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The British Missionaries' Attempts to Identify Chinese Medicine. 英国传教士识别中医的尝试。
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-11-21 DOI: 10.1002/bewi.202400007
Che-Chia Chang

The Western world has a profound historical engagement with medicinal resources originating from China. Following the Opium War, missionaries were granted access to China and established residence there. Motivated by clinical necessities and the inquisitiveness of the Western scientific community, these missionaries meticulously documented the medicinal resources available in China, endeavoring to incorporate this knowledge into Western pharmacology. Among the various reports produced in multiple languages, the contributions in English have emerged as particularly influential. This article seeks to analyze the information-gathering processes within the missionary network and among other naturalists, commencing with Robert Morrison, the inaugural compiler of the English-Chinese dictionary, and extending to Stephen A. Hunter, who collaborated with Chinese officials to develop a complete translation for pharmaceutical nomenclature.

西方世界与源自中国的医药资源有着深厚的历史渊源。鸦片战争后,传教士获准进入中国并在中国定居。在临床需要和西方科学界好奇心的驱使下,这些传教士对中国的药用资源进行了细致的记录,并努力将这些知识纳入西方药理学。在用多种语言撰写的各种报告中,以英文撰写的报告尤其具有影响力。本文试图分析传教士网络和其他博物学家的信息收集过程,从《英汉词典》的首任编纂者罗伯特-马礼逊(Robert Morrison)开始,一直延伸到斯蒂芬-A-亨特(Stephen A. Hunter),他与中国官员合作,为药物命名法编写了完整的译本。
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引用次数: 0
Materialities of the In/between: Drugs and Medical Knowledge between Europe and East Asia. 之间的物质性:欧洲与东亚之间的药物与医学知识》。
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-11-21 DOI: 10.1002/bewi.202400008
Dominik Merdes, Bettina Wahrig

This special issue presents six research papers that were developed within the Taiwanese-German working group "Materialities of Medical Cultures in/between Europe and East Asia." Our working group uses the concept of "in/between" as an umbrella term to study the cultural history of drugs and the practices of medicine and care. This issue's articles address the question of how drugs and medical knowledge emerged from the various in/between spaces created by encounters between East Asian and European medical cultures. Their focus is on the entanglements of matters and knowledge in the contexts of mission and colonialism, the production of medicinal substances and helminthology, as well as on premodern knowledge cultures concerning childbirth and the preparation and consumption of animals with a medicinal background. The contributions present a comparative perspective on material and knowledge cultures surrounding medical materials from plants, animals, and humans. In this introduction, we summarize the discussions within our Taiwan-German working group as case studies on how scholars of East Asian and European studies can meet under the "in/between" umbrella term as a productive approach to an interdisciplinary and comparative history of knowledge.

本特刊收录了台湾-德国 "欧洲与东亚之间医疗文化的物质性 "工作小组的六篇研究论文。我们的工作小组以 "欧洲与东亚之间"(in/between)这一概念为总括术语,研究药物的文化史以及医疗和护理实践。本期文章探讨的问题是,药物和医学知识是如何从东亚和欧洲医学文化相遇所创造的各种 "中间/之间 "空间中产生的。文章的重点是在传教和殖民主义、药用物质的生产和螺旋体病学的背景下药物和知识之间的纠葛,以及前现代知识文化中关于分娩和具有药用背景的动物的制备和食用。这些文章从比较的角度介绍了围绕植物、动物和人类药用材料的物质和知识文化。在本引言中,我们总结了台湾-德国工作小组的讨论情况,并将其作为案例研究,说明东亚和欧洲研究学者如何在 "中间/之间 "这一总括术语下进行交流,以此作为跨学科和比较知识史的一种富有成效的方法。
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引用次数: 0
Human Placenta in Premodern Europe-a Cultural and Pharmaceutical Agent. 前现代欧洲的人类胎盘--一种文化和药剂。
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-11-21 DOI: 10.1002/bewi.202400004
Bettina Wahrig

This paper was prompted by some striking similarities between both the ritual and the medical use of placenta in Ming China and in premodern Europe. Contrary to most accounts, which focus either on the rise of chemiatric medicine or on the growing interest in "exotic" substances, the seventeenth century in Europe also reveals a revived interest in substances from animals, including materials from human bodies. The paper will analyse the use of words signifying the placenta, and follow the trace of vernacular knowledge about the placenta and its role in birth-giving, and in medieval medical texts on women's medicine. I will then analyse how the placenta is treated in systems of signatures in the age of alchemy and will try to trace the advent of more complicated preparations in the seventeenth century, and how between the eighteenth and the twenty-first century, the placenta meandered between a token of folk medicine (re)productive material and pharmaceutical resource.

