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What does populism mean for democracy? Populist practice, democracy and constitutionalism 民粹主义对民主意味着什么?民粹主义实践、民主和宪政
3区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-27 DOI: 10.1080/16544951.2023.2273568
Valerio Fabbrizi
Over the last 30 years, scholarship has produced countless books, essays, and articles on populism by investigating it from various perspectives and angles. This article seeks to contribute to this ongoing debate by offering a political-philosophical reconstruction of populism to define such a phenomenon from a multilateral perspective. The essay will proceed as follows: The first section will investigate populism from a purely political-philosophical position, while the second will discuss the constitutional effects of such a phenomenon, to define it mainly as a form of anti-liberal and anti-judicial redefinition of democracy. Moreover, the first section will expose the dichotomy between the so-called left- and right-forms of the populist model and the populist threat to democracy, where the second will address populist constitutionalism and its antithetic relation to liberal constitutionalism.Footnote1
在过去的30年里,学者们从不同的角度和角度研究民粹主义,出版了无数关于民粹主义的书籍、论文和文章。本文试图通过提供民粹主义的政治哲学重构,从多边角度定义这种现象,从而为这场正在进行的辩论做出贡献。本文将按照以下步骤进行:第一部分将从纯粹的政治哲学立场来研究民粹主义,而第二部分将讨论这种现象的宪法影响,将其主要定义为一种反自由主义和反司法的民主重新定义形式。此外,第一部分将揭示民粹主义模式的所谓左翼和右翼形式与民粹主义对民主的威胁之间的二分法,第二部分将讨论民粹主义宪政及其与自由宪政的对立关系。Footnote1
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引用次数: 0
The function of solidarity and its normative implications 团结的功能及其规范含义
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/16544951.2023.2241678
C. Burelli, Francesco Camboni
ABSTRACT Many lament that solidarity is declining, implying there is something good about it; but what is solidarity and why should we want it? Here, we defend an original functionalist re-interpretation of solidarity. Political solidarity plays a key functional role in a polity’s persistence through time. Thus, we should want institutions that foster solidarity. This paper is divided into three parts. In the first, we draw on the philosophy of biology to pinpoint what counts as a proper function, in a way that is naturalistic, objective, and selective. On this aetiological account, a sharp distinction between functional needs (e.g. the pumping of blood) and functional mechanisms (e.g. the valve that pumps blood) is drawn. In the second part of the paper, we propose that solidarity should be understood as an aetiological function of society. This new conception sheds light on the widely acknowledged, yet seldom clarified connection between two common readings of solidarity: solidarity as a set of feelings of mutual kinship (its functional need), and solidarity as a set of redistributive institutions (a key functional mechanism). The third part concludes that this new functional conception of solidarity provides normative reasons to foster solidarity.
许多人哀叹团结正在衰落,这意味着团结有其好处;但什么是团结?我们为什么需要团结?在这里,我们捍卫一个原始的功能主义团结的重新解释。政治团结在一个政体的持久中起着关键的功能作用。因此,我们应该需要能够促进团结的制度。本文共分为三个部分。首先,我们利用生物学的哲学,以一种自然的、客观的和选择性的方式,确定什么是适当的功能。根据这一病因学解释,在功能需求(如泵血)和功能机制(如泵血的瓣膜)之间划出了明显的区别。在论文的第二部分,我们提出团结应该被理解为社会的一种病因学功能。这个新概念揭示了广泛承认的,但很少澄清的团结的两种常见解读之间的联系:团结作为一套相互亲缘关系的感觉(其功能需要),团结作为一套再分配制度(一个关键的功能机制)。第三部分的结论是,这种新的功能团结观为促进团结提供了规范性依据。
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引用次数: 0
Effective altruism, tithing, and a principle of progressive giving 有效的利他主义、什一奉献和渐进式奉献的原则
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/16544951.2023.2246257
E. Aloyo
ABSTRACT How much should someone contribute to trying to prevent unnecessary deaths and severe hardships? MacAskill, Mogensen, and Ord propose tithing for most of the rich (as measured by income), which has been influential in the effective altruism community. My aim in this article is to contribute, through amending their proposal, to their important project of searching for a weak or very weak principle of sacrifice that would still revise upward how much money goes to the most effective organizations. I do so by presenting four objections to their argument based on demandingness, fairness, net wealth, and historical and contemporary injustices. Then, I show that a principle of progressive can overcome these objections and better fits the reasons MacAskill, Mogensen, and Ord give in favour of their principle than their proposed operationalization of tithing.
