The article focuses on N.V. Gogol’s comedy The Government Inspector in American translations of the first third of the 20th century to identify different renditions and semantic transformations of the play in the context of American culture. The author employs comparative, contextual, and content analysis to analyse three American translations: 1) by Max Solomon Mandell in 1908; 2) by Thomas Seltzer in 1916; 3) by George Rapall Noyes and John Lawrence Seymour in 1933.The analysis has shown that M. Mandell’s translation contains the greatest number of transformations, being adapted to the needs of the American theatre. The changes reduce the significant typical characteristics of Russian characters and emphasize their depravity. Having become more “American” in this translation, the comedy reflects American cultural and social processes: the religion-based struggle between the “genteel tradition” and realism in the literature of the early 20th century and the emerging critical attitude to the bourgeois reality. Thus, M. Mandell’s translation can be considered as preserving Gogol’s ambivalent understanding of the play, related to both the satirical origin and spiritual meaning. The changes in T. Seltzer’s translation are less significant. T. Seltzer partly explains them, revealing his socialist sympathies in the preface. T. Seltzer confirms that his translation is to demonstrate the disadvantages of the bourgeois social system, which sheds light on other transformations. However, despite his own views, T. Seltzer is aware that Gogol’s attitudes were different. These signals can be found in the translated text as well as in the preface, which makes the message of the translation less radical. The third translation is the most accurate. Having no interest in politics, D. Noyes, together with his student and colleague D. Seymour, creates a philological translation that is close to the original and allows for various renditions. This version reflects the gradual transition to the translation as an object of academic research. However, all the translations under analysis employ domesticating strategies, which reduces the significance of the source languages cultural backgrounds. The choice of strategy was determined by the ideology of American imperialism in the USA. Thus, each translation reflects, on the one hand, the socio-political and cultural situation of the USA in the first third of the 20th century, and, on the other, translators’ personalities.
{"title":"Nikolai Gogol’s Comedy The Government Inspector in American Translations of the First Third of the 20th Century","authors":"V. I. Stepovaya","doi":"10.17223/24099554/16/6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/24099554/16/6","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on N.V. Gogol’s comedy The Government Inspector in American translations of the first third of the 20th century to identify different renditions and semantic transformations of the play in the context of American culture. The author employs comparative, contextual, and content analysis to analyse three American translations: 1) by Max Solomon Mandell in 1908; 2) by Thomas Seltzer in 1916; 3) by George Rapall Noyes and John Lawrence Seymour in 1933.The analysis has shown that M. Mandell’s translation contains the greatest number of transformations, being adapted to the needs of the American theatre. The changes reduce the significant typical characteristics of Russian characters and emphasize their depravity. Having become more “American” in this translation, the comedy reflects American cultural and social processes: the religion-based struggle between the “genteel tradition” and realism in the literature of the early 20th century and the emerging critical attitude to the bourgeois reality. Thus, M. Mandell’s translation can be considered as preserving Gogol’s ambivalent understanding of the play, related to both the satirical origin and spiritual meaning. The changes in T. Seltzer’s translation are less significant. T. Seltzer partly explains them, revealing his socialist sympathies in the preface. T. Seltzer confirms that his translation is to demonstrate the disadvantages of the bourgeois social system, which sheds light on other transformations. However, despite his own views, T. Seltzer is aware that Gogol’s attitudes were different. These signals can be found in the translated text as well as in the preface, which makes the message of the translation less radical. The third translation is the most accurate. Having no interest in politics, D. Noyes, together with his student and colleague D. Seymour, creates a philological translation that is close to the original and allows for various renditions. This version reflects the gradual transition to the translation as an object of academic research. However, all the translations under analysis employ domesticating strategies, which reduces the significance of the source languages cultural backgrounds. The choice of strategy was determined by the ideology of American imperialism in the USA. Thus, each translation reflects, on the one hand, the socio-political and cultural situation of the USA in the first third of the 20th century, and, on the other, translators’ personalities.","PeriodicalId":55932,"journal":{"name":"Imagologiya i Komparativistika-Imagology and Comparative Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67585123","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main particularity of the Spanish civic collective identity is that its doctrine, Espanolidad, was initially formulated as theocratic, proclaiming the unity of the Spanish nation under the aegis of the Spanish Empire. However, after the Spanish War of Independence of 1808-1814, Espanolidad became the banner of opposite political forces: conservative on the one hand and liberal on the other. Espanolidad as the basic factor of the formation of the Spanish civic collective identity in the course of the 19th century favored Castelano-centrismo, which consisted in the centralization of the Spanish economy around Madrid and in the cultural Castilization of the Spanish state, the principal mechanism of which was the universal introduction of the Castilian language. Basque and Catalan regional nationalists being partial towards Castelanocentrismo considered the federalization of the Spanish state as an alternative to it already at the beginning of the 20th century. Conservative elements of Espanolidad received their distinct shape in the Francoist cultural doctrine of Nacionalcatolicismo, which had to justify the Spanish monoethnic state resting on the Christian unity. The Spanish “transition to democracy” is the transformation of the Francoist monoethnic state into the Spanish State of Autonomous Communities. Nevertheless, the rejection of Nacionalcatolicismo, symbolized by the slogan Spain is difference, put the unity of the Spanish nation into question and led to the intensification of regional separatist movements (Catalan and Basque). The criticism of the principle of ethnic nationalism, partly related to Nacionalcatolicismo, fostered the adoption of Constitutional Patriotism as the dominant Spanish cultural strategy. While postulating unity in variety, Constitutional Patriotism gives new breath to the old Espanolidad asserting national unity through the State of Autonomous Communities. The equal legal status of Spanish regions resting on the principles of solidarity and economic utility is upheld by the leveling of the inequalities of economic development between the rich and the poor autonomous communities.
