The purpose of this study is to show the effect of monetary union on macroeconomic performance for 24 OECD countries during the period 1988-2009. According to the findings, the European Monetary Union has a positive effect on foreign trade. On the other hand, it has a negative effect. The monetary union set up without a financial union has a negative effect on macroeconomic performance by limiting the implementations of policy makers even if it has a positive contribution on trade. Thus, monetary policy implementations not supported with financial policy have a negative effect on macroeconomic performance.
{"title":"The Effects of European Monetary Union on Macroeconomic Performance","authors":"Durmuş Yıldırım","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.46036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.46036","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this study is to show the effect of monetary union on macroeconomic performance for 24 OECD countries during the period 1988-2009. According to the findings, the European Monetary Union has a positive effect on foreign trade. On the other hand, it has a negative effect. The monetary union set up without a financial union has a negative effect on macroeconomic performance by limiting the implementations of policy makers even if it has a positive contribution on trade. Thus, monetary policy implementations not supported with financial policy have a negative effect on macroeconomic performance.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77591908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Although, NATO has always taken into account public opinion in its member states, the emergence of new Information and Communication Technologies and the extension of its out-of- area operations have given NATO a new impetus to extend the space of communication beyond the Alliance countries.With regard to the NATO's partnership with Arab countries, the Arab spring uprisings have created a new political atmosphere in which many signs of a positive perception of NATO and its members states have been expressed, and can be flourished with more support to new governments arising from this unprecedented political and social mobility in the region. So, giving the growing influence of Arab public opinion on the region countries' foreign policies, in the post-Arab spring era, getting public support is one of the fundamental preconditions for the success of the NATO cooperation initiatives in the Arab world.The article aims to give an approximate picture of the current Arab public's perception of NATO. It deals with the vision of the Arab elites and public opinion on the Alliance after its participation in overthrowing the Gaddafi regime, surveys the opinion of some segments of Moroccan public opinion, and explores some possible kinds of relations between Arab countries and NATO viewed by the Arab public.
{"title":"Arab Public Opinion and NATO after the International Military Operations in Libya","authors":"Said Saddiki","doi":"10.21599/atjir.20782","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/atjir.20782","url":null,"abstract":"Although, NATO has always taken into account public opinion in its member states, the emergence of new Information and Communication Technologies and the extension of its out-of- area operations have given NATO a new impetus to extend the space of communication beyond the Alliance countries.With regard to the NATO's partnership with Arab countries, the Arab spring uprisings have created a new political atmosphere in which many signs of a positive perception of NATO and its members states have been expressed, and can be flourished with more support to new governments arising from this unprecedented political and social mobility in the region. So, giving the growing influence of Arab public opinion on the region countries' foreign policies, in the post-Arab spring era, getting public support is one of the fundamental preconditions for the success of the NATO cooperation initiatives in the Arab world.The article aims to give an approximate picture of the current Arab public's perception of NATO. It deals with the vision of the Arab elites and public opinion on the Alliance after its participation in overthrowing the Gaddafi regime, surveys the opinion of some segments of Moroccan public opinion, and explores some possible kinds of relations between Arab countries and NATO viewed by the Arab public.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90061161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the impact of religious conversion on the identity, perceptions and everyday life of Australian converts to Islam in Melbourne. Based on ethnographic research, the paper draws upon qualitative data collected in 2002 a time when the supposed inherent conflict between 'Islam and the West' became even more prevalent in the political, academia and media milieu. I gathered qualitative data to study the experiences of forty Australian Muslim converts in order to examine the perceived conflict between being Muslim, Australian and 'Western'. It is significant to examine how these perceived tensions are managed in everyday life. While it is a scholarly significant research question to examine why people convert to Islam, it is equally of importance to examine what happens to Muslim converts post-conversion. What impact does converting to Islam have on one's identity, perceptions and everyday life How are such changes managed and 'negotiated' An ethnographic analysis and the experiences relayed by the participants in this study indicate that, research participants on the whole reflected significant changes to everyday life and worldviews but less change is experienced with regard to their personal 'identity' and personality.