在明代中国和前现代欧洲,胎盘在祭祀和医疗方面的使用有着惊人的相似之处,这促使我们撰写了这篇论文。与大多数关注化学医学兴起或对 "外来 "物质日益增长的兴趣的说法相反,十七世纪的欧洲也显示出人们对来自动物的物质(包括来自人体的材料)重新产生了兴趣。本文将分析表示胎盘的词语的使用,并追溯有关胎盘及其在分娩中的作用的方言知识,以及中世纪有关妇女医学的文献。然后,我将分析炼金术时代的签名系统是如何处理胎盘的,并试图追溯十七世纪更复杂的制剂的出现,以及十八世纪至二十一世纪期间,胎盘是如何在民间医药(再)生产材料和药物资源之间徘徊的。
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引用次数: 0
A Promising Tropical Medicinal Plant: Taiwan as the Production Hub of Japan's Coca Empirer. 前景广阔的热带药用植物:台湾是日本古柯的生产中心。
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-11-21 DOI: 10.1002/bewi.202400005
Shao-Li Lu

Before World War II, Taiwan became the second-largest coca leaf production base in Asia, second only to Java, contributing to Japan's position as the world's largest exporter of cocaine. While Japan's opium empire has been the subject of extensive academic inquiry, its coca empire has received far less attention. This article explores Taiwan's role in Japan's dual empire of opium and coca, focusing on the environmental and historical factors that enabled the island to rapidly expand coca production. It finds that, in addition to Taiwan's favorable climate for coca cultivation, the island's long-established tea industry provided mature techniques for harvesting and drying the coca leaves. Furthermore, the sugar company supplied the necessary equipment and capital for the extraction of cocaine, becoming a key resource in the industry's development. Learning from the limitations of the opium monopoly-where raw materials were increasingly constrained by international markets-the colonial government sought to promote self-sufficiency in coca production. This strategy not only ensured a stable supply of raw materials but also allowed the coca industry to balance for the declining incomes from opium as international controls tightened. From all angles, the coca industry met Japan's expectations as a "promising drug."

第二次世界大战前,台湾成为亚洲第二大古柯叶生产基地,仅次于爪哇岛,使日本成为世界上最大的可卡因出口国。日本的鸦片帝国一直是学术界广泛探究的主题,但其古柯帝国受到的关注却少得多。本文探讨了台湾在日本鸦片和古柯双重帝国中扮演的角色,重点是使台湾能够迅速扩大古柯生产的环境和历史因素。文章发现,除了台湾适宜种植古柯的气候外,台湾历史悠久的茶业也为古柯叶的采摘和干燥提供了成熟的技术。此外,制糖公司还提供了提取可卡因所需的设备和资金,成为该行业发展的关键资源。殖民地政府从鸦片垄断的局限性中吸取教训--原材料日益受到国际市场的限制,殖民地政府试图促进古柯生产的自给自足。这一战略不仅确保了原材料的稳定供应,还使古柯产业能够平衡因国际管制加强而不断下降的鸦片收入。从各个角度来看,古柯产业都符合日本对 "有前途的毒品 "的期望。
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引用次数: 0
Western Anthelmintics in Early Twentieth-Century China Colonial Practices and Knowledge on "Tropical Diseases" of the In/between. 二十世纪初中国的西方抗疟药殖民实践与关于 "热带病 "的知识。
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-11-02 DOI: 10.1002/bewi.202400001
Dominik Merdes

Protestant (medical) missionaries were the main proponents of Western medicine in China after the Opium Wars. Several studies have highlighted how they used spectacular surgery as a means of gaining public trust. As well as surgery, they also administered anthelmintic drugs such as santonin as a tool of persuasion and conversion. Many anthelmintic drugs of the European materia medica had a colonial history. My paper analyses how coloniality materialised in medical practice and anthelmintics in China. For the late nineteenth century, I will examine the colonial practices in which the drug santonin was involved. At the time, santonin was the drug of choice for treating roundworm. In the early twentieth century, medical missionaries became involved in parasitological research on parasitic worms such as hookworm and Fasciolopsis buski. For this period, I will explore how new knowledge about anthelmintics emerged in the scattered knowledge space of China, and how it related to colonialism and imperialism.