{"title":"The Modern Rationale for the Spanish National Idea of Espaholidad and the Problem of Spanish “Historical Nationalities”","authors":"Aleksandr D. Tumin","doi":"10.17223/24099554/16/11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/24099554/16/11","url":null,"abstract":"The main particularity of the Spanish civic collective identity is that its doctrine, Espanolidad, was initially formulated as theocratic, proclaiming the unity of the Spanish nation under the aegis of the Spanish Empire. However, after the Spanish War of Independence of 1808-1814, Espanolidad became the banner of opposite political forces: conservative on the one hand and liberal on the other. Espanolidad as the basic factor of the formation of the Spanish civic collective identity in the course of the 19th century favored Castelano-centrismo, which consisted in the centralization of the Spanish economy around Madrid and in the cultural Castilization of the Spanish state, the principal mechanism of which was the universal introduction of the Castilian language. Basque and Catalan regional nationalists being partial towards Castelanocentrismo considered the federalization of the Spanish state as an alternative to it already at the beginning of the 20th century. Conservative elements of Espanolidad received their distinct shape in the Francoist cultural doctrine of Nacionalcatolicismo, which had to justify the Spanish monoethnic state resting on the Christian unity. The Spanish “transition to democracy” is the transformation of the Francoist monoethnic state into the Spanish State of Autonomous Communities. Nevertheless, the rejection of Nacionalcatolicismo, symbolized by the slogan Spain is difference, put the unity of the Spanish nation into question and led to the intensification of regional separatist movements (Catalan and Basque). The criticism of the principle of ethnic nationalism, partly related to Nacionalcatolicismo, fostered the adoption of Constitutional Patriotism as the dominant Spanish cultural strategy. While postulating unity in variety, Constitutional Patriotism gives new breath to the old Espanolidad asserting national unity through the State of Autonomous Communities. The equal legal status of Spanish regions resting on the principles of solidarity and economic utility is upheld by the leveling of the inequalities of economic development between the rich and the poor autonomous communities.","PeriodicalId":55932,"journal":{"name":"Imagologiya i Komparativistika-Imagology and Comparative Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67584274","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The title of the new novel by the Yugra writer Eremey Aipin In Search of the Primordial Land, first published in Russian in 2019, contains an obvious reference to the cultural tradition and suggests the possibility of a scholarly reading of a literary text from the perspective of mythopoetics. The novel organically continues the attitude characteristic of all Aipin’s previous works. This attitude clearly discerns the writer’s desire to see the essence of modern life realities through the prism of traditional values enshrined in the myths and legends of his people. In Aipin’s artistic picture of the world, myth does not just appear as one of its elements. It enters the very flesh of this world, constitutes its foundation, its pivotal ontological and axiological axis. Aipin does not limit himself to the role of a popularizer of the mythological repertoire of the Khanty people. On the basis of traditional images, plots and motives, he builds his own mythological paradigm, in which the system of national and universal values is superimposed on the personal life experience of the author and his heroes. This fundamentally determines the basic principles of Aipin’s artistic expression organization. The article aims to reveal the meaning-forming role of the myth of the eternal return in Aipin’s In Search of the Primordial Land and to characterize the means of its artistic actualization in the text. During the research, the results of the latest developments in the field of philological regional studies and mythopoetics were taken into account. The analysis of the novel in the context of the traditional culture of the indigenous peoples of Yugra shows that Aipin inextricably connects reflections on the historical fate of Russia with the fate of a person. Despite the fact that the novel is based on the dramatic events of a worldwide scale, it is full of high optimistic sound. According to Aipin’s idea, Russia, which is at the turn of the millennium, is experiencing a situation of the “second world flood”, since the human community lost its spiritual values. The protagonist of the novel is the artist Matvey Taishin. He goes through difficult life trials, but acquires the desired sense of being; he finds it in love and in the awareness of the need to continue life. Using the example of Taishin, Aipin convincingly demonstrates that the revival of Russia is impossible without recognizing its cultural and spiritual origins, without moving towards its own metal Primordial Land. It is this saving path, based on the return to the eternal, timeless values, that will give Russia the opportunity to realize its historical destiny and overcome the state of chaos and decay. The article is the first experience of a conceptual and contextual analysis of Aipin’s In Search of the Primordial Land in Russian literary criticism, which constitutes the novelty of the research.
