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The Problem of Genre in the Hymns by the Lake Poets and Thomas Moore 湖畔诗人与托马斯·摩尔诗歌的体裁问题
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.17223/24099554/15/1
Alexandra D. Zhuk
Though there are many seminal works on early Romanticism and Thomas Moore’s poetry, their hymns remain understudied. This article focuses on the genre problem in the hymns by the Lake Poets (S.T. Coleridge, W. Wordsworth, R. Southey) and Thomas Moore, whose poetry is studied in context of English Literature and German Romanticism. The characteristics of the hymn are emotionality, associative composition, abundance of repetitions and parallelisms, archaic grammatical forms of verbs and pronouns, and the use of verb contractions. The combination of genres in hymns results in such variants as the odic hymn, the idyllic and elegiac hymn, the mythological hymn, and even the satirical hymn, with each of them evolving in its own way in the period under study. The odic hymn is represented in “Hymn before Sun-rise, in the Vale of Chamouni” (1802) by S.T. Coleridge and “Hymn. For the Boatmen, as They Approach the Rapids under the Castle of Heidelberg” (1820/1822) and “To the Laborer’s Noon-Day Hymn” (1834/1835) by W. Wordsworth. These poems have such odic features as comparisons and conditional and cause-and-effect syntactic constructions. Coleridge’s hymn going back to the psalms of praise was influenced by German Romanticism, while Wordsworth’s hymns feature religious vocabulary and quotations from the Mass. The mythological hymn comes in two versions – one with idyllic features (“Hymn to the Earth” (1799, publ.1834) by S.T. Coleridge) and the mythological hymn-fragment (“Fragment of a mythological hymn to Love” (1812) by T. Moore). The fist is the translation of Stolberg’s hymn, from which the leitmotif of the Earth as the mother and the nanny of the World is borrowed. The image of the Earth has anthropomorphic features, with the marriage of the Earth and Heaven going back to W. Blake. The myth created by T. Moore is more complex. The creation of the world begins with the marriage of Love and Psyche. Love appears as the masculine principle of the Universe, while Psyche as the feminine one. The plot goes back to the ancient myths of the world creation from the Chaos and marriage of Eros and Psyche. However, T. Moore changed the myth and transformed the heroes into a source of life. “Hymn to the Penates” (1796) by R. Southey combines the idyllic, elegiac, publicistic and hymn features proper. The idyllic features are related to the image of the Penates that turn into a force controlling human lives and the souls of the dead. The childhood memories give rise to the elegiac features. The publicistic features appear in the verses of the people who do not worship the Penates. The composition, repetitions and parallelisms in the satirical “A Hymn of Welcome after the Recess” (1813) by T. Moore go back to the hymn genre; however the main stylistic devices used are irony and metonymy. Summing up, the genre of hymn in the works by the Lake Poets and Thomas Moore undergoes significant transformations, which will be further developed in late Romanism.
尽管有许多关于早期浪漫主义和托马斯·摩尔诗歌的开创性作品,但他们的赞美诗仍未得到充分研究。本文以英国文学和德国浪漫主义为背景,对“湖诗人”(柯勒律治、华兹华斯、索塞)和托马斯·摩尔的诗歌进行体裁分析。赞美诗的特点是抒情性、联想性、大量的重复和平行、动词和代词的古老语法形式以及动词缩略形式的使用。赞美诗体裁的结合导致了诸如颂歌、田园诗和挽歌、神话赞美诗,甚至讽刺赞美诗等变体,每一种都在研究的时期以自己的方式发展。圣·圣·柯勒律治(st . Coleridge)的《日出前的赞美诗,在查穆尼谷》(1802)和《赞美诗》(hymn)都表现了这种韵律诗。《船夫,当他们接近海德堡城堡下的急流时》(1820/1822)和华兹华斯的《致工人的正午赞美诗》(1834/1835)。这些诗具有比较、条件和因果句法结构等韵律特征。柯勒律治的赞美诗可以追溯到赞美诗,受到德国浪漫主义的影响,而华兹华斯的赞美诗则以宗教词汇和弥撒中的引文为特色。这首神话赞美诗有两个版本——一个带有田园诗的特征(《献给地球的赞美诗》(1799年,1834年出版),另一个是神话赞美诗片段(《献给爱情的神话赞美诗片段》(1812年),作者是t·摩尔)。第一个是斯托尔伯格的赞美诗的翻译,其中借用了地球作为世界的母亲和保姆的主题。大地的形象具有拟人化的特点,大地与天堂的结合可以追溯到W.布莱克。t·摩尔创造的神话更为复杂。世界的创造始于爱和普赛克的婚姻。爱作为宇宙的男性原则出现,而普赛克作为女性原则出现。故事情节从厄洛斯和普赛克的混乱和婚姻回到了创造世界的古代神话。然而,T.摩尔改变了神话,把英雄变成了生命的源泉。苏塞的《忏忏者赞美诗》(Hymn to the Penates, 1796)恰如其分地结合了田园诗、挽歌、宣传和赞美诗的特点。田园诗般的特征与Penates的形象有关,它变成了一种控制人类生命和死者灵魂的力量。童年的记忆产生了哀歌的特征。这种公开的特征出现在那些不崇拜圣徒的人的诗中。T.摩尔1813年创作的讽刺作品《下课后欢迎赞美诗》的构图、重复和平行都回到了赞美诗的风格;然而,主要的文体手段是反讽和转喻。综上所述,湖诗人和托马斯·摩尔作品中的赞美诗体裁发生了重大转变,并将在浪漫主义晚期得到进一步发展。
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引用次数: 0
William Blake in Contemporary Russian Literature and Culture 当代俄罗斯文学与文化中的威廉·布莱克
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.17223/24099554/15/4
Vera V. Serdechnaia