新教(医学)传教士是鸦片战争后西医在中国的主要支持者。一些研究强调了他们如何利用壮观的外科手术来赢得公众的信任。除外科手术外,他们还使用驱虫药,如山莨菪碱,作为说服和改变信仰的工具。欧洲本草中的许多驱虫药都有殖民历史。我的论文分析了殖民主义如何在中国的医疗实践和抗虫药中具体化。在 19 世纪晚期,我将研究山莨菪碱这种药物所涉及的殖民实践。当时,山莨菪碱是治疗蛔虫的首选药物。二十世纪初,医学传教士开始参与寄生虫学研究,研究对象包括钩虫和巴士蝇等寄生虫。在这一时期,我将探讨有关驱虫药的新知识是如何在中国分散的知识空间中出现的,以及它与殖民主义和帝国主义之间的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Between Living and Non-living: Materiality of the Placenta in Ming China. 生命与非生命之间:明代中国胎盘的物质性。
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-11-01 DOI: 10.1002/bewi.202400002
Hsiu-Fen Chen

This study explores materiality and material cultures of human placenta in Ming China (1368-1644), for it perfectly displays Chinese ambiguous attitudes towards the human body parts between living and non-living. For a long time, the Chinese had widely applied human body parts in medical treatments and ritual healings. Numerous evidences in relation to their collection, production, efficacy and application are widely recorded in medical works, in particular those found in materia medica. In the sixteenth century, the Bencao gangmu (Systemic Materia Medica, 1596) illustrates thirty-five "human body drugs." Of those, the placenta was believed effective for curing illnesses, nourishing the body and prolonging life. The questions to be answered include: how is the placenta perceived in medical and religious discourses? What is its "materiality" and "efficacy" when it becomes a drug? What ethical issues and moral concerns are involved with eating the placenta? Last but not least, how was the placenta ritually buried after childbirth in premodern China? In so doing, this essay aims to provide a better understanding of the placenta situated in both material and cosmological worlds. It helps us rethink the multiple relations of human body part to part, part to whole, and body to body.

本研究探讨了明代中国(1368-1644 年)人体胎盘的物质性和物质文化,因为它完美地展现了中国人对人体活体和非活体之间的暧昧态度。长期以来,中国人将人体器官广泛应用于医疗和祭祀活动中。在医学著作,特别是本草纲目中,广泛记载了有关人体器官的采集、制作、功效和应用的大量证据。16 世纪,《本草纲目》(1596 年)记载了 35 种 "人体药物"。其中,胎盘被认为具有治疗疾病、滋补身体和延年益寿的功效。需要回答的问题包括:医学和宗教论述是如何看待胎盘的?当胎盘成为药物时,它的 "物质性 "和 "功效 "是什么?食用胎盘涉及哪些伦理问题和道德关切?最后但并非最不重要的是,在前现代中国,产后胎盘是如何进行礼葬的?这篇文章旨在让我们更好地理解胎盘在物质世界和宇宙世界中的地位。它有助于我们重新思考人体部分与部分、部分与整体以及身体与身体之间的多重关系。
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引用次数: 0
Titelbild: (Ber. Wissenschaftsgesch. 3/2024) 封面图片: (Ber. Wissenschaftsgesch. 3/2024)
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-09-24 DOI: 10.1002/bewi.202480301

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引用次数: 0
Inhaltsverzeichnis: Ber. Wissenschaftsgesch. 3/2024 目录Ber.科学史3/2024
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-09-24 DOI: 10.1002/bewi.202480311
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引用次数: 0
Science in Community: Anatomy, Academy, and Argument in the Eighteenth-Century Holy Roman Empire** 社区中的科学:十八世纪神圣罗马帝国的解剖学、学院和争论。
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-07-29 DOI: 10.1002/bewi.202300026
Julia Carina Böttcher

Understanding physicians as actors who implemented the early modern ideal of collective empiricism into their practices within the local contexts of everyday life, the paper explores two cases from imperial cities in southern Germany in the 1720s and 1780s in which anatomical studies were contested. By analyzing the strategies and arguments that the two physicians used to justify and continue their anatomical dissections, it focuses on their references to different kinds of (local) community and relates these references to another type of collective: membership in a scientific academy. To examine references to community, it is proposed, offers an opportunity to better understand the spread and practice of the ideal of the study of nature as a collective project and how it was intertwined with concepts and structures of order and society in the Holy Roman Empire.