尤格拉作家埃雷米·艾平(Eremey Aipin)的新小说《寻找原始土地》(In Search of The Primordial Land)于2019年首次以俄文出版，其标题明显涉及文化传统，并暗示了从神话学的角度对文学文本进行学术解读的可能性。小说有机地延续了艾平以往作品的态度特征。这种态度清楚地表明，作者希望通过他的民族神话和传说中所蕴含的传统价值观的棱镜，看到现代生活现实的本质。在艾平的世界艺术图景中，神话不仅仅是作为其中的一个元素出现。它进入这个世界的肉体，构成它的基础，它的本体论和价值论的轴心。艾平并没有把自己局限于汉特人神话剧目的普及者的角色。在传统的形象、情节和动机的基础上，他构建了自己的神话范式，在这种范式中，国家和普遍的价值体系叠加在作者和主人公的个人生活经验之上。这从根本上决定了爱品艺术表现组织的基本原则。本文旨在揭示永恒回归神话在艾平《寻原地》中的意义形成作用，并探讨其在文本中的艺术实现手段。在研究过程中，考虑了语言学、区域研究和神话学领域的最新发展成果。将小说置于尤格拉土著民族传统文化的语境中分析，可以看出艾平对俄罗斯历史命运的反思与一个人的命运有着密不可分的联系。虽然小说取材于全球范围内的戏剧性事件，但充满了高度乐观的声音。根据艾平的观点，处于千禧年之交的俄罗斯正经历着“第二次世界洪水”的局面，因为人类社会失去了精神价值。小说的主人公是艺术家马特维·台新。他经历了艰难的生活考验，但获得了所期望的存在感;他在爱和对延续生命的需要的意识中找到了它。艾平以台新为例，令人信服地表明，如果不承认自己的文化和精神起源，不走向自己的金属原始土地，俄罗斯的复兴是不可能的。正是这条以回归永恒、永恒的价值观为基础的拯救之路，将使俄罗斯有机会实现其历史命运，克服混乱和腐朽的状态。本文是对俄国文学批评中艾平的《寻找原野》进行概念和语境分析的首次尝试，构成了这一研究的新颖性。
{"title":"The Myth of the Eternal Return in Eremey Aipin’s In Search of the Primordial Land","authors":"Dmitrii V. Larkovich","doi":"10.17223/24099554/15/10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/24099554/15/10","url":null,"abstract":"The title of the new novel by the Yugra writer Eremey Aipin In Search of the Primordial Land, first published in Russian in 2019, contains an obvious reference to the cultural tradition and suggests the possibility of a scholarly reading of a literary text from the perspective of mythopoetics. The novel organically continues the attitude characteristic of all Aipin’s previous works. This attitude clearly discerns the writer’s desire to see the essence of modern life realities through the prism of traditional values enshrined in the myths and legends of his people. In Aipin’s artistic picture of the world, myth does not just appear as one of its elements. It enters the very flesh of this world, constitutes its foundation, its pivotal ontological and axiological axis. Aipin does not limit himself to the role of a popularizer of the mythological repertoire of the Khanty people. On the basis of traditional images, plots and motives, he builds his own mythological paradigm, in which the system of national and universal values is superimposed on the personal life experience of the author and his heroes. This fundamentally determines the basic principles of Aipin’s artistic expression organization. The article aims to reveal the meaning-forming role of the myth of the eternal return in Aipin’s In Search of the Primordial Land and to characterize the means of its artistic actualization in the text. During the research, the results of the latest developments in the field of philological regional studies and mythopoetics were taken into account. The analysis of the novel in the context of the traditional culture of the indigenous peoples of Yugra shows that Aipin inextricably connects reflections on the historical fate of Russia with the fate of a person. Despite the fact that the novel is based on the dramatic events of a worldwide scale, it is full of high optimistic sound. According to Aipin’s idea, Russia, which is at the turn of the millennium, is experiencing a situation of the “second world flood”, since the human community lost its spiritual values. The protagonist of the novel is the artist Matvey Taishin. He goes through difficult life trials, but acquires the desired sense of being; he finds it in love and in the awareness of the need to continue life. Using the example of Taishin, Aipin convincingly demonstrates that the revival of Russia is impossible without recognizing its cultural and spiritual origins, without moving towards its own metal Primordial Land. It is this saving path, based on the return to the eternal, timeless values, that will give Russia the opportunity to realize its historical destiny and overcome the state of chaos and decay. The article is the first experience of a conceptual and contextual analysis of Aipin’s In Search of the Primordial Land in Russian literary criticism, which constitutes the novelty of the research.","PeriodicalId":55932,"journal":{"name":"Imagologiya i Komparativistika-Imagology and Comparative Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67584354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article for the first time compares the image of Peter the Great in the memoirs of two contemporary French writers Philippe de Courcillon, Marquis de Dangeau (1638‒1720), and Louis de Rouvroy, duc de Saint-Simon (1675–1755). Both Saint- Simon’s continuity in relation to Dangeau’s memoirs and the methods and techniques of their original literary processing are shown. The influence of the writers’ world outlooks and their political views on their interpretations of the figure of Peter the Great is revealed. For Dangeau, Peter the Great was a “curious case”, while for Saint-Simon he was the model of an enlightened monarch, a reigning ascetic striving for knowledge and transformation of his state. In this capacity, Peter the Great is opposed to the depraved and pleasure-seeking French court of the era of the Regency. It has been proved that Saint-Simon stood at the origins of “Peter’s myth” in France. The differences in the poetics of the memoirs of Dangeau and Saint-Simon have been revealed. Dangeau’s laconic and fact-based style emphasizes the mastery of the psychological portrait and the breadth of generalizations of the moralist and thinker Saint-Simon.