为了避免不必要的死亡和严重的困难,一个人应该贡献多少?麦克阿斯基尔、莫根森和奥德建议对大多数富人(以收入衡量)征收什一税,这在有效利他主义团体中产生了影响。我写这篇文章的目的是,通过修改他们的建议,为他们的重要项目做出贡献,即寻找一种弱的或非常弱的牺牲原则,这种原则仍然可以修正多少钱流向最有效的组织。为此,我提出了四项反对意见,分别基于要求、公平、净财富以及历史和当代的不公正。然后,我证明了进步原则可以克服这些反对意见,并且更符合MacAskill、Mogensen和Ord提出的支持他们的原则的理由,而不是他们提出的实行什一税的理由。
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引用次数: 0
The Humanity of Universal Crime: Inclusion, Inequality, and Intervention in International Political Thought 普遍犯罪的人性:国际政治思想的包容、不平等与干预
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.1080/16544951.2023.2230069
Emily C. Nacol
de-colonialism
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引用次数: 3
Reply to critics – Ethics & global politics book symposium on Poverty, Solidarity, and Poor-Led Social Movements 回答批评-道德与全球政治书籍研讨会贫困,团结,和穷人领导的社会运动
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/16544951.2023.2225903
M. Deveaux
I am grateful for these rich and probing engagements with my book. Unlike some of the audiences to whom I first presented these ideas a decade ago – who worried that treating poor people as agents might imply that they are somehow responsible to alleviate their poverty and that the affluent would consequently be let off the hook – my interlocutors in this symposium are largely sympathetic to the project. On my reading, Ackerly, Cabrera, Kolers, Lu and Vasanthakumar agree that we need a political reframing of poverty and that the moral and political agency of people living in poverty is important for poverty eradication (both normatively and practically). But they are not all convinced that poor-led social movements can deliver the solutions needed – at least not without some further building blocks. Some ask for an account of the moral duties of those living in poverty (Vasanthakumar) or acknowledgement of the normative commitments that (my defence of) a poor-led politics depends upon (Cabrera). Tensions are also noted – such as that between my use of certain terms and conceptualizations (like poor/nonpoor and global South/North) and my claim that poverty is relational and built into the structures of global capitalism. Some of the concerns and criticisms raised are ones that I would certainly take into account if a rewrite was possible; others proposed amendments I push back against because they run counter to my belief that we need to de-moralize our normative discussions of poverty – and to speak of concrete and grounded political responsibilities that arise from lived practices, rather than moral duties. All of the concerns raised in the commentaries made me think hard about different aspects of my argument, and I hope I have managed to answer most of them. Luis Cabrera argues that two sets of terms I use – ‘poor/nonpoor’ and ‘global North/global South’ – represent binaries that stand in tension with my account of poverty as an effect of relational processes of subordination and exploitation. Describing a person or community as poor or nonpoor may, it is true, portray poverty as a static condition, akin to an identity group; these terms also put
我很感激对我的书进行了这些丰富而深入的探讨。与十年前我第一次提出这些想法的一些听众不同——他们担心把穷人当作代理人可能意味着他们在某种程度上有责任减轻他们的贫困,而富人将因此而摆脱困境——我在这次研讨会上的对话者大多对这个项目表示同情。在我的阅读中,Ackerly、Cabrera、Kolers、Lu和Vasanthakumar一致认为,我们需要对贫困进行政治重构,生活在贫困中的人们的道德和政治代理对于消除贫困(无论是在规范上还是在实践上)都很重要。但他们并不都相信,穷人领导的社会运动能够提供所需的解决方案——至少在没有一些进一步的基石的情况下是无法实现的。一些人要求解释穷人的道德责任(Vasanthakumar),或者承认穷人领导的政治所依赖的规范性承诺(我为之辩护)(Cabrera)。矛盾也被注意到——比如我对某些术语和概念化的使用(如贫穷/非贫穷和全球南方/北方)与我关于贫困是相互关联的,并建立在全球资本主义结构中的主张之间的矛盾。如果可以重写的话,我肯定会考虑其中的一些担忧和批评;其他人提出的修正案我反对,因为它们违背了我的信念,即我们需要将我们对贫困的规范性讨论去道德化,并谈论来自生活实践的具体和基础的政治责任,而不是道德义务。评论中提出的所有问题都让我认真思考了我的论点的不同方面,我希望我已经回答了大部分问题。Luis Cabrera认为,我使用的两套术语——“贫穷/非贫穷”和“全球北方/全球南方”——代表了与我对贫困作为从属和剥削关系过程的影响的描述相矛盾的二元对立。的确,将一个人或一个社区描述为贫穷或非贫穷,可能会将贫困描述为一种静态状态,类似于一个身份群体;这些术语还包括
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引用次数: 0
Grounding the political theory of global injustice in the actions of poor-led movements: a comment on Poverty, Solidarity, and Poor-Led Social Movements, Monique Deveaux, Oxford University Press, 2021 在穷人领导的运动行动中建立全球不公正的政治理论:对贫困,团结和穷人领导的社会运动的评论,莫尼克·德沃,牛津大学出版社,2021年
