Adnan Menderes is a unique personality who has an important role within Turkish political life.DemocraticParty founded in 1946 by Menderes and his three friends has taken the power from People's Republican Party in 22 May 1950. Hence they have ended the single party period and opened the multi-party period in political life. This study examines the Turkish foreign policy of Menderes period between 1950-1960 as a whole. And it concludes that the most important motives of the Turkish foreign policy making process in Menderes period were the security problem and the maintenance of foreign aid necessary for the development of country.
{"title":"Turkish Foreign Policy during Adnan Menderes Period","authors":"G. Dagci, Kaan Diyarbakirlioğlu","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.54368","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.54368","url":null,"abstract":"Adnan Menderes is a unique personality who has an important role within Turkish political life.DemocraticParty founded in 1946 by Menderes and his three friends has taken the power from People's Republican Party in 22 May 1950. Hence they have ended the single party period and opened the multi-party period in political life. This study examines the Turkish foreign policy of Menderes period between 1950-1960 as a whole. And it concludes that the most important motives of the Turkish foreign policy making process in Menderes period were the security problem and the maintenance of foreign aid necessary for the development of country.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"40 8 1","pages":"18-31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72974558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The relationship between non-state actors and the broader political order is one of the fundamental problematics of the political informality literature. Our examination of informal Cairo, neighbourhoods established without planning permission, and the political trajectory of the once militant Gama'a Islamiyya (GI) since the 1980s, challenges the understanding of informal politics as taking place 'outside the state'. Salafi-jihadist agendas and informal Cairo have been seen as fundamentally oppositional to the state and political order, but at the same time have actually been quite closely linked to it. In some respects they are integrated into the political order established after 1952 and at the very least are diagnostic of its own informality.
{"title":"Informality Versus the State?: Islamists, Informal Cairo and Political Integration by Other Means","authors":"W. Stein","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.76277","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.76277","url":null,"abstract":"The relationship between non-state actors and the broader political order is one of the fundamental problematics of the political informality literature. Our examination of informal Cairo, neighbourhoods established without planning permission, and the political trajectory of the once militant Gama'a Islamiyya (GI) since the 1980s, challenges the understanding of informal politics as taking place 'outside the state'. Salafi-jihadist agendas and informal Cairo have been seen as fundamentally oppositional to the state and political order, but at the same time have actually been quite closely linked to it. In some respects they are integrated into the political order established after 1952 and at the very least are diagnostic of its own informality.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":"5-19"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88408445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Turkish politics is directed through 'informal' tools and informal relations. My paper will attempt to understand more in depth some aspects of informal politics in the Turkish context with two case studies. The first example is built on 2009 electoral campaign in Istanbul's district of Uskudar. The results of a field work and a survey in the district clearly show that the parties' strategies are built on a friendly relation with voters rather than on a formal campaign. Presents, a chat around a glass of black tea, hemŞehri networks, and women networks appear to be much more influential than any media strategy. Indeed, voters do not recall even the slogans of the political parties. The second case shows the influence of 'chieftains' (aga) in the Şanliurfa province on electoral behaviours; the power of the 'chieftains' seems to be deriving from a mix of coercion, well rooted values of respect and tribal loyalty, and strong ties with the central authority. Even if this system often results in the imposition of unequal social relations, it appears to be widely accepted by the broader society through a validation process instigated by its democratic connotation. In this sense, with transformations in the demographic, social, economic and political spheres, tribal identities as well as hemŞehri networks did not disappear but evolved into a functional network of patronage. An analysis of patronage and informal relations as well as their influence on political mobilisation may lead to a more informed understanding of political practices in Turkey, and to a specific assessment of the influence of informal politics upon electoral behaviours.