The article discusses the creativity of the English romantic William Blake comprehended in contemporary Russian literature and culture. These facts are quite significant, since many Russian thinkers and writers, such as Igor Garin and Merab Mamardashvili, mention Blake in their works. Blake, partly remembered as a symbolist and mystic, loomed large in the cultural universe of the Moscow mystical “Yuzhinsky” circle, members of which were, in particular, Yuri Mamleev, Yevgeny Golovin, Alexander Dugin, Yuri Stefanov. For them, Blake was an integral part of the great Tradition or ancient knowledge, lost by the civilization. Blake has been mentioned and quoted in the prose by Yuri Buida, Alexey Gryakalov, Ivan Ermakov, Ksenia Buksha, Oleg Postnov and in the poetry by Olga Kuznetsova, Maria Galina, Alla Gorbunova, Maxim Kalinin and others. Andrei Tavrov enters into a creative dialogue with the English Romanticist in his poetic cycle Lament for Blake (2018). Tavrov creatively renders Blake’s metaphysics of human physiology. The poem “Blake. Sparrow” shows an impressive fusion of Blake’s motives and lyrics. in particular, the multilevel character of the mythological world (from Ulro to Eden), conversations with Angels and traveling through the stars in “The Marriage”, the image of a sparrow and a visionary bird in general, images of insects guided through the night (“Dream”), the image of Milton like the meteorite in the heel of the narrator, the figure of Flaxman and the philosophy of creation by the word. In Tavrov’s work, Blake inhabits in a bizarre world of metaliterature, including Gogol and Derzhavin, Velasquez and Newton, Lear and Oedipus, Pan and Melchizedek. Blake, as the creator of overlapping worlds, becomes for Tavrov the key to the total poetization of the universe; where a transition is made from the hermetic principle “as above, so below” to the principle “everything in everything”. This principle turns out to be the most important for contemporary poetry. Blake’s paintings and drawings have become a part of Russian book culture: the famous engraving of the Creator God with a compass “The Ancient of Days” is often used in book graphics; the Moscow conceptualist Viktor Pivovarov, the author of samizdat, admitted that Blake inspired him with his experience in book printing. Blake’s influence can also be seen in the works of contemporary sculptor Alexander Kudryavtsev (1938–2011), namely, his ceramic fresco “The Creation of the World”. Thus, Blake, who came, among others, through the work of The DOORS and Jarmusch’s Dead Man, plays a significant role in the space of contemporary Russian literature. In these terms, the most significant of his works are “Songs” and “The Marriage of Heaven and Hell”, as well as mystical revelations of prophetic poems and his creative life of a genius unrecognized during his lifetime in general.
本文从当代俄罗斯文学文化的角度探讨了英国浪漫主义作家威廉·布莱克的创造性。这些事实非常重要,因为许多俄罗斯思想家和作家,如伊戈尔·加林和梅拉布·马马达什维利,在他们的作品中都提到了布莱克。布雷克在一定程度上被认为是一个象征主义者和神秘主义者,他在莫斯科神秘主义的“尤任斯基”圈子的文化宇宙中显得很重要,其中的成员包括尤里·马姆列耶夫、叶夫根尼·戈洛文、亚历山大·杜金、尤里·斯特凡诺夫。对他们来说,布莱克是伟大传统或古老知识的组成部分,被文明所遗忘。在尤里·布伊达、阿列克谢·格里卡洛夫、伊万·埃尔马科夫、克谢尼娅·布克沙、奥列格·波斯特诺夫的散文和奥尔加·库兹涅佐娃、玛丽亚·加林娜、真主安拉·戈尔布诺娃、马克西姆·加里宁等人的诗歌中都提到和引用过布莱克。安德烈·塔夫罗夫(Andrei Tavrov)在他的诗歌系列《布莱克的挽歌》(2018)中与英国浪漫主义者进行了一次创造性的对话。塔夫洛夫创造性地演绎了布莱克关于人体生理学的形而上学。《布莱克》这首诗。《麻雀》令人印象深刻地融合了布莱克的动机和歌词。特别是神话世界的多层次人物(从乌尔罗到伊甸园),《婚姻》中与天使的对话和穿越星星的旅行,一般的麻雀和幻想鸟的形象,在夜间被引导的昆虫的形象(《梦》),弥尔顿像叙述者脚跟上的陨石的形象,弗拉克斯曼的形象以及用文字创造的哲学。在塔夫洛夫的作品中,布莱克生活在一个奇异的金属文学世界里,包括果戈理和德尔沙文、拉斯开兹和牛顿、李尔和俄狄浦斯、潘和麦基洗德克。布莱克作为重叠世界的创造者,对塔夫洛夫来说,成为宇宙整体诗意化的关键;从“上如下”的封闭原则过渡到“万物中有万物”的原则。这一原则对当代诗歌来说是最重要的。布莱克的油画和素描已经成为俄罗斯书籍文化的一部分:著名的用指南针雕刻造物主上帝的作品“古代的日子”经常被用于书籍图形;莫斯科概念主义者维克多·皮沃瓦罗夫(Viktor Pivovarov)是《地下刊物》(samizdat)的作者,他承认布莱克在书籍印刷方面的经历给了他灵感。在当代雕塑家亚历山大·库德里亚夫采夫(Alexander Kudryavtsev, 1938-2011)的作品中也可以看到布莱克的影响,即他的陶瓷壁画《世界的创造》。因此,通过《门》和贾木许的《死人》等作品而来的布莱克在当代俄罗斯文学中扮演着重要的角色。在这些方面,他最重要的作品是《歌》和《天堂与地狱的结合》,以及预言诗的神秘启示和他一生中不为人所知的天才的创造生活。
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引用次数: 0
The Image of Russia in Beat Culture 垮掉文化中的俄罗斯形象
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.17223/24099554/16/13
Irina V. L’vova
The article deals with one of the most important unofficial imperial symbols of Russia - the Russian bayonet. For quite a long historical period, 1790-1945, the bayonet remained a metaphor for military, state, and national power. In the historical perspective, it had three main meanings: 1) the glory of the Russian Army, and then the Red Army; 2) the greatness and strength of the Russian Empire; 3) courage, determination, and the Russian man’s contempt for death. The cult of Suvorov and the myth of the Russian bayonet were formed in Russian poetry at the same time - at the end of the XVIII century, and they supported each other. Suvorov’s bayonet charge training remained relevant in the tactics and military theory of the Russian Army until the end of the 19th century. The idea of the mythical Suvorov’s “bogatyr”, a Russian soldier, was poeticized by the commander himself in The Science of Victory (1795) and was continued primarily in the patriotic poetry of the 1830s. The mythologization of the Russian bayonet in Russian poetry and battle prose reached its apotheosis in the early 1830s, at the time of Russia’s confrontation with Europe over the Polish Uprising. The literary myth of the bayonet is presented in its most complete form in Pyotr Yershov’s poem “The Russian Bayonet”. Patriotic lyrics with their collective lyrical subject and nationwide sublime