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/16544951.2023.2216103
B. Ackerly
ABSTRACT In Poverty, Solidarity, and Poor-Led Social Movements, Monique Deveaux builds a political theory of poverty as relational and responsibility for injustice as solidaristic. Identifying the ways that poor-led movements have politically theorized and acted, Deveaux develops a theory of relational poverty that entails politicizing poverty which requires local-level organizing, consciousness-raising, resisting injustice and developing and demanding alternatives, and engaging in public debate and discourse. She goes on to argue that the praxis of poor-led movements reveals normative commitments to mutuality, deference and deep listening, and risk taking. These enable movements of people in poverty to take on the injustice of poverty together across difference, privilege, and other obstacles to transformative (solidaristic) politics. Deveaux provides a mode for doing grounded normative theory (GNT) by relying on secondary literature. GNT is a methodology for doing political theory that destabilizes the epistemological authority of the political theory of the academy by treating lived experience – words and actions – as providing relevant text for analysis. The methodology is particularly important for theories related to justice. Deveaux demonstrates how this can be done with secondary sources thus enabling comprehensive engagement without avoiding burdening social movement actors with interviews or other modes of accommodating researchers.
在《贫困、团结和穷人主导的社会运动》一书中,莫尼克·德沃建立了一种政治理论,认为贫困是一种关系,对不公正的责任是一种团结。通过识别穷人领导的运动在政治上理论化和行动的方式,Deveaux发展了一种关系贫困理论,该理论需要将贫困政治化,这需要地方层面的组织,提高意识,抵制不公正,发展和要求替代方案,并参与公共辩论和话语。她接着指出,领导不力的运动的实践揭示了对相互尊重、尊重、深度倾听和冒险的规范承诺。这使得贫困人口的运动能够跨越差异、特权和其他变革(团结主义)政治的障碍,共同应对贫困的不公正。Deveaux提供了一种模式来做扎根规范理论(GNT)依靠二手文献。GNT是一种研究政治理论的方法论,它通过把生活经验——言语和行动——作为分析的相关文本来处理,从而动摇了学术界政治理论的认识论权威。这一方法论对与正义有关的理论尤为重要。Deveaux展示了如何利用二手资源来做到这一点,从而在不给社会运动参与者带来采访负担或其他容纳研究人员的模式的情况下,实现全面参与。
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引用次数: 0
Acting in solidarity with the poor? Some conceptual and practical challenges 与穷人团结一致?一些概念和实践上的挑战
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/16544951.2023.2216109
Catherine Lu
ABSTRACT Monique Deveaux’s Poverty, Solidarity, and Poor-Led Social Movements makes a timely, compelling, and important intervention in the philosophical literature on poverty and global justice, and improves our understanding of the nature and extent of responsibilities of variously situated agents towards the poor. Deveaux’s focus on poor-led social movements emphasizes that effective poverty reduction requires building up the collective capacities of the poor to engage in joint collective action to oppose and dismantle unjust structures. This approach politicizes poverty and provides a powerful refutation of some previous approaches that primarily formulated responses to global poverty to consist in mere charity to lighten the poor’s deprivations, or top-down solutions imposed by technocrats and other development experts. Deveaux then extends the concept of solidarity to characterize the political responsibility of the nonpoor, which consists of acting in political solidarity with poor-led organizations and movements. It is this latter move to extend the concept of solidarity to characterize poor-nonpoor cooperative activities that I question in this commentary. When the concept of solidarity, understood as identification-based joint action, is stretched to encompass cooperation between all those who may act together to resist, oppose, and dismantle the structures of domination and oppression that constitute poverty, there is the danger of obscuring the alienation and oppositional social positions that attend conditions of structural injustice. To acknowledge the limits and dilemmas of solidarity practices between the poor and nonpoor is perhaps a sober reminder of one of the major costs of living in conditions of structural injustice.