{"title":"Religious Conversion: An Ethnographic Analysis","authors":"Tuba Boz","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.61750","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.61750","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the impact of religious conversion on the identity, perceptions and everyday life of Australian converts to Islam in Melbourne. Based on ethnographic research, the paper draws upon qualitative data collected in 2002 a time when the supposed inherent conflict between 'Islam and the West' became even more prevalent in the political, academia and media milieu. I gathered qualitative data to study the experiences of forty Australian Muslim converts in order to examine the perceived conflict between being Muslim, Australian and 'Western'. It is significant to examine how these perceived tensions are managed in everyday life. While it is a scholarly significant research question to examine why people convert to Islam, it is equally of importance to examine what happens to Muslim converts post-conversion. What impact does converting to Islam have on one's identity, perceptions and everyday life How are such changes managed and 'negotiated' An ethnographic analysis and the experiences relayed by the participants in this study indicate that, research participants on the whole reflected significant changes to everyday life and worldviews but less change is experienced with regard to their personal 'identity' and personality.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83152193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the Turkish-Armenian relations, its development throughout the history and the situation between those two countries since Recep Tayyip Erdogan became the prime minister of Turkey in 2003 resulting in the change of the Turkish foreign policy. The main focus is on the problems between Turkey and Armenia stemming out from the different view on the happenings in 1915 and the recognition of the so called Armenian genocide. The article analyzes the decision-making of the individuals, the international organizations and the states when it comes to the question of the so called Armenian genocide and the reasons of the decisions made by individuals and states. These decisions are subjected to criticism on the basis of the reality image theory by Ibrahim Canbolat (1993) and the Thomas theorem (1928) as well as other criteria. States are the most important actors in the article because they form the foreign policy and the influence of this particular problem of the decisions of states influences the relations between Turkey and the EU as well as other world powers. Turkey's importance and image are still worsened due to these reasons and unfortunately, it seems that states have no interest in finding the truth.
{"title":"Turkish-Armenian Relations and the Issue of the Recognition of the claims of the Armenian genocide","authors":"Alica Vidlickov","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.23835","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.23835","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the Turkish-Armenian relations, its development throughout the history and the situation between those two countries since Recep Tayyip Erdogan became the prime minister of Turkey in 2003 resulting in the change of the Turkish foreign policy. The main focus is on the problems between Turkey and Armenia stemming out from the different view on the happenings in 1915 and the recognition of the so called Armenian genocide. The article analyzes the decision-making of the individuals, the international organizations and the states when it comes to the question of the so called Armenian genocide and the reasons of the decisions made by individuals and states. These decisions are subjected to criticism on the basis of the reality image theory by Ibrahim Canbolat (1993) and the Thomas theorem (1928) as well as other criteria. States are the most important actors in the article because they form the foreign policy and the influence of this particular problem of the decisions of states influences the relations between Turkey and the EU as well as other world powers. Turkey's importance and image are still worsened due to these reasons and unfortunately, it seems that states have no interest in finding the truth.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81638467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Turkey's foreign policy toward the Middle East has gone through a radical change over the decades. Earlier periods were marked by almost a complete neglect. However, since Uzal, Turkey's interest toward the region has constantly increased. Especially in the last few years of the AKP government, in line with the new foreign policy vision, the Middle East has started to occupy a central place in Turkish foreign policy. In this article, underlying factors of this changing policy and newly envisioned regional role for Turkey will be analyzed. Turkey now pursues a pro-active and multidimensional foreign policy; and the Middle East seems to be the most suitable area for Turkey to implement a successful foreign policy based upon its new parameters.