pathos and the battle prose of the 1830s both played a decisive role in the creation of the myth. The hyperbolization of the Russian hero wielding the bayonet in the prose of the 1830s is usually linked with the motif of national superiority. The ideological imperial myth of the invincible and all-powerful Russian bayonet was used primarily within Russia itself. During the Crimean War, the poetical hope that the bayonet would help to win the war with the most well-armed armies in Europe was in vain. In addition, the destruction of the myth was influenced by the spread of the personal point of view in the psychological prose of Leo Tolstoy and Vsevolod Garshin. In Tolstoy’s battle prose, the war rhetoric and the valorization of war are devalued, this “demythologization” also includes an unusual description of the Russian bayonet charge. This trend continues in the prose of Garshin, who gained the experience of an ordinary volunteer soldier in the Russian-Turkish War. In the last third of the 19th century and before the beginning of the First World War, the bayonet in Russian unofficial literature became a metaphor for the repressive state apparatus. Nevertheless, at the beginning of the war, the suppressed national semantics of the bayonet was actualized again. The same thing happened at the very beginning of the Great Patriotic War when the very existence of Russians as an ethnic group was called into question. Soviet poets once again turned to the myth of the all-conquering Suvorov’s Russian bayonet.
这篇文章讨论了俄罗斯最重要的非官方帝国象征之一——刺刀。在相当长的历史时期(1790年至1945年),刺刀一直是军事、国家和民族力量的象征。从历史的角度来看,它有三个主要含义:1)俄罗斯军队的荣耀,然后是红军;2)俄罗斯帝国的伟大和强大;3)勇气、决心和俄罗斯人对死亡的蔑视。对苏沃洛夫的崇拜和俄国刺刀的神话同时在俄国诗歌中形成——在十八世纪末,它们相互支持。苏沃洛夫的刺刀冲锋训练直到19世纪末仍在俄军的战术和军事理论中发挥着重要作用。传说中的苏沃洛夫的“bogatyr”,一个俄国士兵,被指挥官本人在《胜利的科学》(1795)中诗意化,并主要在19世纪30年代的爱国诗歌中延续。俄国刺刀在俄国诗歌和战斗散文中的神话化在19世纪30年代初达到了顶峰,当时俄国正因波兰起义而与欧洲对抗。关于刺刀的文学神话在彼得·叶尔绍夫的诗《俄罗斯刺刀》中得到了最完整的呈现。具有集体抒情主题的爱国主义歌词和全国性的崇高悲情以及19世纪30年代的战斗散文都在神话的创造中发挥了决定性作用。在19世纪30年代的散文中,对俄罗斯英雄挥舞刺刀的夸张描写通常与民族优越感的主题联系在一起。关于俄罗斯刺刀不可战胜和无所不能的意识形态神话主要在俄罗斯国内使用。在克里米亚战争期间,人们满怀诗意地希望刺刀能帮助欧洲装备最精良的军队赢得战争,但这一希望落空了。此外,神话的毁灭还受到托尔斯泰和加申的心理散文中个人观点的传播的影响。在托尔斯泰的战斗散文中,战争修辞和战争的价值被贬低了,这种“去神话化”还包括对俄罗斯刺刀冲锋的不同寻常的描述。在俄土战争中获得普通志愿军经验的加申的散文中也延续了这种趋势。在19世纪的最后三分之一和第一次世界大战开始之前,刺刀在俄罗斯非官方文学中成为镇压性国家机器的隐喻。然而,在战争开始时,被压抑的刺刀民族语义学又被实现了。同样的事情也发生在卫国战争初期,当时俄罗斯人作为一个民族的存在受到了质疑。苏联诗人再一次转向了苏沃洛夫的俄罗斯刺刀的神话。
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引用次数: 0
The Myth of the Chersonesus Destruction: An Episode of the Literary Development of Crimea 切尔松苏斯毁灭神话:克里米亚文学发展的一个插曲
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.17223/24099554/15/12
V. V. Orekhov
In travel literature of the 19th century (P.I. Sumarokov, V.B. Bronevsky, I.M. Muraviev-Apostol, E.D. Clark, F. Dubois de Montpere, K. Omer de Gell and others), there was a legend that ancient Chersonesus was destroyed to extract building materials for the construction of Sevastopol. The objective data analysis shows that it is a literary myth that originates from the work of P.S. Pallas “Observations Made During Traveling Over Southern Provinces of the Russian State in 1793–1794” (1799–1801). The scholar argued that the “destruction” of Chersonesus was a consequence of the active construction of Sevastopol in the 1780s–1790s. In 1818, P.S. Pallas’s viepoint was supported by N.M. Karamzin, whose History of the Russian State tells (with reference to P.S. Pallas) that Chersonesus was destroyed “to take stones to construct houses in Sevastopol”. Since then, this version of the events has become a commonplace in almost any text about Chersonesus. At the same time, some European authors (E.D. Clark, K. Omer de Gell) used this “common place” as an instrument of political propaganda. It has been documented that only four objects of modest scale were built out of Chersonesus stone in 1783: a chapel, a smithy, a pier and an admiral’s house. Then, they started to produce building materials in F.F. Mekenzi’s estate and in the Inkerman quarries, which made the industrial extraction of stone in Chersonesus impractical. Why did the experience of the first city constructions entail such generalizing conclusions in P.S. Pallas’s book? The reconstruction of the historical situation allows to single out two main reasons. That time Crimea was considered a fragment of classical antiquity acquired by Russia. The remains of ancient constructions became the primary object of literary and research interests. However, the first travelers were deceived in their expectations, since in Crimea they mostly found medieval monuments erected on the site of ancient ones. Modern archaeologists know that in the 6th – 7th centuries ancient Chersonesus was completely rebuilt, which explains the scantiness of ancient traces. However, in the era of P.S. Pallas, it was easier to explain the absence of antique artifacts by the destruction caused by those who built Sevastopol. Yet there was another reason. Sevastopol quickly became the most populous city on the peninsula. This led to spontaneous development and unauthorized extraction of building materials, including the territory of Chersonesus. It was impossible to tackle the problem of protecting ancient monument at the level of local initiatives and funds. The exaggerations found in P.S. Pallas’s writing can be explained by the awareness of the spontaneous threat to the ruins of the ancient polis. A small fragment of the text written by P.S. Pallas about the destruction of Chersonesus was rather a signal of alarm calling for measures to preserve the settlement, than a strictly historical statement. This signal, relayed by many literar