{"title":"Friendship, kingship and interest: Informal politics in Turkey and the Example of Vote Mobilization in Istanbul and Sanliurfa","authors":"M. Guida","doi":"10.21599/atjir.67012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/atjir.67012","url":null,"abstract":"Turkish politics is directed through 'informal' tools and informal relations. My paper will attempt to understand more in depth some aspects of informal politics in the Turkish context with two case studies. The first example is built on 2009 electoral campaign in Istanbul's district of Uskudar. The results of a field work and a survey in the district clearly show that the parties' strategies are built on a friendly relation with voters rather than on a formal campaign. Presents, a chat around a glass of black tea, hemŞehri networks, and women networks appear to be much more influential than any media strategy. Indeed, voters do not recall even the slogans of the political parties. The second case shows the influence of 'chieftains' (aga) in the Şanliurfa province on electoral behaviours; the power of the 'chieftains' seems to be deriving from a mix of coercion, well rooted values of respect and tribal loyalty, and strong ties with the central authority. Even if this system often results in the imposition of unequal social relations, it appears to be widely accepted by the broader society through a validation process instigated by its democratic connotation. In this sense, with transformations in the demographic, social, economic and political spheres, tribal identities as well as hemŞehri networks did not disappear but evolved into a functional network of patronage. An analysis of patronage and informal relations as well as their influence on political mobilisation may lead to a more informed understanding of political practices in Turkey, and to a specific assessment of the influence of informal politics upon electoral behaviours.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"7 1","pages":"65-76"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85013478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Many people in MENA region perceive formal politics as illegitimate, corrupt and authoritarian. Thus, when searching for agents of change and reform, one has to look beyond the formal politics. In this vein, in the region there has been an increasing interest in civil society. Generally, academic interest as well as institutional interest tends to focus on secular organizations and overlooks religiously-based ones. Given the fact that, particularly in Muslim states of the region, Islamic civil society organizations make up a large part of civil society. Many Muslim social welfare organizations in the region engaged in activities such as education, health care and financial assistance to the poor. For example, in the cases of Egypt, Jordan and Turkey new variety of Muslim organizations has emerged to engage in voluntary social welfare activities, but in other ways than traditional welfare organizations. Besides providing traditional charitable services, they offer health and environment awareness campaigns and vocational training programs. In short, they assign Islam an important role without applying the language of political Islam. Instead, they view Islam as instrumental in helping the individual to become an active and useful citizen. In this regard, this article seeks answers to the question of whether these organisations can be considered potential agents of change or rather as preservers of the status quo. Do they employ Islam as a means of control or empowerment
{"title":"Islamic Civil Society Organizations as Actors of Change in Egypt and Jordan","authors":"B. Coşkun","doi":"10.21599/atjir.38783","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/atjir.38783","url":null,"abstract":"Many people in MENA region perceive formal politics as illegitimate, corrupt and authoritarian. Thus, when searching for agents of change and reform, one has to look beyond the formal politics. In this vein, in the region there has been an increasing interest in civil society. Generally, academic interest as well as institutional interest tends to focus on secular organizations and overlooks religiously-based ones. Given the fact that, particularly in Muslim states of the region, Islamic civil society organizations make up a large part of civil society. Many Muslim social welfare organizations in the region engaged in activities such as education, health care and financial assistance to the poor. For example, in the cases of Egypt, Jordan and Turkey new variety of Muslim organizations has emerged to engage in voluntary social welfare activities, but in other ways than traditional welfare organizations. Besides providing traditional charitable services, they offer health and environment awareness campaigns and vocational training programs. In short, they assign Islam an important role without applying the language of political Islam. Instead, they view Islam as instrumental in helping the individual to become an active and useful citizen. In this regard, this article seeks answers to the question of whether these organisations can be considered potential agents of change or rather as preservers of the status quo. Do they employ Islam as a means of control or empowerment","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"30 1","pages":"35-47"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83127477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The United Nations Security Council is the heart of our current global security order. This executive board of fifteen countries is the central transnational organ which discusses and sanctions global breaches of international peace and security. However, over the past two decades, and especially since the late 2004 United Nations high-level panel report on UN reform, there have been growing calls for the Security Council's reform. Reform is often perceived as necessary because the current structure of the Council, and especially its five permanent seats is seen as out of date and not in touch with contemporary geo-political realities, and representation on the Council is seen as largely undemocratic. However, in the background of all efforts to reform the SC are considerations of power and prestige. Ranging from the current permanent five members to the candidate states who fancy themselves worthy of Security Council permanent membership, most actors involved seem guided in their decision making processes by considerations of relative gains and balance of power. This is why applying the realist, or neorealist, theorem of relative gains may be insightful in analyzing the power-plays related to SC reform. The paper first offers a brief overview of the applicable theoretical framework for examining SC reform, and then outlines a background to the actual proposals for that reform. This is followed by a discussion of how perceptions of relative gains are influencing SC membership reform debates, and how these perceptions translate into concrete action of undermining membership aspirations.