{"title":"Peter the Great in the Memoirs of Marquis de Dangeau and Duc de Saint-Simon","authors":"V. Trykov","doi":"10.17223/24099554/15/6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/24099554/15/6","url":null,"abstract":"The article for the first time compares the image of Peter the Great in the memoirs of two contemporary French writers Philippe de Courcillon, Marquis de Dangeau (1638‒1720), and Louis de Rouvroy, duc de Saint-Simon (1675–1755). Both Saint- Simon’s continuity in relation to Dangeau’s memoirs and the methods and techniques of their original literary processing are shown. The influence of the writers’ world outlooks and their political views on their interpretations of the figure of Peter the Great is revealed. For Dangeau, Peter the Great was a “curious case”, while for Saint-Simon he was the model of an enlightened monarch, a reigning ascetic striving for knowledge and transformation of his state. In this capacity, Peter the Great is opposed to the depraved and pleasure-seeking French court of the era of the Regency. It has been proved that Saint-Simon stood at the origins of “Peter’s myth” in France. The differences in the poetics of the memoirs of Dangeau and Saint-Simon have been revealed. Dangeau’s laconic and fact-based style emphasizes the mastery of the psychological portrait and the breadth of generalizations of the moralist and thinker Saint-Simon.","PeriodicalId":55932,"journal":{"name":"Imagologiya i Komparativistika-Imagology and Comparative Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67584525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article analyzes journalistic criticism in Armenian periodicals. Examining the large textual material of the informational analytical genre, the author reveals a generalized image of the Russian press. According to Armenian opinion journalists, representatives of the press and literature were the “stepchildren” of the Russian Empire, since publishing was on an unequal basis with other types of entrepreneurship. According to the Armenian periodicals, the only characteristic inherent in all periodicals published in the empire was defining the “non-native”. In other cases, a differentiated approach to journalistic activity was observed, which was the result of the program policy of the newspaper’s editorial board, ideological orientation, economic benefits, and interpersonal relations. Speaking about the work style of the capital city’s press, Armenian journalists emphasized the regularity of its superiority and dominant position, andpointed to the hierarchical subordination of the non-Russian press. The onesidedness and verticality of the information flow were criticized. These were thought to be due to the indifference of the metropolitan press to the newspaper and literary activities of other peoples. Armenian journalists noted that Russian writers generally stood above selfish intentions and loyalty to the party, wanting only the freedom of speech and pen, while Russian journalism was characterized by stereotypical thinking (in particular, in relation to other nations), commercialization, and – in some cases – mercantile interest. Expanding their activities in the same cultural space, formed when comparing the cultures of different nations, journalists of Tiflis often opposed each other taking into account these cultural characteristics. According to Armenian journalists, periodicals published by Russians, Armenians, Georgians and representatives of other nationalities, just like representatives of these periodicals, were alienated from the local society and marginalized. The Russian-language periodicals mostly ignored the “natives” and rarely addressed their problems. Moving away from the national essence, Armenians publishing Russian-language newspapers, involuntarily, or on the basis of personal motives, harmed the national publishing business and, with their actions, hindered the development of Armenian culture. In the perception of Armenian journalists, part of the Russian periodicals published in the two capitals and in Tiflis adhered to a stricter colonial policy, which often acquired a xenophobic character. Recognizing that the Russian conservative press was more established and, unlike the liberal press, developed according to a clear ideological program, Armenian journalists considered the representatives of this trend to be the defenders of regression, not of national identity. The alienation of some Russian and Russian-language publications was especially evident during periods of interethnic clashes and socio-political tension.
{"title":"Russian and Russian-Language Journalism in the Perception of the Armenian Press of Tiflis (1865–1918)","authors":"Taron Danielyan","doi":"10.17223/24099554/15/15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/24099554/15/15","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes journalistic criticism in Armenian periodicals. Examining the large textual material of the informational analytical genre, the author reveals a generalized image of the Russian press. According to Armenian opinion journalists, representatives of the press and literature were the “stepchildren” of the Russian Empire, since publishing was on an unequal basis with other types of entrepreneurship. According to the Armenian periodicals, the only characteristic inherent in all periodicals published in the empire was defining the “non-native”. In other cases, a differentiated approach to journalistic activity was observed, which was the result of the program policy of the newspaper’s editorial board, ideological orientation, economic benefits, and interpersonal relations. Speaking about the work style of the capital city’s press, Armenian journalists emphasized the regularity of its superiority and dominant position, andpointed to the hierarchical subordination of the non-Russian press. The onesidedness and verticality of the information flow were criticized. These were thought to be due to the indifference of the metropolitan press to the newspaper and literary activities of other peoples. Armenian journalists noted that Russian writers generally stood above selfish intentions and loyalty to the party, wanting only the freedom of speech and pen, while Russian journalism was characterized by stereotypical thinking (in particular, in relation to other nations), commercialization, and – in some cases – mercantile interest. Expanding their activities in the same cultural space, formed when comparing the cultures of different nations, journalists of Tiflis often opposed each other taking into account these cultural characteristics. According to Armenian journalists, periodicals published by Russians, Armenians, Georgians and representatives of other nationalities, just like representatives of these periodicals, were alienated from the local society and marginalized. The Russian-language periodicals mostly ignored the “natives” and rarely addressed their problems. Moving away from the national essence, Armenians publishing Russian-language newspapers, involuntarily, or on the basis of personal motives, harmed the national publishing business and, with their actions, hindered the development of Armenian culture. In the perception of Armenian journalists, part of the Russian periodicals published in the two capitals and in Tiflis adhered to a stricter colonial policy, which often acquired a xenophobic character. Recognizing that the Russian conservative press was more established and, unlike the liberal press, developed according to a clear ideological program, Armenian journalists considered the representatives of this trend to be the defenders of regression, not of national identity. The alienation of some Russian and Russian-language publications was especially evident during periods of interethnic clashes and socio-political tension. ","PeriodicalId":55932,"journal":{"name":"Imagologiya i Komparativistika-Imagology and