{"title":"Transformation of Turkish Foreign Policy Toward the Middle East : From Non-Involvement to a Leading Role","authors":"Cengiz Dinc and Mustafa Yetim","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.83368","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.83368","url":null,"abstract":"Turkey's foreign policy toward the Middle East has gone through a radical change over the decades. Earlier periods were marked by almost a complete neglect. However, since Uzal, Turkey's interest toward the region has constantly increased. Especially in the last few years of the AKP government, in line with the new foreign policy vision, the Middle East has started to occupy a central place in Turkish foreign policy. In this article, underlying factors of this changing policy and newly envisioned regional role for Turkey will be analyzed. Turkey now pursues a pro-active and multidimensional foreign policy; and the Middle East seems to be the most suitable area for Turkey to implement a successful foreign policy based upon its new parameters.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73063639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One of the factors effective in determining foreign policies of the countries is the issues of national security. This is especially true of the bilateral relations of countries which experience common security problems and affected by this situation. After its independence the Uzbekistani administration perceived their basic threat as 'fundamentalism'. Thus in the first years of independence, Tashkent tried to come closer to The United States of America (USA) so as to overcome this threat. In response to this, the USA, did not develop a comprehensive policy towards Uzbekistan. But the USA faced a similar security threat with September 11th attacks. Along with the increase of the Central Asia's geopolitical importance following the September 11th attacks, Washington increased its relations with Uzbekistan and bilateral relations reached to the level of strategic partnership. Because of the common threat perception, the USA overcame the Taliban by taking advantage of Uzbekistan's geopolitical position. Meanwhile the Uzbekistani administration largely avoided 'radical' movements through this war. However, emergence of the Colour Revolutions in the former Soviet republics, supported by the USA, destructed these relations. But in recent years both Kerimov and Obama administrations have tried to amend Uzbek American relations. Some positive developments have been witnessed since 2011. Because the USA, who has problematic relations with Pakistan administration, needs Uzbekistan's land again. In this study, the bilateral relations between the US, which became the sole super power in the post-Cold War period, and Uzbekistan, the most powerful country in Central Asia, are analyzed in the context of security issues
{"title":"The Effects of Security Problems on the USA- Uzbekistan Relations","authors":"A. Sönmez","doi":"10.21599/atjir.83468","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/atjir.83468","url":null,"abstract":"One of the factors effective in determining foreign policies of the countries is the issues of national security. This is especially true of the bilateral relations of countries which experience common security problems and affected by this situation. After its independence the Uzbekistani administration perceived their basic threat as 'fundamentalism'. Thus in the first years of independence, Tashkent tried to come closer to The United States of America (USA) so as to overcome this threat. In response to this, the USA, did not develop a comprehensive policy towards Uzbekistan. But the USA faced a similar security threat with September 11th attacks. Along with the increase of the Central Asia's geopolitical importance following the September 11th attacks, Washington increased its relations with Uzbekistan and bilateral relations reached to the level of strategic partnership. Because of the common threat perception, the USA overcame the Taliban by taking advantage of Uzbekistan's geopolitical position. Meanwhile the Uzbekistani administration largely avoided 'radical' movements through this war. However, emergence of the Colour Revolutions in the former Soviet republics, supported by the USA, destructed these relations. But in recent years both Kerimov and Obama administrations have tried to amend Uzbek American relations. Some positive developments have been witnessed since 2011. Because the USA, who has problematic relations with Pakistan administration, needs Uzbekistan's land again. In this study, the bilateral relations between the US, which became the sole super power in the post-Cold War period, and Uzbekistan, the most powerful country in Central Asia, are analyzed in the context of security issues","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85114898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Advanced democracies, including the United States, have been championing democratic promotion around the world. In the past, American policy towards the Arab Middle East, however, had been mainly based on just paying lip-service to democracy sans concrete measures for promoting a democratic culture in the region. The events of 9/11 marked a watershed in the history of US foreign policy towards the region. Facing calls for a democratic Arab World from home and abroad in the wake of 9/11 the US government raised the ante for pushing democracy in the Arab Middle East. The rhetoric and emphasis laid on 'democracy in the Arab World' by the American leadership over the years after 9/11 was unprecedented. This study deals with the visible shift in US foreign policy vis-A -vis democracy in the region, focusing on the six GCC states, namely Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. In addition to American approach and strategy, practical measures taken in the areas of politics, economy, education, media, civil society, and human rights is also furnished. An effort is made to understand and highlight the methods and tools employed by the foreign democracy promoters, both at the levels of state and society. However, a large part of the study appertains to the activities conducted at the grass-roots level. The study is comparative in its nature, based on empirical analysis.