在19世纪的旅行文献(P.I. Sumarokov, V.B. Bronevsky, I.M. Muraviev-Apostol, E.D. Clark, F. Dubois de Montpere, K. Omer de Gell等人)中,有一个传说,古代Chersonesus被摧毁,以提取建造塞瓦斯托波尔的建筑材料。客观资料分析表明,这是一个文学神话,起源于P.S.帕拉斯的作品“1793-1794年在俄罗斯国家南部省份旅行期间的观察”(1799-1801)。这位学者认为,切尔松苏斯的“毁灭”是18世纪80年代至90年代塞瓦斯托波尔积极建设的结果。1818年,P.S.帕拉斯的观点得到了N.M. Karamzin的支持,他的《俄罗斯国家历史》(参考P.S.帕拉斯)告诉我们,切尔松苏斯被摧毁是为了“在塞瓦斯托波尔取石头建造房屋”。从那时起,这个版本的事件已经成为一个司空见惯的几乎所有关于切逊尼索斯的文本。与此同时,一些欧洲作家(E.D. Clark, K. Omer de Gell)将这种“公共场所”作为政治宣传的工具。据记载,在1783年,只有四个中等规模的物体是用切尔松苏斯石建造的:一个小教堂,一个铁匠铺,一个码头和一个海军上将的房子。然后,他们开始在F.F. Mekenzi的庄园和Inkerman采石场生产建筑材料,这使得在Chersonesus工业开采石头变得不切实际。为什么第一个城市建设的经验会在P.S.帕拉斯的书中得出如此概括的结论?对历史形势的重建可以找出两个主要原因。当时,克里米亚被认为是俄罗斯获得的古典遗迹的一部分。古代建筑的遗迹成为文学和研究兴趣的主要对象。然而,第一批旅行者的期望被欺骗了,因为在克里米亚,他们大多发现中世纪的纪念碑建在古代纪念碑的原址上。现代考古学家知道,在6 - 7世纪,古切尔松苏斯被完全重建,这就解释了古代遗迹的稀少。然而,在帕拉斯(P.S. Pallas)时代,用建造塞瓦斯托波尔的人造成的破坏来解释没有古董更容易。然而,还有另一个原因。塞瓦斯托波尔迅速成为半岛上人口最多的城市。这导致了自发的发展和未经授权的建筑材料开采,包括切尔松苏斯的领土。要从地方的积极性和资金层面解决古迹保护问题是不可能的。P.S.帕拉斯作品中的夸张之处可以解释为,他意识到古代城邦的废墟面临着自发的威胁。P.S.帕拉斯(P.S. Pallas)写的一小段关于切逊尼索斯(Chersonesus)毁灭的文字,与其说是一个严格的历史陈述,不如说是一个警告信号,呼吁采取措施保护该定居点。这一信号通过许多文学文本传递,最终引起了必要的反应——切尔松苏斯成为历史遗产保护的对象。然而,与此同时,P.S.帕拉斯的文本变成了一个神话主题,牢牢扎根于关于切尔松奈斯和塞瓦斯托波尔历史的文学观念中。
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引用次数: 0
Mikhail Lermontov and Nikolay Nadezhdin: Creative History and Sources of the Poem “The Sail” 米哈伊尔·莱蒙托夫与尼古拉·纳杰日金:诗歌《帆》的创作历史与来源
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.17223/24099554/16/7
S. Komarov, Olga K. Lagunova
The article offers a new version of the concept and figurative nature of the well-known poem “The Sail” by Mikhail Lermontov. A set of subject lexemes from two articles written by Nikolay Nadezhdin based on the materials of his dissertation is considered as the source of most of the semantic signs of this text. The articles were simultaneously published in two magazines (Ateney [Athenaeus] and Vestnik Evropy [Herald of Europe]) and contain the conception of the phase development of world poetry. In the articles, Nadezhdin outlines the presence of two - classical and romantic - phases and proved that the latter expressed a crisis state of consciousness and is, in its then contemporary form, a forerunner of the transition to new forms of consciousness and the art of words. The task of these forthcoming new forms was to combine two complementary principles that structurally characterize the classical and romantic phases of poetry - oriented towards the outer and inner worlds, respectively. Nadezhdin is a recently hired professor of the language arts department of Moscow University where Lermontov also transfers. Lermontov publishes his debut poem in the same magazine as Nadezhdin, but chronologically later. Getting acquainted with the professor’s articles and his conception, Lermontov undertakes the mission of a qualitative renewal of poetic art that Nadezhdin declared. The poem “The Sail” embodies this decision of the young poet, that is why he is consistent as an author in extracting Nadezhdin’s figurative signs-concepts from the articles in addition to the initial emblematic line from Bestuzhev-Marlinsky’s poem. Thus, the reference to the famous Russian romantic acquires a motivated meaning within the framework of Nadezhdin’s general conception. The conception also explains the stanza-based division of the text into into descriptive and reflexive segments, which are analogs of of orientation towards the outer and the inner world. Lermontov demonstrates that his authorial consciousness overcomes the crisis of the romantic phase. He depicts the romantic character and his dialogue with a different, external subject objectively, in an estranged manner. As a result, the reader understands that the author, as a third consciousness, in his expression and values, is outside the framework of the designated problems of the dispute between the character and the sail, that is, between the real bearer and the actor of new poetry. Associated with this is the special position of this text in Lermontov’s transition from poetry to prose, as well as its inclusion in the famous letter of Lopukhina in September 1832. All this taken together makes it possible to speak about the need to consider the Lermontov / Nadezhdin plot as promising, although absent in Lermontov Encyclopedia.