本文将医生理解为在日常生活的地方背景下将现代早期集体经验主义理想付诸实践的行动者,探讨了 17 世纪 20 年代和 80 年代德国南部帝国城市中解剖学研究受到争议的两个案例。通过分析这两位医生为继续进行解剖学研究而采取的策略和论据,本文重点探讨了他们对不同类型(地方)社区的引用,并将这些引用与另一种类型的集体--科学院的成员资格--联系起来。文章提出,研究社区的提法可以更好地理解作为集体项目的自然研究理想的传播和实践,以及它是如何与神圣罗马帝国的秩序和社会的概念和结构交织在一起的。
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引用次数: 0
„History is touchy“ Die History-of-Programming-Languages-Konferenz, 1978 "历史是感性的 "编程语言历史大会,1978 年。
IF 0.6 2区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-07-24 DOI: 10.1002/bewi.202300032
Amelie Mittlmeier
<p>Im Jahr 1967 feierte die Association for Computing Machinery (ACM) ihr 20-jähriges Bestehen. Die zu diesem Zeitpunkt größte und älteste US-amerikanische Computer-Gesellschaft lud ausgewählte Pioniere des Faches nach Washington D. C. ein, um auf die eigene Geschichte zurückzublicken. Mit Hilfe eines Audiorecorders zeichnete man die Sitzung auf und überlieferte so die Anekdoten und Erinnerungen der anwesenden Pioniere für die Nachwelt.<sup>1</sup> Eine solche Selbsthistorisierung wissenschaftlicher Gesellschaften war und ist nichts Ungewöhnliches. Jubiläen und Jahrestage bieten häufig Anlass, sich mit der eigenen Vergangenheit auseinanderzusetzen, und sie tragen so zur „Ausbildung eines fachkulturellen Gedächtnisses“ bei.<sup>2</sup></p><p>Ab Mitte der 1970er Jahre startete ein weiteres Projekt, bei dem die Informatik auf ihre Vergangenheit zurückblickte.<sup>3</sup> Gut zehn Jahre nach der Jubiläumsfeier der ACM, im Mai 1978, fand in Los Angeles die erste History of Programming Languages Conference (im Folgenden HOPL-Konferenz) statt. Organisiert wurde die Tagung von einer Gruppe InformatikerInnen, und das Programm umfasste die Vorträge ausgewählter Pioniere, die von der Entwicklung besonders bedeutsamer Programmiersprachen berichten sollten. Obwohl die Veranstaltung auf den ersten Blick Parallelen zu dem Jubiläum von 1967 aufweist (die Pioniere des Faches erzählen „ihre“ Geschichte), war ein solcher Zugang genau das, was die OrganisatorInnen mit ihrer Konferenz <i>nicht</i> im Sinn hatten. Dies betonten sie, noch bevor das Vorhaben einen Namen trug: „This [planned history conference] is <span>not</span> supposed to be a group of people just coming together to provide a set of reminiscences.