{"title":"American Democracy Promotion In The Arabian Gulf","authors":"Muhammad Amir Ahmad Khan","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.07438","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.07438","url":null,"abstract":"Advanced democracies, including the United States, have been championing democratic promotion around the world. In the past, American policy towards the Arab Middle East, however, had been mainly based on just paying lip-service to democracy sans concrete measures for promoting a democratic culture in the region. The events of 9/11 marked a watershed in the history of US foreign policy towards the region. Facing calls for a democratic Arab World from home and abroad in the wake of 9/11 the US government raised the ante for pushing democracy in the Arab Middle East. The rhetoric and emphasis laid on 'democracy in the Arab World' by the American leadership over the years after 9/11 was unprecedented. This study deals with the visible shift in US foreign policy vis-A -vis democracy in the region, focusing on the six GCC states, namely Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. In addition to American approach and strategy, practical measures taken in the areas of politics, economy, education, media, civil society, and human rights is also furnished. An effort is made to understand and highlight the methods and tools employed by the foreign democracy promoters, both at the levels of state and society. However, a large part of the study appertains to the activities conducted at the grass-roots level. The study is comparative in its nature, based on empirical analysis.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84776130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The International Criminal Court (ICC) was created to facilitate the prosecution of perpetrators of international humanitarian law something not within the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice. As an international court, it was not restricted by head of state or diplomatic immunity. In March 2005, the United Nations Security Council under Chapter VII of the UN Charter adopted resolution 1593 which referred the situation in Darfur, Sudan to the International Criminal Court Prosecutor, effectively giving the ICC jurisdiction over Sudan even though Sudan is not part to the Rome Statute. The Resolution is binding on all UN member states, including Sudan. On March 4 2009, ICC judges issued a warrant for the arrest of Sudanese President Omar Hassan al- Bashir. The warrant holds that there are reasonable grounds to believe that Bashir is criminally responsible for five counts of crimes against humanity and two counts of war crimes, referring to alleged attacks by Sudanese security forces and pro- government militia in the Darfur region of Sudan during the government's seven year counter insurgency campaign. This ability to indict a head of state in office raised debates and animosity between the court and African leaders as well as Arab leaders after it indicted Hassan Omar Al-Bashir, the Sudanese head of state. The paper seeks to analyse the extent to which the Sudanese conflict gave rise to situation that constitute war crimes and examine the extent to which the laws have been applied worldwide. In essence, the paper makes an exposition about the law's applicability in the contemporary world. The paper espouse that the Sudanese sets as a test case were a sitting head of state could be brought before the ICC
{"title":"The Sudanese Conflict: War Crimes and International Criminal Court","authors":"Kudzaishe Marecha and Percyslage Chigora","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.16362","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.16362","url":null,"abstract":"The International Criminal Court (ICC) was created to facilitate the prosecution of perpetrators of international humanitarian law something not within the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice. As an international court, it was not restricted by head of state or diplomatic immunity. In March 2005, the United Nations Security Council under Chapter VII of the UN Charter adopted resolution 1593 which referred the situation in Darfur, Sudan to the International Criminal Court Prosecutor, effectively giving the ICC jurisdiction over Sudan even though Sudan is not part to the Rome Statute. The Resolution is binding on all UN member states, including Sudan. On March 4 2009, ICC judges issued a warrant for the arrest of Sudanese President Omar Hassan al- Bashir. The warrant holds that there are reasonable grounds to believe that Bashir is criminally responsible for five counts of crimes against humanity and two counts of war crimes, referring to alleged attacks by Sudanese security forces and pro- government militia in the Darfur region of Sudan during the government's seven year counter insurgency campaign. This ability to indict a head of state in office raised debates and animosity between the court and African leaders as well as Arab leaders after it indicted Hassan Omar Al-Bashir, the Sudanese head of state. The paper seeks to analyse the extent to which the Sudanese conflict gave rise to situation that constitute war crimes and examine the extent to which the laws have been applied worldwide. In essence, the paper makes an exposition about the law's applicability in the contemporary world. The paper espouse that the Sudanese sets as a test case were a sitting head of state could be brought before the ICC","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":"37-49"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84355617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article deals with the future of the Least Developed Countries in economically and politically highly uneven and unequal current world order. First, I will discuss how categorization of the United Nations (UN) on the Least Developed Countries (LDC) took place, and the influence of the economic globalization and free market liberalism impacted on the UN's mainstream policies on this matter. Under this framework, history of the UN categorization of the LDC, and indicators of such categorization will be re-evaluated and the necessity of a new paradigm, especially in relation to concept of 'graduation' will be discussed. Recent discussions on inability to evaluate countries' economic success and its irrelevance on happiness of citizens with GDP in some developed countries, such as France and the U.K. is a good reason to think new alternatives for the LDCs. Secondly, the article will deal with global poverty as one of the major obstacles in 21st Century, and increasing gap between rich and poor countries. Thirdly, the current economic, climatic, institutional, economic and social conditions and difficulties of the LDCs will be evaluated under the framework of the historical reasons such as colonialism and exploitation by the Western powers. At the end, the most recent catastrophic famine that hit Somalia, one of the poorest members of the LDC will be discussed as an extreme example of a failed state. Somalia is a poster child of colonialism, imperialism, environmental degradation, climate change and religious extremism. It is a wake up call for the world community. If the policies of the LDC will not be revitalized and developed countries will not be genuinely committed to change current trade and climate change policies in order to include the needs of the LDCs, and if they will not consider LDC as partner rather than charity receivers such catastrophic famine will be more and more part of the reality for the LDCs and world peace will be significantly jeopardized through internal and international political conflicts.