本文对莱蒙托夫著名诗歌《帆》的概念和比喻性质进行了新的解读。Nikolay Nadezhdin根据其论文材料所写的两篇文章中的一组主语词被认为是本文大部分语义符号的来源。这些文章同时发表在两份杂志(Ateney [Athenaeus]和Vestnik Evropy [Herald of Europe])上,包含了世界诗歌发展阶段的概念。在文章中,Nadezhdin概述了古典主义和浪漫主义两个阶段的存在,并证明后者表达了一种意识的危机状态,并且在其当时的当代形式中,是向新意识形式和语言艺术过渡的先驱。这些即将到来的新形式的任务是将两个互补的原则结合起来,这两个原则在结构上代表了诗歌的古典和浪漫阶段——分别面向外部世界和内心世界。纳杰日丁最近被聘为莫斯科大学语言艺术系的教授,莱蒙托夫也在莫斯科大学转学。莱蒙托夫与纳杰日金在同一杂志上发表了他的首诗,但时间顺序晚于他。莱蒙托夫熟悉了教授的文章和他的观点,承担了纳杰日金宣布的诗歌艺术质的更新的使命。《帆》这首诗体现了这位年轻诗人的这一决定,这就是为什么他作为一个作者,除了从别斯图热夫-马林斯基的诗中最初的象征性诗句外,还从文章中提取了纳杰日金的比喻符号概念。因此,在Nadezhdin的总体概念框架内,对俄罗斯著名浪漫主义的引用获得了一种动机意义。这一概念也解释了基于节的文本划分为描述性和反思性的部分,它们类似于面向外部世界和内心世界的取向。莱蒙托夫证明了他的作家意识克服了浪漫主义阶段的危机。他以一种疏离的方式客观地描绘了浪漫主义人物以及他与另一个外部主体的对话。因此,读者明白,作为第三种意识的作者,在他的表达和价值观中,是在人物和帆之间,即新诗的真正承担者和演员之间的争论的指定问题的框架之外的。与此相关的是,这篇文章在莱蒙托夫从诗歌到散文的转变中所处的特殊地位,以及它在1832年9月著名的洛普希纳信中的地位。综上所述,我们有可能认为莱蒙托夫/纳杰日丁阴谋是有希望的,尽管在莱蒙托夫百科全书中没有。
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引用次数: 0
“On the European Events of 1854”: Dostoevsky in a Dialogue with Contemporary Poets on “Holy Russia” “论1854年的欧洲事件”:陀思妥耶夫斯基与当代诗人关于“神圣俄国”的对话
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.17223/24099554/16/12
S. Koroleva
The major focus of the research is the content of the “Holy Russia” concept in Fyodor Dostoevsky’s poem “On the European Events of 1854”, analyzed in the context of the writer’s creative biography, as well as in the “big” context of historic, military, and political events of 1854, and the wave of poems evolved in Russian literature in response to these events. The author argues that, by the beginning of the Crimean war in 1854, Dostoevsky acquired a new understanding of himself, the Russian people, and Russia. This new understanding had, at its core, the notion of Christ’s absolute holiness, of inner connection between a person and a person through compassionate Christian love as an undoubted value, of vibrant pulse of this love in the Russian heart. No wonder, then, that the poem “On the European Events of 1854” - written by Dostoevsky in March 1854 and devoted to the political, historic, and religious situation connected with the Crimean War - comprises significant motifs characteristic of the writer’s mature works (primarily, the motif of holiness of Russian people’s ideals) and, thus, cannot be considered simply an expression of the author’s loyalty to the tsar and those in power. Two literary contexts - of military-patriotic poetry and of Slavophile poems devoted to the Crimean War - allow distinguishing between the common topics and the author’s voice in the poem. The text has three distinct parts: the first is profoundly innovative, both in the form and content, while the second and third ones basically follow the samples of Slavophile and military-patriotic poetry, correspondingly. The peculiarity of the “Holy Russia” concept, actualized in the first part of the poem, is determined by its involvement with the image of a “little man”, on the one hand, and by the significance of the motifs of self-sacrifice, sufferings, Christian love and faith, on the other. The name “Holy Russia” corresponds here to the Russian people’s historic way of shaping the state and defending it as a truly national value; it expresses the basis of the “Russian spirit”: self-sacrifice; Orthodox notions; respect for such holy things as family and motherland, the tsar and the state; the Russian people’s belief in a sort of special connection with the Lord. The analysis of the way the name “Rus’ ” functions in Dostoevsky’s other “Crimean” poem - “On the First of July 1855” - verifies the hypothesis that the writer’s concept of “Holy Russia” was formed in his poems devoted to the Crimean War.