“<sup>4</sup></p><p>Tatsächlich unterschied sich die HOPL-Konferenz wesentlich von anderen Selbsthistorisierungsprojekten – wie etwa der Jubiläumsfeier 1967. Im Folgenden soll gezeigt werden, dass es der Anspruch der OrganisatorInnen war, aus einer möglichst objektiven Perspektive auf die eigene Vergangenheit zu blicken, sie zu erforschen und eine detailreiche, umfassende sowie korrekte Darstellung der Geschichte zu präsentieren; es ging also gerade nicht darum, das eigene Mitwirken an den vergangenen Entwicklungen zu erinnern, wie im Fall der erzählenden Pioniere. Bemerkenswert ist dieses Vorhaben nicht nur durch seine Abgrenzung zu anderen Selbsthistorisierungsprojekten. Der Anspruch der HOPL-OrganisatorInnen, einen Beitrag zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte zu leisten, verortet die Konferenz in den Kontext der sich wandelnden Wissenschaftsgeschichte jener Zeit. Der folgende Text soll daher auch eine neue Perspektive auf die Geschichte der akademischen Wissenschaftsgeschichte eröffnen.</p><p>Bei der Vorbereitung der HOPL-Konferenz kam es bald zu Diskussionen, in denen Herausforderungen einer (wissenschafts−)geschichtlichen Arbeit zur Sprache kamen. Die umfassend überlieferte Dokumentation der Veranstaltung<sup>5</sup> bietet nicht nur Einblicke in die Auseinander
例如,萨姆梅特对斯特恩和穆尔索夫的反馈意见无能为力,而历史学家们的感受可能恰恰相反--至少他们显然没有感受到会议的意义,这一点从与会者名单上就能看出。回过头来看,我们可以发现,其他(自我)历史化项目,如查尔斯-巴贝奇研究所(Charles Babbage Institute)的成立,或 1980 年后新出版的《计算机史年鉴》(Annals of the History of Computing),都为专业历史学家参与计算机和计算机科学的历史提供了重要的推动力。 33 这一核心作用基于会议应该(和不应该)讨论什么的想法。在调查问卷中,发言人被要求在回答问题前查阅文件并咨询同事。34 文章和演讲不是个人回顾,换句话说,目的不是制作回忆录,而是尽可能完整地收集所有重要资料和事实:"请尽可能引用原始文件并注明出处"。萨梅特对此解释如下:"[......]现在是获取这些详细信息的最佳时机,以便为未来的历史学家提供这些信息。"35 问卷包括有关财政支持以及 "语言设计原则 "的问题。这种方法让人想起口述历史访谈中使用的方法。这些问题的目的是确保计算机科学家能够以科学的眼光看待过去,尽管他们有个人偏见。因此,萨姆梅特和项目委员会采用了一种自 20 世纪 60 年代以来在历史研究中日益成熟的方法,这种方法也被专业化的科学史所采用36。其原因不能用 HOPL 组织者的方法论来解释。37 一份日期为 1977 年 6 月 20 日、标题为 "由约翰-古德诺编写 "的说明37 表明,计算机专家认识到不合时宜是一个问题,就像 "语言设计原则 "一样。该文件指出:要了解任何科学领域是如何发展的,就必须了解在该领域发展的每个[任何给定的]阶段,哪些问题被认为是重要的。[......]我们的想法是从设计师个人对为何做出某些设计决定的回忆中,提炼出对语言设计的技术和社会学38 影响的理解,以及这些影响是如何随着时间的推移而变化的。古德诺在这里对 "技术 "和 "社会学 "影响作了区分,后者包括 "谁的个性更强、谁主导决策、主导决策者的背景等"。