the Transgender Revolution</em> by Alison Li <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Ketil Slagstad </li> </ul> Alison Li. <em>Wondrous Transformations: A Maverick Physician, the Science of Hormones, and the Birth of the Transgender Revolution</em>. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023. xvi + 250 pp. Ill. $30.00 (978-1-4696-7485-8). <p>In the introduction to her beautifully written biography of Harry Benjamin, Alison Li discusses the relevance of biographical approaches to history and the risk of contributing another hagiography of a grand white physician. The question is important, not least in fields such as trans medicine, where historians have noted the crucial role of trans people, children and adults, in shaping clinical and research practice.<sup>1</sup> Yet, Li argues, the biography has not outlived its role because it offers a format for tracing the complexities and contradictions of a single life: Lives are messy and do not unfold in a systematic way, Li reminds us, and it was only in the last phase of his clinical life, when Benjamin, often considered the “father” of trans medicine, turned to this practice.</p> <p><em>Wondrous Transformations</em> follows a chronological structure, tracing Benjamin’s life in twelve chapters, from his childhood in Berlin in the 1880s and 1890s to his medical studies in Tübingen and move across the Atlantic, where he practiced medicine in San Francisco and New York until he died in 1986. Benjamin originally came to the United States at the age of twenty-eight to become an assistant to Friedrich Franz Friedmann, who claimed to have developed a cure for tuberculosis based on a serum extracted from turtles in the Berlin Zoo. This quickly proved to be quackery. However, a trip back to Europe in 1921 was to shape the rest of Benjamin’s life. In Vienna he met the physiologist Eugen Steinach, who had developed a surgical technique for rejuvenation that involved cutting off the vas deferens. In Berlin, he met Magnus Hirschfeld, whose Institut für Sexualwissenschaft, opened two years earlier, became a laboratory for the combination of science and activism, and whose intricate theory of sexual variation as spectrally <strong>[End Page 330]</strong> distributed was directed against the pathologizing understandings of psychiatry. Benjamin became part of this network of physician-scientists who sought the explanation of human mysteries—disease, behavior, identity—in biology, particularly in glandular secretions. This was not just a theoretical insight; it was a program for clinical action: From organotherapy and extracts from the urine of horses or students, and later in the 1930s also from synthetic hormones, health could be optimized, diseases cured, and bodies modified. Back in the United States, Benjamin became a promoter of rejuvenation therapy.</p> <p>T
评论者: 奇妙的转变:一位特立独行的医生、荷尔蒙科学和变性革命的诞生》,作者:Alison Li Ketil Slagstad Alison Li。奇妙的转变:一位特立独行的医生、激素科学和变性革命的诞生》。教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2023 年。xvi + 250 pp.插图,30.00 美元(978-1-4696-7485-8)。艾莉森-李(Alison Li)在其文笔优美的《哈里-本杰明传》的序言中讨论了传记方法与历史的相关性,以及为一位伟大的白人医生贡献另一部传记的风险。这个问题很重要,尤其是在变性医学等领域,历史学家注意到变性人、儿童和成人在塑造临床和研究实践中的关键作用。1 然而,李认为,传记的作用并没有过时,因为它提供了一种追踪单一生命的复杂性和矛盾的形式:李提醒我们,生命是凌乱的,并不是以系统的方式展开的,而本杰明只是在其临床生涯的最后阶段才转向了这一实践,他通常被认为是变性医学之 "父"。奇妙的转变》以时间为序,用十二个章节追溯了本雅明的一生,从十九世纪八九十年代他在柏林的童年,到他在图宾根的医学学习,再到他横渡大西洋,在旧金山和纽约行医,直至 1986 年去世。本杰明最初在 28 岁时来到美国,成为弗里德里希-弗兰茨-弗里德曼(Friedrich Franz Friedmann)的助手,弗里德曼声称自己研制出了一种治疗肺结核的方法,这种方法是从柏林动物园的海龟身上提取的血清。这很快被证明是江湖骗子。然而,1921 年的一次欧洲之行决定了本杰明的后半生。在维也纳,他遇到了生理学家欧根-斯坦纳奇(Eugen Steinach),后者开发了一种通过切断输精管来恢复活力的外科技术。在柏林,他遇到了马格努斯-赫希菲尔德(Magnus Hirschfeld),赫希菲尔德的性科学研究所(Institut für Sexualwissenschaft)在两年前成立,成为科学与行动主义相结合的实验室。本杰明成为了这个医生科学家网络的一部分,他们从生物学,尤其是从腺体分泌物中寻求人类奥秘--疾病、行为、身份的解释。这不仅是一种理论见解,更是一种临床行动方案:通过器官疗法和从马或学生尿液中提取的精华,以及后来在 20 世纪 30 年代从合成激素中提取的精华,可以优化健康,治愈疾病,改造身体。回到美国后,本杰明成为返老还童疗法的倡导者。变性医学并不是像今天所理解的那样,产生于一个直言不讳的肯定性别的目标,而是在一个 "疯狂 "的荷尔蒙实验时代发展起来的。2 正如卡吉-阿明(Kadji Amin)和朱利安-洪卡萨洛(Julian Honkasalo)等学者所言,变性医学得益于返老还童疗法和优生学3。尽管在当前的政治气候下,反变性立法和对性别确认治疗的攻击浪潮一浪高过一浪,但我们可以理解为什么许多人将这段历史作为一个解放的起源故事来宣传。哈里-本杰明始终是一名临床医生;他首先是一名实践者,既不是一名特别娴熟的研究人员,也不是一名出色的理论家。Li为这位身材矮小的人描绘了一幅充满同情的肖像:"本杰明的欧式魅力可能会让初次见面的病人着迷,但让他们难以忘怀的似乎是本杰明真诚的关怀和真挚的热情......他们觉得自己真的被当作一个人看待,被倾听、关心和理解"(第 108 页)。尽管李参考了 Beans Velocci 的著作,其中分析了本杰明与外科医生埃尔默-贝尔特等人之间的通信,并描绘了一个截然不同的医生形象,他发现越来越多的变性人主要是寻求他的帮助..................
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引用次数: 0
An Artificial Appetite: The Nineteenth-Century Struggle to Define Habitual Drunkenness 人为的欲望十九世纪界定习惯性醉酒的斗争
IF 1 2区 哲学 Q4 HEALTH CARE SCIENCES & SERVICES Pub Date : 2024-09-18 DOI: 10.1353/bhm.2024.a937503
David Korostyshevsky