本文的研究重点是陀思妥耶夫斯基《论1854年欧洲事件》这首诗中“神圣俄罗斯”概念的内容,在作者创作传记的背景下,以及在1854年历史、军事和政治事件的“大”背景下进行分析,以及在俄罗斯文学中随着这些事件而演变的诗歌浪潮。作者认为,到1854年克里米亚战争开始时,陀思妥耶夫斯基对自己、俄罗斯人民和俄罗斯有了新的认识。这种新的理解的核心是,基督的绝对神圣,人与人之间的内在联系,通过富有同情心的基督教之爱作为一种毋庸置疑的价值,这种爱在俄罗斯人心中充满活力。因此,难怪陀思妥耶夫斯基在1854年3月写的《1854年欧洲事件》这首诗——致力于与克里米亚战争有关的政治、历史和宗教形势——包含了作家成熟作品的重要主题(主要是俄罗斯人民理想的神圣主题),因此,不能简单地认为是作者对沙皇和当权者的忠诚的表达。两种文学语境——军事爱国主义诗歌和致力于克里米亚战争的斯拉夫派诗歌——允许区分诗歌中的共同主题和作者的声音。文本有三个不同的部分:第一部分在形式和内容上都有深刻的创新,而第二和第三部分则基本遵循了斯拉夫主义和军事爱国主义诗歌的样本。“神圣俄罗斯”概念的独特性,体现在这首诗的第一部分,一方面是由它与“小人物”形象的关系决定的,另一方面是由自我牺牲、痛苦、基督教的爱和信仰的主题的意义决定的。在这里,“神圣俄罗斯”这个名字对应的是俄罗斯人民塑造国家的历史方式,并将其捍卫为真正的民族价值;它表达了“俄罗斯精神”的基础:自我牺牲;正统的观念;尊重家庭和祖国、沙皇和国家这些神圣的事物;俄罗斯人相信与上帝有某种特殊的联系。通过对陀思妥耶夫斯基另一首“克里米亚”诗《1855年7月1日》中“罗斯”一词的分析,我们可以证实陀思妥耶夫斯基关于“神圣俄罗斯”的概念是在他描写克里米亚战争的诗中形成的。
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引用次数: 0
(Post)colonial Nationalism or National (Post)Colonialism: 20th Anniversary of Brother 2 (后)殖民民族主义或国家(后)殖民主义:20周年兄弟2
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.17223/24099554/16/15
Evgeniy O. Tretyakov
The article focuses on Alexey Balabanov’s flagship film Brother 2 (2000), which is devoted to the Russian neo-imperial ambitions and traditionally perceived as a “popular” manifesto of Russian nationalism. The author proposes an approach based on the concepts of postcolonial theory and decolonial thinking (in the Tlostanian sense). Firstly, the creation of a unique author’s style by the “provincial” Balabanov (a native of Sverdlovsk) can be viewed as a contradiction to the postcolonial theory, which says that the “subaltern” (Gayatri Spivak) cannot speak in the face of the metropolis. Of course, this only takes place if we recognize the legitimacy of Alexander Etkind’s concept of a specific “internal colonization” in the Russian statehood. Secondly, the evolution of Balabanov’s hero does not imply any preferences for the Russians and constructs a single paradigm to unite Danila Bagrov - “the first real hero of the post-Soviet cinema” (Vasily Koretsky), the Englishman John Boyle from the film War, the Yakut woman Mergen from the short film River, Major Scriabin nicknamed Yakut (Fireman) ... Thus, Balavanov’s mythology of “brotherhood” is not international, yet it cannot be reduced to Russianness (Andrey Plakhov). Thirdly, the metropolis in Balabanov’s dilogy, be it “not Leningrad, but Petersburg”, the capital Moscow or the gangster Chicago, is losing its status as a stronghold of modernity. Its inviability can be seen in the empty streets of St. Petersburg and Moscow. Danila arrives in St. Petersburg from the provincial Priozersk, where life is marked by the patriarchal humanity (images of his mother, his father’s classmate). The hero epitomizes the power of the national soil. He is an epic Bogatyr who goes back to the idea of heroism. In the finale, Danila leaves his brother in Chicago, having gone through an existential experience and realized that war is not a national clash. Having killed many people, he fails to avenge the death of a friend. He longs for abstract justice, but helps a man who is unworthy of the sacrifice. Danila acquires a real friend - an American named Ben and a brother in arms - a prostitute Dasha, who unexpectedly complements the gallery of seemingly schematic female characters epitomizing all the hypostases of a woman in the logic of imperial / colonial modernity (mother / lover / reborn harlot). All this radically destroys traditional national / gender definitions. Thus, these contaminations form the original paradigm of the author’s view, which critically “explodes” the seemingly self-evident nationalist discourse of the film Brother 2 with its inherent racism, sexism, and other xenophobic features.
本文聚焦于阿列克谢·巴拉巴诺夫(Alexey Balabanov)的代表作《兄弟2》(2000),这部电影致力于展现俄罗斯的新帝国野心,传统上被视为俄罗斯民族主义的“大众”宣言。作者提出了一种基于后殖民理论和非殖民思维(在弗洛斯塔尼亚意义上)概念的方法。首先,“外省”巴拉巴诺夫(斯维尔德洛夫斯克人)独特的作家风格的创造,可以被视为后殖民理论的矛盾,后者认为“庶民”(加亚特里·斯皮瓦克)在面对大都市时不能说话。当然,这只有在我们承认亚历山大·埃特金(Alexander Etkind)关于俄罗斯国家地位的特定“内部殖民”概念的合法性的情况下才会发生。其次,巴拉巴诺夫英雄的演变并不意味着对俄罗斯人有任何偏好,而是构建了一个单一的范式,将“后苏联电影的第一个真正的英雄”达尼拉·巴格罗夫(瓦西里·科列茨基)、电影《战争》中的英国人约翰·博伊尔、短片《河流》中的雅库特女人梅尔根、绰号雅库特(消防员)的斯克里亚宾少校……因此,巴拉瓦诺夫的“兄弟情谊”神话不是国际性的,但它不能被简化为俄罗斯性(安德烈·普拉霍夫)。第三,巴拉巴诺夫笔下的大都市,无论是“不是列宁格勒,而是彼得堡”,还是首都莫斯科或黑帮芝加哥,都正在失去其作为现代性堡垒的地位。从圣彼得堡和莫斯科空荡荡的街道上就可以看出它的无能。达尼拉从普里奥泽斯克来到圣彼得堡,那里的生活以父权人性为标志(他母亲的照片,他父亲的同学)。这位英雄是祖国力量的缩影。他是一个史诗般的Bogatyr,他回到了英雄主义的概念。最后,丹妮拉在芝加哥离开了他的兄弟,经历了一场存在主义的经历,意识到战争不是民族冲突。他杀了很多人之后,他没有为一个朋友的死报仇。他渴望抽象的正义,却帮助了一个不值得牺牲的人。达尼拉得到了一个真正的朋友——一个名叫本的美国人和一个战友——一个妓女达莎,她出乎意料地补充了那些看似简单的女性角色,这些女性角色集中体现了帝国/殖民现代逻辑中女性的所有本质(母亲/情人/重生的妓女)。所有这些都从根本上摧毁了传统的国家/性别定义。因此,这些污染形成了作者观点的原始范式,批判性地“爆炸”了电影《兄弟2》中看似不言而喻的民族主义话语,其固有的种族主义、性别歧视和其他仇外特征。
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引用次数: 0
Three “Erl-Kings” 三个“Erl-Kings”
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.17223/24099554/16/2
M. Pavlova