Comparative Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67584578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Volga Travelogue is a large layer of travel essays in the 19th-century Russian literature. This layer has not become a subject of special research in literature studies. The “journey along the Volga” is distinguished by the wide diversity of issues and themes it discusses: the economic and industrial activities of the region, its cultural and historical sights, the uniqueness of the Volga region in an ethnographic perspective – of the multifaceted “Volga region resident”. One of the structural components of the travelogue is the Volga mythology and folklore: historical-geographical and cultural-ethnic information is supplemented with legends of the ancient Volga, Russian and non- Russian (Tatar, Mordovian, German, Kalmyk) legends. Describing the “non-Russian Volga”, writers refer to the national aspects of the life of different nationalities, the most important archetypes of their consciousness. A characteristic feature of N.P. Bogolyubov’s travelogue The Volga from Tver to Astrakhan is the non-Russian word as a marker of cultural identity: it is invariably present in the description of national customs. Telling about the “Mordovian places” of the Volga region, Bogolyubov describes specific rituals associated with the birth of a baby and with burials. The Muslim as a different national and cultural tradition of the Volga region particularly attracts writers’ attention. M.I. Nevzorov, in his Journey to Kazan, Vyatka and Orenburg in 1800, tells about the spiritual and religious experience of the Tatar people: writes about the ontological constants, acquaints the reader with epigraphic culture representing Muslims’ existential ideas about people and the universe. S. Monastyrsky, in his Illustrated companion along the Volga, presents Tatar legends about the winged snake Jilantau, about the “Black Chamber” and the khan’s daughter. These legends express the religious and poetic ideas of the people. Telling about the local cultural and mythological tradition is a characteristic feature of the Russian travelogue: an autochthon is represented by its ethnocultural identity. Folklore material functions in structural parallels – multilingual sources: V.I. Nemirovich-Danchenko, in his travelogue The Great River: Pictures from the Life and Nature on the Volga, gives two – Russian and Mordovian – versions of the legend about “Polonyanka”, and notes the particular poetry of the non-Russian text. In the combination of various – Tatar, Russian, Kalmyk – cultural and national constants of the lower Volga. German characterology is particularly expressed. A German legend associated with biblical material about the history of the prophet Elijah’s wandering through the desert to Sarepta of Sidon is fixed in the travelogues of Ya.P. Kuchin, S. Monastyrsky, and A.P. Valueva. The legend conveys the historical “memory of the place” – the foundation of the Sarepta colony. In the travelogues of V. Sidorov, N. Bogolyubov, descriptions of Buddhist Kalmyks, with their way o
{"title":"Non-Russian Mythology and Folklore in the Volga Travelogue of the 19th Century","authors":"L. Sarbash","doi":"10.17223/24099554/15/8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/24099554/15/8","url":null,"abstract":"The Volga Travelogue is a large layer of travel essays in the 19th-century Russian literature. This layer has not become a subject of special research in literature studies. The “journey along the Volga” is distinguished by the wide diversity of issues and themes it discusses: the economic and industrial activities of the region, its cultural and historical sights, the uniqueness of the Volga region in an ethnographic perspective – of the multifaceted “Volga region resident”. One of the structural components of the travelogue is the Volga mythology and folklore: historical-geographical and cultural-ethnic information is supplemented with legends of the ancient Volga, Russian and non- Russian (Tatar, Mordovian, German, Kalmyk) legends. Describing the “non-Russian Volga”, writers refer to the national aspects of the life of different nationalities, the most important archetypes of their consciousness. A characteristic feature of N.P. Bogolyubov’s travelogue The Volga from Tver to Astrakhan is the non-Russian word as a marker of cultural identity: it is invariably present in the description of national customs. Telling about the “Mordovian places” of the Volga region, Bogolyubov describes specific rituals associated with the birth of a baby and with burials. The Muslim as a different national and cultural tradition of the Volga region particularly attracts writers’ attention. M.I. Nevzorov, in his Journey to Kazan, Vyatka and Orenburg in 1800, tells about the spiritual and religious experience of the Tatar people: writes about the ontological constants, acquaints the reader with epigraphic culture representing Muslims’ existential ideas about people and the universe. S. Monastyrsky, in his Illustrated companion along the Volga, presents Tatar legends about the winged snake Jilantau, about the “Black Chamber” and the khan’s daughter. These legends express the religious and poetic ideas of the people. Telling about the local cultural and mythological tradition is a characteristic feature of the Russian travelogue: an autochthon is represented by its ethnocultural identity. Folklore material functions in structural parallels – multilingual sources: V.I. Nemirovich-Danchenko, in his travelogue The Great River: Pictures from the Life and Nature on the Volga, gives two – Russian and Mordovian – versions of the legend about “Polonyanka”, and notes the particular poetry of the non-Russian text. In the combination of various – Tatar, Russian, Kalmyk – cultural and national constants of the lower Volga. German characterology is particularly expressed. A German legend associated with biblical material about the history of the prophet Elijah’s wandering through the desert to Sarepta of Sidon is fixed in the travelogues of Ya.P. Kuchin, S. Monastyrsky, and A.P. Valueva. The legend conveys the historical “memory of the place” – the foundation of the Sarepta colony. In the travelogues of V. Sidorov, N. Bogolyubov, descriptions of Buddhist Kalmyks, with their way o","PeriodicalId":55932,"journal":{"name":"Imagologiya i Komparativistika-Imagology and Comparative Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67584607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article focuses on the communicative aspect of “world literature”. Covering the history of the idea from Goethe’s concept to the modern criticism of “world literature”, the author analyses four episodes which are significant in terms of changes in the communicative environment. Initially, the idea shaped within the emerging bourgeois culture and transition from intensive to extensive type of secular reading and developing book industry in Europe. According to Goethe, the establishment of a close relationship between nations and eras through literature, the cosmopolitan community of writers and their close creative communication were a source of internationalization and unity of literature. The ideas of capitalist cultural expansion were introduced by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels within the theory of materialism. Litera ture was thought of as spiritual production, which was the object of capitalist relations and depended on the economic system. Marx associated the creation of “world literature” with the influence of the global market, rather than with the voluntary activities of the enlightened bourgeoisie and aristocracy (implied by Goethe). The communicative aspect of “world literature” was not considered a positive phenomenon and a factor in the overall cultural development. The Soviet project of “world literature” supported literary communication. The project to create the Soviet canon of “world literature” combined Goethe’s thesis