莫尼克·德沃的《贫困、团结和穷人主导的社会运动》对贫困和全球正义的哲学文献进行了及时、引人注目和重要的干预,并提高了我们对不同处境的行动者对穷人的责任性质和程度的理解。德沃对穷人主导的社会运动的关注强调,有效的减贫需要建立穷人的集体能力,以参与联合集体行动,反对和拆除不公正的结构。这种方法将贫困政治化,并有力地驳斥了以前的一些方法,这些方法主要是将应对全球贫困的措施仅仅归结为减轻穷人的贫困,或由技术官僚和其他发展专家强加的自上而下的解决方案。Deveaux随后扩展了团结的概念,以表征非穷人的政治责任,这包括与穷人领导的组织和运动进行政治团结。我在这篇评论中质疑的正是后一种将团结的概念扩展到贫穷-非贫穷合作活动特征的做法。当团结的概念——被理解为基于认同的联合行动——被扩展到包括所有可能共同行动以抵抗、反对和拆除构成贫困的统治和压迫结构的人之间的合作时,就存在着模糊结构性不公正条件下的异化和对立社会地位的危险。承认穷人和非穷人之间团结实践的局限性和困境,也许是对生活在结构性不公正条件下的主要代价之一的清醒提醒。
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引用次数: 0
On why the poor have duties too 为什么穷人也有义务
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/16544951.2023.2216106
Ashwini Vasanthakumar
ABSTRACT I argue that ascribing duties to the poor better realizes Deveaux’s methodological and normative commitments; address some of the concerns such ascription raises; and indicate how Deveaux’s rich description of collective and individual agency-building can contribute to theorizing moral agency in non-ideal circumstances more generally.
我认为,把责任归给穷人更好地实现了德沃的方法论和规范性承诺;解决这种归属引起的一些关切;并指出德沃对集体和个人代理建设的丰富描述如何有助于更普遍地将非理想情况下的道德代理理论化。
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引用次数: 0
Collective political capabilities 集体政治能力
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/16544951.2023.2216110
A. Kolers
ABSTRACT Monique Deveaux’s Poverty, Solidarity, and Poor-led Social Movements makes a significant contribution to contemporary capability theories by challenging their individualism. Mainline versions of the Capabilities Approach (CA), including those developed by Martha Nussbaum, Amartya Sen, and Ingrid Robeyns, insist on a methodological and normative individualism. And with good reason: communitarianism most often reinscribes patriarchal power, especially within the family. Deveaux, however, argues that this individualism yields a depoliticized account of poverty as capability deprivation, thereby downplaying or even denying the agency of the poor. But poor-led social movements politicize poverty, understanding it as a social and political relation between individuals and institutions. These movements build collective political capabilities: capabilities that can be exercised only by groups or that promote collective goods. The current paper explicates, extends, and defends this powerful challenge to mainline capability theories.
莫尼克·德沃的《贫穷、团结和穷人主导的社会运动》挑战了当代能力理论的个人主义,对当代能力理论做出了重大贡献。能力方法(CA)的主流版本,包括由Martha Nussbaum、Amartya Sen和Ingrid Robeyns开发的那些版本,坚持方法论和规范性的个人主义。这是有充分理由的:社群主义通常会重新赋予父权,尤其是在家庭内部。然而,Deveaux认为,这种个人主义产生了一种将贫困作为能力剥夺的非政治化解释,从而淡化甚至否认了穷人的代理作用。但穷人主导的社会运动将贫困政治化,将其理解为个人与机构之间的社会和政治关系。这些运动建立了集体政治能力:这种能力只能由群体行使,或者促进集体利益。本文阐述、扩展并捍卫了这一对主流能力理论的有力挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to Symposium: Monique Deveaux’s Poverty, Solidarity, and Poor-Led Social Movements 研讨会简介:莫尼克·德沃的贫困、团结和穷人领导的社会运动
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/16544951.2023.2229226
M. Kohn, A. Kolers
ABSTRACT This introductory article summarizes some key elements of Monique Deveaux’s book Poverty, Solidarity, and Poor-Led Social Movements and situates that book in the philosophical literature on global poverty. It then provides an outline of the symposium contributions by Ashwini Vasanthakumar, Luis Cabrera, Brooke Ackerly, Catherine Lu, and Avery Kolers.
本文概述了莫尼克·德沃的《贫困、团结和穷人主导的社会运动》一书的一些关键内容,并将该书置于有关全球贫困的哲学文献中。然后概述了Ashwini Vasanthakumar、Luis Cabrera、Brooke Ackerly、Catherine Lu和Avery Kolers在研讨会上的贡献。
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引用次数: 0
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Ethics & Global Politics
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