The scholars of Russian literature are very well aware of V Zhukovsky’s translation of Goethe’s “Erlkonig” (1782), published as “Lesnoy tsar’ ” (1818). However, none of the studies of Zhukovsky’s literary works mentions that Zhukovsky presumably used the English variant of the ballad by W. Scott for his translation of “Lesnoy tsar’ ”. W. Scott’s “The Erl-King” (1797) was written fifteen years after the original and almost twenty years before Zhukovsky’s translation. Thus, it can be assumed that V Zhukovsky, who was acquainted with W. Scott’s, couldn’t ignore the English translation of “Erlkonig”. If we compare V Zhukovsky’s and W. Scott’s tranlsations in terms of their closeness to the original, we can see that the former is significantly far from the original than the latter. Zhukovsky is faithful to the original in terms of the content, but he completely abandons the folklore stylistics of the original and traditionally organizes his text according to the ballad principles, which have already been developed in his original works. However, in his evolution, V. Zhukovsky follows W. Scott and draws on not only W. Scott’s early ballads but also his later narrative poems. By the moment when V. Zhukovsky starts translating Goethe’s ballad, he must have been acquainted with W. Scott’s narrative poems and other poetical pieces, which results in a difference between the original, English, and Russian translations. The closeness of Zhukovsky’s and Scott’s translation strategies can be seen not only on the level of content but also on the stylistic level. When creating “The Erl-King”, W. Scott focuses on the literary form of the ballad: even though his translation is quite close to the original, he transforms the poetical semantics and ballad form in the vein of sentimentalism, which can be also seen in his translation of Burger’s “Lenore”. The comparative analyses of the original and two translations by Zhukovsky and Scott allows making a conclusion that W. Scott’s translation of “Erlkonig” can be “interposed” between Goethe’s text, which is close to folklore ballad traditions, and Zhukovsky’s literary variant. If we take into account the undeniable fact that V. Zhukovsky looked to W. Scott’s ballads, we can say that early W. Scott’s literary pieces vector Zhukovsky’s translational creative works and play the role of a transition stage for Zhukovsky’s development as a poet and translator. It should be noted then, that later W. Scott returns to folklore variants of the ballad, while Zhukovsky remains faithful to the previously developed course to create his own philosophy of the genre.
俄罗斯文学学者非常了解茹科夫斯基翻译的歌德的《Erlkonig》(1782年),并将其出版为《Lesnoy tsar》(1818年)。然而,对茹科夫斯基文学作品的研究都没有提到茹科夫斯基可能在翻译《Lesnoy tsar》时使用了W. Scott的民谣英译本。斯科特的《厄尔王》(The Erl-King, 1797)是在原著15年后写成的,比茹科夫斯基的翻译早了将近20年。由此可以推测,熟悉斯科特的茹科夫斯基不可能忽视“Erlkonig”的英译。如果我们比较V .茹科夫斯基和W.斯科特的译文与原文的接近程度,我们可以看到前者比后者与原文的距离要远得多。茹科夫斯基在内容上忠实于原著,但他完全抛弃了原著的民俗文体学,传统地按照在他的原著中已经形成的民谣原则来组织文本。然而,在他的演变过程中,V.茹科夫斯基追随斯科特,不仅借鉴了斯科特早期的民谣,也借鉴了他后来的叙事诗。当V.茹科夫斯基开始翻译歌德的叙事诗时,他一定已经熟悉了W.斯科特的叙事诗和其他诗歌作品,这导致了原文、英语和俄语译本的差异。茹科夫斯基和斯科特的翻译策略的相似之处不仅体现在内容层面,也体现在风格层面。W. Scott在创作《The Erl-King》时,关注的是歌谣的文学形式,虽然他的翻译与原文相当接近,但他在诗歌语义和歌谣形式上进行了感伤主义的转换,这在他对Burger的《Lenore》的翻译中也可以看到。通过对茹科夫斯基和斯科特两译本的比较分析,可以得出这样的结论:斯科特翻译的《Erlkonig》可以“插入”在接近民间民谣传统的歌德文本和茹科夫斯基的文学变体之间。如果我们考虑到茹科夫斯基对斯科特歌谣的关注这一不可否认的事实,我们可以说,斯科特早期的文学作品是茹科夫斯基翻译创作的载体,对茹科夫斯基作为诗人和翻译家的发展起到了过渡阶段的作用。值得注意的是,后来斯科特回到了民谣的民间传说变体,而茹科夫斯基仍然忠实于先前发展的课程,创造了他自己的流派哲学。
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引用次数: 0
Walter Scott’s Saint Ronan’s Well in Ivan Turgenev’s Artistic Perception 屠格涅夫艺术观感中的圣罗南井
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.17223/24099554/16/4
Ivan O. Volkov
The article brings forth and develops the problem of I.S. Turgenev’s consequent perception of W. Scott’s SaintRonan’s Well (1824). The author focuses, firstly, on the I.S. Turgenev’s notes on the pages of the English novel and, secondly, on the analysis of Turgenev’s Clara Militch (1883), whose artistic composition reflects Walter Scott’s motifs and images. Saint Ronan’s Well was in the area of Turgenev’s reader interest in the early 1840-s. While reading the novel, he left notes in the form of short lines on the margins and underlined separate words, using either a pencil or his nail. On the one hand, Turgenev’s notes demonstrate his reader interest to the ironic impression of the entire Saint Ronan’s Well society and its individual representatives (for example, the images of Mac Turk, Mister Winterblossom, Earl Etherington). On the other hand, Turgenev emphasizes four leading and minor characters. Paired by Turgenev, they have an antithetic mode: the comic images of Peregrine Touchwood and Meg Dods and dramatic images of Lord Etherington and John Mowbray. Turgenev is sensitive to W. Scott’s principle of depiction, based on the deep and acute contradiction between individual characters and within their feeling worlds.