组织者清楚地认识到,这些 "社会学 "因素在编程语言的发展过程中发挥了作用。他们中的大多数人从自己的经验中了解到,争议并不总是由更有说服力的论据来决定。将这些方面排除在历史考量之外,"很可能会使设计过程听起来比实际情况更加合理 "40:发言人是经过挑选的,他们的任务是按照明确的指导原则和调查问卷记录编程语言的历史。41 无论是会议组织者还是演讲者,都没有轻言放弃撰写自己历史的任务。萨梅特在一封详细的信中回复了格里斯沃尔德关于进一步支持的请求。她在信中向格里斯沃尔德保证,她将与计划委员会一起制定总体指导方针。她认为,在 "历史准确性 "方面,报告的完整性是最重要的--但如果可能的话,应避免贬损性言论。42 经过多次尝试,特洛普最终向发言人提供了 "敏感材料建议准则 "43 。尤其重要的是,要区分有据可查的事实和仅凭当事人回忆的事实--后者 "可能是错误的"。44 他还建议不要猜测当事人的动机:"坚持事实,把对动机的探究留给读者和未来的学者"。重要的是,"要平衡地介绍所作贡献"。特洛普在指导原则的最后指出,"唯一绝对禁止的是利用论文对特定个人或组织进行人身攻击"。 格罗希在给萨梅特写信的同时,还写了一封公开信给会议日程委员会成员和 ACM 的其他官员。在信中,他再次呼吁以不同的方式组织会议。特别是,他主张重新考虑编程语言的选择,纳入以前开发的语言,并扩大受邀者名单--因为 "历史是敏感的 "54。54 如果格罗施希望他的要求能得到目标群体的支持,那么他的愿望并没有实现。其他人的回应清楚地表明,格罗施在会议计划上是孤军奋战。例如,一位计划委员会成员在外交辞令中表示,格罗希与组织者的目标截然不同,但他同意主席的观点,即 "我们确实必须'仔细记录......对语言选择的解释'和发言人"。他对格罗希的行为感到 "震惊",因为他意识到这是总统对会议日程委员会施加的压力。56 格罗希显然没有理解会议的 "理念",即 "避免授予任何人任何荣誉"。格罗希显然觉得自己被误解了,他也不愿意接受格雷厄姆关于他滥用 ACM 主席职务的指控。他在另一封信中为自己辩护。他当然理解这次会议的 "理念"--"世界始于 1957 年,哈利路亚!"--但 "之前的那部分[......]那部分有可能被遗忘"。59 如前所述,即将发表的论文的作者们也一再面临这方面的问题。格罗希在信中也谈到了他参与此事的动机:"鲍勃(即罗伯特-M-格雷厄姆),我个人与此事并无利害关系。我不是软件人,也不是软件先驱。但是,与你不同的是,早在让之前,我就在那里了"。这件事与格罗希有关,因为他 "曾经在那里"--而且不仅仅是他:"这个行业中的每一个老人都会被激怒。"60 格罗希受到影响的程度从他随后的行动中可以清楚地看出:他要求 SIGPLAN 时事通讯的编辑维克多-施耐德(Victor Schneider)在十月刊上刊登一封公开信。他这样做扩大了争议的受众范围。在这封信中,他也表达了对计划方案的担忧("历史是敏感的东西"),但他更进一步说:"这封信是一种抗议。你们--也就是 SIGPLAN--有一个很好的想法:为软件史做出贡献。[......]但是,只关注 ALGOL 和 APL 的细枝末节,而忽视 40 年代末和 50 年代初的人类场景,这只是技术,而不是历史。诗人望着论坛的废墟,感叹道:"啊,要是这些石头会说话就好了!"该死的,其中一块石头会说话了。有人在听吗?61 格罗希的做法有时会遭到激烈反弹。施耐德同意刊登这封公开信,但条件是格罗希必须缓和措辞。62 他还希望给会议组织者一个机会,让他们准备一份回应,与格罗希的信一起刊登。但格罗希拒绝放弃他 "众所周知、甚至是臭名昭著的风格 "63 ,并威胁要在 ACM 的期刊上发表这封信,因为该期刊提供了一个 "主席来信版面":"当然,这使得鲍勃-格雷厄姆的抱怨终究成真:总统权力的使用!64 为了防止冲突进一步升级,SIGPLAN 的负责人最终在抗议声中同意在 12 月刊上刊登格罗希的信。 65 对格罗施的前一封信保持沉默的萨梅特现在又开口了。她指责格罗希对建设性的批评不感兴趣,而是一味地推行自己的想法;格罗希不准备 "承认除了你的方法之外,还有其他好的方法 "66 ,只要是这种情况,萨姆梅特无论好坏都不得不对他置之不理:"我[......]会努力不理会你今后在这方面的发飙 "67 。她将这封信的草稿寄给了计划委员会成员并征求意见,同时提醒他们:"重要的是要认识到 SIGPLAN 期刊的发行量已超过 7000 份,即使理论上不是,实际上也是一份永久性的档案出版物。"68 她在信的后记中再次体现了这种历史意识,她补充道:"如果会议筹备文件本身具有历史意义[......],我也希望[原文如此]不要把这类无稽之谈包括在内。 69 与格罗希的冲突也可以在文件中找到(打算存档),这种想法对萨姆梅特来说可能不太有吸引力。尽管萨梅特对格罗希的计划并不担心,但他的反对意见显然也引起了她的关注。例如,她咨询了一位前同事,希望得到他对自己关于 COBOL 编程语言历史的文章的肯定71。谁 "发明 "了一种编程语言,谁应
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