about the need to look back at the literary past and present of other nations with political tasks and propaganda of the Marxist views. Literature per se had a utilitarian function and was seen as an instrument of primarily ideological struggle. Modern Western theories and practices of “world literature” seek to destroy the old canon dominated by English and West European literature to implement a project of “world literature” aimed at the inclusion of literatures of smaller European, Oriental, and Asian countries. In the vein of pragmatism of American comparativists, translation is an intermediary for a more balanced canon, which inevitably increases dependence on the English language. Critics of globalization viewed “world literature” publishing projects as a commodification of literature through a convenient and easily digestible canon. Proceeding from a critical view of the current state of discipline, most researchers have to acknowledge that real practices and approaches to “world literature” have not reached Goethean utopian ideal of cosmopolitan project for the development of international communication within the humanitarian field in the era of globalization. Scholars are primarily concerned about whether it is possible to build an area of study of world literatures that would recognize the plurality of national literatures and include them without eliminating regional features, so that emerging identities would not be appropriated by global uniformity. Therefore, the translation and cultural policy
{"title":"“World Literature” and Communication: Literary Connections, Reading Practices","authors":"Anna V. Bogomolova","doi":"10.17223/24099554/16/1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/24099554/16/1","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on the communicative aspect of “world literature”. Covering the history of the idea from Goethe’s concept to the modern criticism of “world literature”, the author analyses four episodes which are significant in terms of changes in the communicative environment. Initially, the idea shaped within the emerging bourgeois culture and transition from intensive to extensive type of secular reading and developing book industry in Europe. According to Goethe, the establishment of a close relationship between nations and eras through literature, the cosmopolitan community of writers and their close creative communication were a source of internationalization and unity of literature. The ideas of capitalist cultural expansion were introduced by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels within the theory of materialism. Litera ture was thought of as spiritual production, which was the object of capitalist relations and depended on the economic system. Marx associated the creation of “world literature” with the influence of the global market, rather than with the voluntary activities of the enlightened bourgeoisie and aristocracy (implied by Goethe). The communicative aspect of “world literature” was not considered a positive phenomenon and a factor in the overall cultural development. The Soviet project of “world literature” supported literary communication. The project to create the Soviet canon of “world literature” combined Goethe’s thesis about the need to look back at the literary past and present of other nations with political tasks and propaganda of the Marxist views. Literature per se had a utilitarian function and was seen as an instrument of primarily ideological struggle. Modern Western theories and practices of “world literature” seek to destroy the old canon dominated by English and West European literature to implement a project of “world literature” aimed at the inclusion of literatures of smaller European, Oriental, and Asian countries. In the vein of pragmatism of American comparativists, translation is an intermediary for a more balanced canon, which inevitably increases dependence on the English language. Critics of globalization viewed “world literature” publishing projects as a commodification of literature through a convenient and easily digestible canon. Proceeding from a critical view of the current state of discipline, most researchers have to acknowledge that real practices and approaches to “world literature” have not reached Goethean utopian ideal of cosmopolitan project for the development of international communication within the humanitarian field in the era of globalization. Scholars are primarily concerned about whether it is possible to build an area of study of world literatures that would recognize the plurality of national literatures and include them without eliminating regional features, so that emerging identities would not be appropriated by global uniformity. Therefore, the translation and cultural policy ","PeriodicalId":55932,"journal":{"name":"Imagologiya i Komparativistika-Imagology and Comparative Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67584710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In February 1876, the first issue of A Writer’s Diary, one of Dostoevsky’s most controversial works, was published. Manifesting the future as a “diary in the literal sense of the word”, the author was not entirely sincere. Already in April of the same year, in a letter to Kh. Alchevskaya, he remarked that he was too naive to think that this would be a real diary, and that a real diary was almost impossible, so there was only an ostentatious one, for the public. The ambivalent position of the writer himself gives researchers a reason to call this work the “object of a subtle literary game”, which imitated the properties of the diary genre. If we turn to the original notebooks with diary entries, we will be disappointed. Dostoevsky’s personal records are surprisingly sparse. As a rule, he makes them for practical reasons. Accuracy and convenience are much more important than analyzing what is happening. Most often, entries are lists of mortgaged items, which contain the number, cost, and terms of the mortgage. Dostoevsky writes down epileptic seizures just as carefully, probably trying to keep a “medical history”. It seems that Dostoevsky forced himself to make notes. He wrote out dates in calligraphy, built a hierarchy of titles, but stopped keeping the “diary” after the first two or three entries. The only exception was his Journal of Treatment in Bad Ems, which meticulously reflects the entire monthly course of procedures - from Thursday, June 25, to Saturday, July 25, 1874. But these records are extremely concise. There is no internal dialogue: no reflection, no assessment of events; moreover, there are no traces of work on the records. It seems that the diary of the writer Dostoevsky interests Dostoevsky the writer least of all. Among the several thousand hand-written pages of worksheets only a few pages contain a private record. Only the most intense experiences (the death of his wife, serious financial problems, a series of epileptic seizures, the death of his brother, the fear of his own death) make Dostoevsky break through a certain prohibition he himself set. The works that came out of Dostoevsky’s workbooks - novels, novellas, articles, and notes - had a long way to go: all of them except the diaries. Apparently, the subconscious feeling of this impasse is connected with Dostoevsky’s persistent unwillingness to keep a diary. A diary that would make him use up in writing notebook after notebook. Workbooks show that Dostoevsky made himself keep a diary and constantly refused to do it for almost fifteen years until he was able to treat the diary as if it were a fiction text: to put the diary in quotation marks, to make the diary of Dostoevsky A Writer’s Diary by Dostoyevsky thus making the diary а monojournal. Dostoevsky’s brilliant imitation changed the attitude to the diary as a genre. Several decades later, the diary further expanded its genre boundaries - the ability to be both personal records and a work of art at the same time.