本文提出并发展了屠格涅夫对斯科特的《圣特罗南井》(1824)的后续认知问题。本文首先分析了屠格涅夫对这部英国小说的注解,然后分析了屠格涅夫的《克拉拉·米奇》(1883),这部小说的艺术构图反映了沃尔特·司各特的母题和意象。圣罗南井在19世纪40年代早期是屠格涅夫读者感兴趣的地方。在阅读这本小说时,他在页边空白处以短线的形式留下笔记,并用铅笔或指甲在单独的单词下划线。一方面,屠格涅夫的笔记显示了他的读者对整个圣罗南井社会及其个人代表的讽刺印象的兴趣(例如,麦克·特克,冬花先生,厄尔·埃瑟林顿的形象)。另一方面,屠格涅夫强调四个主要和次要人物。在屠格涅夫的配合下,他们形成了一种对立的模式:佩格林·塔奇伍德和梅格·多兹的喜剧形象和埃瑟林顿勋爵和约翰·莫布雷的戏剧形象。屠格涅夫对斯科特的描写原则很敏感,这种原则是基于人物之间和他们的情感世界之间深刻而尖锐的矛盾。
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引用次数: 0
The Forms of the Interaction between “Civilization” and “Nature” in the Fiction by Oscar Wilde: The Exchange and the Ritual of Sacrifice 王尔德小说中“文明”与“自然”互动的形式:交换与祭祀仪式
IF 0.1 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.17223/24099554/16/5
N. Kuznetsova
Most of Oscar Wilde’s works focus on the high society (including the royalty), which is portrayed as artificial, imitative, and ludic. These characteristics are epitomized in the process of collecting (artificial) rarities (The Picture of Dorian Gray, Salome, The Young King), or in the passion for performance and mystification (The Birthday of the Infanta, The Sphinx Without a Secret, The Importance of Being Ernest). As opposed to the “high society”, Wilde shows the natural (or ancient) milieu, which is firmer and healthier, but devoid of aesthetic perfection. Paradoxically, the high society represents external, corporeal, aesthetic form of life, while the natural milieu means the spiritual and ethic one. Wilde shows the aesthetic or ethic perfection as a fatal and dangerous phenomenon, since fully expressing themself in one, the person has to abandon the other. As a result, a good-looking person becomes a paragon of immorality, while a morally upstanding one looks too much ugly). Wilde is interested in the technique of the interaction between the opposites, rather than in the depiction of the absolute corporeal or moral perfection. The article aims at showing the two forms of interaction between “the civilization” and “the nature”. The positive model shows a profitable exchange: one side gives exactly as much as the other side receives (i.e. the rescued Hare for the rescued Star-Child; the peace of the Canterville Ghost for Virginia’s fortunate marriage). This is the case when the characters, who have some problems with their bodies (the transparent Ghost or the serpent-like Star-Child) gain the distinct shape, as if passing from the ancient to the modern state. In the cause of mutually beneficial exchange, the happy end (in Wilde’s terms) is possible. In the negative model, we can clearly see the imbalance between the two sides: one side gives more, but receives less, while the other becomes the figure of worship. Gradually, the influence of one of the sides grows: the “predator”, like the vampire, consumes and exhausts their “victim”. Instead of the modern exchange, the relationships between “the civilization” and “the nature” transform into the ancient ritual of the sacrifice, or idol worship (Basil, Nightingale, Jokanaan), with the members of this process returning to the ancient - formless - state.
王尔德的大部分作品聚焦于上流社会(包括皇室),被描绘成虚假的、模仿的和滑稽的。这些特点集中体现在收集(人工)稀有物品的过程中(《道林·格雷的画像》、《莎乐美》、《年轻的国王》),或者体现在对表演和神秘化的热情中(《公主的生日》、《没有秘密的斯芬克斯》、《作为欧内斯特的重要性》)。相对于“上流社会”,王尔德表现的是自然(或古老)的环境,这种环境更坚固、更健康,但缺乏审美上的完美。矛盾的是,上流社会代表着外在的、物质的、审美的生活形式,而自然环境则代表着精神的和伦理的生活形式。王尔德将审美或伦理的完美表现为一种致命的、危险的现象,因为一个人在其中充分表达自己,就不得不放弃另一个人。结果,一个长得好看的人成为了不道德的典范,而一个道德高尚的人看起来太丑了)。王尔德感兴趣的是对立之间相互作用的技巧,而不是对绝对的肉体或道德完美的描述。本文旨在展示“文明”与“自然”的两种互动形式。积极模式显示了一种有益的交换:一方付出的与另一方得到的完全相同(即,获救的野兔换获救的星孩;坎特维尔幽灵为弗吉尼亚的幸福婚姻带来的安宁)。这就是那些身体有问题的角色(透明的幽灵或蛇一样的星孩)获得独特的形状,仿佛从古代到现代的情况。在互利交换的事业中,圆满的结局(用王尔德的话来说)是可能的。在消极的模式中,我们可以清楚地看到双方的不平衡:一方付出更多,但得到的更少,而另一方成为崇拜的形象。渐渐地,其中一方的影响越来越大:“捕食者”就像吸血鬼一样,消耗和耗尽他们的“受害者”。“文明”与“自然”之间的关系不再是现代的交流,而是转化为古老的祭祀仪式或偶像崇拜(Basil, Nightingale, Jokanaan),这一过程的成员回归到古代的无形状态。
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引用次数: 0
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