{"title":"Toward Equality in a Highly Unequal World: The Fate of the LDCs","authors":"Hilal Elver","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.47807","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.47807","url":null,"abstract":"This article deals with the future of the Least Developed Countries in economically and politically highly uneven and unequal current world order. First, I will discuss how categorization of the United Nations (UN) on the Least Developed Countries (LDC) took place, and the influence of the economic globalization and free market liberalism impacted on the UN's mainstream policies on this matter. Under this framework, history of the UN categorization of the LDC, and indicators of such categorization will be re-evaluated and the necessity of a new paradigm, especially in relation to concept of 'graduation' will be discussed. Recent discussions on inability to evaluate countries' economic success and its irrelevance on happiness of citizens with GDP in some developed countries, such as France and the U.K. is a good reason to think new alternatives for the LDCs. Secondly, the article will deal with global poverty as one of the major obstacles in 21st Century, and increasing gap between rich and poor countries. Thirdly, the current economic, climatic, institutional, economic and social conditions and difficulties of the LDCs will be evaluated under the framework of the historical reasons such as colonialism and exploitation by the Western powers. At the end, the most recent catastrophic famine that hit Somalia, one of the poorest members of the LDC will be discussed as an extreme example of a failed state. Somalia is a poster child of colonialism, imperialism, environmental degradation, climate change and religious extremism. It is a wake up call for the world community. If the policies of the LDC will not be revitalized and developed countries will not be genuinely committed to change current trade and climate change policies in order to include the needs of the LDCs, and if they will not consider LDC as partner rather than charity receivers such catastrophic famine will be more and more part of the reality for the LDCs and world peace will be significantly jeopardized through internal and international political conflicts.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"9 1","pages":"1-23"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90385037","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper highlights the conceptual limitations or lack of the clarity of ' good governance' concept favoured by the donor community and debunks its central hypothesis that good governance causes economic growth. Good governance can mean many things and countries possessing features of good governance can be different both structurally and institutionally. Countries that are developed recently did not have the ideal features of good governance ' these features evolved with economic growth. Donors should not impose onerous good governance conditions with the expectation that developing countries must all look the same in the image of the recent developed countries. Most poor countries do not have administrative and financial capacity to achieve these reforms or institutions; hence, the donor conditionality often becomes a recipe for failure. Therefore, the reform agenda should aim at strategic bottlenecks for development and enhance state capacity and capabilities to deal with these bottlenecks.
{"title":"Good Governance and Development in the Least Developed Countries","authors":"J. K. Chowdhury","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.38518","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.38518","url":null,"abstract":"The paper highlights the conceptual limitations or lack of the clarity of ' good governance' concept favoured by the donor community and debunks its central hypothesis that good governance causes economic growth. Good governance can mean many things and countries possessing features of good governance can be different both structurally and institutionally. Countries that are developed recently did not have the ideal features of good governance ' these features evolved with economic growth. Donors should not impose onerous good governance conditions with the expectation that developing countries must all look the same in the image of the recent developed countries. Most poor countries do not have administrative and financial capacity to achieve these reforms or institutions; hence, the donor conditionality often becomes a recipe for failure. Therefore, the reform agenda should aim at strategic bottlenecks for development and enhance state capacity and capabilities to deal with these bottlenecks.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"463 1","pages":"25-35"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77046199","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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