{"title":"“Diary in the Literal Sense” or a Subtle Literary Game? Dostoevsky on His Way to a Monojournal","authors":"L. V. Khachaturian","doi":"10.17223/24099554/16/8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/24099554/16/8","url":null,"abstract":"In February 1876, the first issue of A Writer’s Diary, one of Dostoevsky’s most controversial works, was published. Manifesting the future as a “diary in the literal sense of the word”, the author was not entirely sincere. Already in April of the same year, in a letter to Kh. Alchevskaya, he remarked that he was too naive to think that this would be a real diary, and that a real diary was almost impossible, so there was only an ostentatious one, for the public. The ambivalent position of the writer himself gives researchers a reason to call this work the “object of a subtle literary game”, which imitated the properties of the diary genre. If we turn to the original notebooks with diary entries, we will be disappointed. Dostoevsky’s personal records are surprisingly sparse. As a rule, he makes them for practical reasons. Accuracy and convenience are much more important than analyzing what is happening. Most often, entries are lists of mortgaged items, which contain the number, cost, and terms of the mortgage. Dostoevsky writes down epileptic seizures just as carefully, probably trying to keep a “medical history”. It seems that Dostoevsky forced himself to make notes. He wrote out dates in calligraphy, built a hierarchy of titles, but stopped keeping the “diary” after the first two or three entries. The only exception was his Journal of Treatment in Bad Ems, which meticulously reflects the entire monthly course of procedures - from Thursday, June 25, to Saturday, July 25, 1874. But these records are extremely concise. There is no internal dialogue: no reflection, no assessment of events; moreover, there are no traces of work on the records. It seems that the diary of the writer Dostoevsky interests Dostoevsky the writer least of all. Among the several thousand hand-written pages of worksheets only a few pages contain a private record. Only the most intense experiences (the death of his wife, serious financial problems, a series of epileptic seizures, the death of his brother, the fear of his own death) make Dostoevsky break through a certain prohibition he himself set. The works that came out of Dostoevsky’s workbooks - novels, novellas, articles, and notes - had a long way to go: all of them except the diaries. Apparently, the subconscious feeling of this impasse is connected with Dostoevsky’s persistent unwillingness to keep a diary. A diary that would make him use up in writing notebook after notebook. Workbooks show that Dostoevsky made himself keep a diary and constantly refused to do it for almost fifteen years until he was able to treat the diary as if it were a fiction text: to put the diary in quotation marks, to make the diary of Dostoevsky A Writer’s Diary by Dostoyevsky thus making the diary а monojournal. Dostoevsky’s brilliant imitation changed the attitude to the diary as a genre. Several decades later, the diary further expanded its genre boundaries - the ability to be both personal records and a work of art at the same time.","PeriodicalId":55932,"journal":{"name":"Imagologiya i Komparativistika-Imagology and Comparative Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67584729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the last two decades, the topic of imperial consciousness and the ideological construction of a neo-imperial approach to contemporary Russian history within the narrative of post-Soviet “neo-imperialism” has been increasingly revived in Russian cinema. It has not much about developing the idea of Great Russia with a highest world mission. There are hardly more Slavophile motives here than Westernisers’ ones. The new historical movies shot mainly by the Russian state or Church request construct a parable about a great supranational historical empire, which unites all ethnic groups, peoples, and religions under the rule of the Russian Tsar / Emperor / Patriarch. For Soviet times, the Communist Party or its leader usually plays the role of the monarch, while the role of civil religion can be played by political ideology. The modern Patriarchate of the Russian Orthodox Church disseminates the idea of imperialism as a basis of the Orthodox media cinematographic preaching. This type of preaching, along with Christian preaching on the Internet, social networks, and video games, has become increasingly used by Orthodox clergymen and church organisations. Here Russian Orthodox Church follows the Roman Catholics and Protestants, who currently use media sermon as an important part of their homiletics. From priests to clergy of the highest rank, such as Metropolitan Hilarion (Alfeev) of Volokolamsk or Metropolitan Tikhon (Shevkunov) of Pskov and Porkhovsk, more and more men of cloth begin to attract audience by their performance in offline and online video blogs, by online streams of their sermons in the digital space and finally, by shooting films, both documentaries and feature films. The main components of the neo-imperial narrative in the modern ideologised cinematographic preaching are the following: 1) constructing the parable of the great supranational historical empire (pre-Mongol Rus, Horde, Russian Principality, Russian Tsardom, Russian Empire, finally, the Soviet Union); 2) emphasising the great role of political leader, prince / tsar / emperor / general secretary / president; 3) resorting to preposterous synthesis of incompatible ideals of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union; 4) spreading anti-historicism, anachronism, including linguistic, substituting historical fantasy for the history of the Russian Orthodox Church; 5) elevating the current national ideology to the status of national archetype, with searching and successful finding of “eternal” geopolitical enemies and friends of Russia; 6) re-considering Orthodoxy as a glamour “export product” for the West. The Cinematographic Orthodoxy depicted in imperial propaganda films has little in common with the history of the Russian Orthodox Church and the ideal of Orthodox Christian morality. Under the pen of scriptwriters and film directors who create their mass products by the order of the current Russian state or Patriarchate, Orthodox Christianity becomes a social and media construct