summary:

After discovering in 1811 that alcohol existed as a discrete chemical substance in all intoxicating drinks, physicians reconsidered the individual’s responsibility for becoming a compulsive drinker. Looking to science and medicine for legitimacy, temperance reformers ascribed a deleterious agency to alcohol and personified it as an agent of physiological destruction. Alcohol destroyed the body and transformed natural alimentary desires into a compulsive artificial appetite for alcohol. Reformers, prohibitionists, and physicians were troubled that alcohol possessed the ability to destroy the physical capacity for the power of choice. Ascribing agency to alcohol destabilized long-standing understandings of intemperance as a vice and imbued habitual drunkenness with medical meanings. However, most professionals remained anxious about absolving the habitual drunkard of all responsibility, especially for taking the first drink. An inchoate attempt to capture the medical and moral dilemmas of compulsion, habitual drunkenness represents a conceptual missing link in the genealogy of addiction.

摘要:1811年,医生们发现酒精作为一种独立的化学物质存在于所有令人陶醉的饮料中,于是他们重新考虑了个人对酗酒的责任。节制改革者从科学和医学中寻求合法性,将酒精的有害作用归结为生理破坏。酒精破坏了身体,并将自然的食欲转化为强迫性的人为酒欲。改革者、禁酒主义者和医生对酒精能够破坏身体的选择能力感到不安。将权力赋予酒精颠覆了人们长期以来对酗酒是一种恶习的理解,并为习惯性醉酒赋予了医学意义。然而,大多数专业人士仍然担心会免除习惯性醉酒者的所有责任,尤其是喝第一杯酒的责任。习惯性醉酒是对强迫症的医学和道德困境的一种不成熟的尝试,代表了成瘾谱系中概念缺失的一环。
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引用次数: 0
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Bulletin of the History of Medicine
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