{"title":"The Neoimperial Motif in Russian Historical Movies of the 2000s-2010s and the Phenomenon of Orthodox Cinematographic Sermon","authors":"K. Sharov","doi":"10.17223/24099554/16/16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/24099554/16/16","url":null,"abstract":"During the last two decades, the topic of imperial consciousness and the ideological construction of a neo-imperial approach to contemporary Russian history within the narrative of post-Soviet “neo-imperialism” has been increasingly revived in Russian cinema. It has not much about developing the idea of Great Russia with a highest world mission. There are hardly more Slavophile motives here than Westernisers’ ones. The new historical movies shot mainly by the Russian state or Church request construct a parable about a great supranational historical empire, which unites all ethnic groups, peoples, and religions under the rule of the Russian Tsar / Emperor / Patriarch. For Soviet times, the Communist Party or its leader usually plays the role of the monarch, while the role of civil religion can be played by political ideology. The modern Patriarchate of the Russian Orthodox Church disseminates the idea of imperialism as a basis of the Orthodox media cinematographic preaching. This type of preaching, along with Christian preaching on the Internet, social networks, and video games, has become increasingly used by Orthodox clergymen and church organisations. Here Russian Orthodox Church follows the Roman Catholics and Protestants, who currently use media sermon as an important part of their homiletics. From priests to clergy of the highest rank, such as Metropolitan Hilarion (Alfeev) of Volokolamsk or Metropolitan Tikhon (Shevkunov) of Pskov and Porkhovsk, more and more men of cloth begin to attract audience by their performance in offline and online video blogs, by online streams of their sermons in the digital space and finally, by shooting films, both documentaries and feature films. The main components of the neo-imperial narrative in the modern ideologised cinematographic preaching are the following: 1) constructing the parable of the great supranational historical empire (pre-Mongol Rus, Horde, Russian Principality, Russian Tsardom, Russian Empire, finally, the Soviet Union); 2) emphasising the great role of political leader, prince / tsar / emperor / general secretary / president; 3) resorting to preposterous synthesis of incompatible ideals of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union; 4) spreading anti-historicism, anachronism, including linguistic, substituting historical fantasy for the history of the Russian Orthodox Church; 5) elevating the current national ideology to the status of national archetype, with searching and successful finding of “eternal” geopolitical enemies and friends of Russia; 6) re-considering Orthodoxy as a glamour “export product” for the West. The Cinematographic Orthodoxy depicted in imperial propaganda films has little in common with the history of the Russian Orthodox Church and the ideal of Orthodox Christian morality. Under the pen of scriptwriters and film directors who create their mass products by the order of the current Russian state or Patriarchate, Orthodox Christianity becomes a social and media construct","PeriodicalId":55932,"journal":{"name":"Imagologiya i Komparativistika-Imagology and Comparative Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67584914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article focuses on the history of S.P. Shevyryov’s work on the libretto for A.N. Verstovsky’s opera Vadim, or The Awakening of the Twelve Sleeping Maidens, staged in Moscow in 1832. Shevyryov’s parody-polemic rendition of V.A. Zhukovsky’s ballad reflected his Italian theatrical experiences. The changes introduced by the librettist to the ballad plot were not accepted by Verstovsky, who rejected Shevyryov’s composition. The article reviews the sources on the texts from Shevyryov’s libretto, which has not been preserved in its entirety.
这篇文章的重点是S.P.舍维里约夫为A.N. Verstovsky的歌剧《十二个睡女的觉醒》(The Awakening of The Twelve Sleeping ladies)创作剧本的历史，这部歌剧于1832年在莫斯科上演。舍维里廖夫对茹科夫斯基叙事曲的戏仿式演绎反映了他在意大利的戏剧经历。剧作家对叙事诗情节的修改没有被维斯托夫斯基接受，他拒绝了舍维里约夫的作品。本文回顾了舍维里约夫的剧本文本的来源，该剧本尚未完整保存。
{"title":"Stepan Shevyryov’s Libretto on the Ballad by Vasily Zhukovsky (Opera Vadim, or the Awakening of the Twelve Sleeping Maidens by Alexey Verstovsky)","authors":"S. Berezkina","doi":"10.17223/24099554/16/3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/24099554/16/3","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on the history of S.P. Shevyryov’s work on the libretto for A.N. Verstovsky’s opera Vadim, or The Awakening of the Twelve Sleeping Maidens, staged in Moscow in 1832. Shevyryov’s parody-polemic rendition of V.A. Zhukovsky’s ballad reflected his Italian theatrical experiences. The changes introduced by the librettist to the ballad plot were not accepted by Verstovsky, who rejected Shevyryov’s composition. The article reviews the sources on the texts from Shevyryov’s libretto, which has not been preserved in its entirety.","PeriodicalId":55932,"journal":{"name":"Imagologiya i Komparativistika-Imagology and Comparative Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67585028","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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