{"title":"The Relative Gains theorem and the stalling United Nations Security Council membership reform","authors":"Nikola Pijović","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.52870","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.52870","url":null,"abstract":"The United Nations Security Council is the heart of our current global security order. This executive board of fifteen countries is the central transnational organ which discusses and sanctions global breaches of international peace and security. However, over the past two decades, and especially since the late 2004 United Nations high-level panel report on UN reform, there have been growing calls for the Security Council's reform. Reform is often perceived as necessary because the current structure of the Council, and especially its five permanent seats is seen as out of date and not in touch with contemporary geo-political realities, and representation on the Council is seen as largely undemocratic. However, in the background of all efforts to reform the SC are considerations of power and prestige. Ranging from the current permanent five members to the candidate states who fancy themselves worthy of Security Council permanent membership, most actors involved seem guided in their decision making processes by considerations of relative gains and balance of power. This is why applying the realist, or neorealist, theorem of relative gains may be insightful in analyzing the power-plays related to SC reform. The paper first offers a brief overview of the applicable theoretical framework for examining SC reform, and then outlines a background to the actual proposals for that reform. This is followed by a discussion of how perceptions of relative gains are influencing SC membership reform debates, and how these perceptions translate into concrete action of undermining membership aspirations.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"7 1","pages":"32-41"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74255159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
U.S.-Azerbaijani relations are not limited to mutual interests between two countries. They have not only effected partnerships among other regional powers in the Caucasus, but also have been strongly influenced by them. In the post-Soviet era, Western concerns on limiting the influences of Russia and Iran in the region and guaranteeing Europe's energy security have made Azerbaijan a strategic ally for the West. Despite its importance for the West, Azerbaijan did not received necessary support from its new allies in a vital issue such as Nagorno Karabakh. As a result, Azeris have resorted to use the energy card to strengthen their hands in their quest to recover Karabakh region. This study aims to explain the current circumstances in US-Azerbaijani relations which are far away from their initial state.
{"title":"U.S. Foreign Policy Towards Azerbaijan: From 'Alliance to 'Strategic Partnership","authors":"Zafer Yildirim","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.83492","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.83492","url":null,"abstract":"U.S.-Azerbaijani relations are not limited to mutual interests between two countries. They have not only effected partnerships among other regional powers in the Caucasus, but also have been strongly influenced by them. In the post-Soviet era, Western concerns on limiting the influences of Russia and Iran in the region and guaranteeing Europe's energy security have made Azerbaijan a strategic ally for the West. Despite its importance for the West, Azerbaijan did not received necessary support from its new allies in a vital issue such as Nagorno Karabakh. As a result, Azeris have resorted to use the energy card to strengthen their hands in their quest to recover Karabakh region. This study aims to explain the current circumstances in US-Azerbaijani relations which are far away from their initial state.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"72 1","pages":"1-15"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90400370","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is a fact that conflicts are still very prevalent in almost every human social organization. Some scholars say, since they are so endemic to the unique innate aggressive characters of human beings, nothing could really be done to permanently prevent their occurrence no matter how hard we may try. There is therefore a need to devise a workable formula to mitigate both their frequencies of occurrences, as well as, intensities of their destructiveness on the societal fabric. That such phenomena occur more in some regions than in others, is also a fact vividly highlighted by the glaring unique characters of each location. At the moment, there can be no notion of a generic analytical frame applicable uniformly to all social settings across the world. Such a view portends to also generate intensely raging controversies and fissions in the academia. The contention here pertains to what could constitute the real and remote causes of these phenomena generally in these highly prone areas. This dilemma is further aggravated by the usual sentimental attachments to primary cultural values and individual predilections/stereotypes often known to have grossly tainted most existing analytical frames. At the end of the day, hope for a consensual position becomes fleeting. But this readily also invokes a burning desire in one to harness a holistic picturesque frame these existing frames. The desire here is to move research further in a new direction devoid of such strictures of cultural/individual stereotypes and predilections. However, to tackle such a chore here, this paper seeks to critically assess some of the primary hypotheses of the existing theories with a view to synthesize such a multi-culturally robust and a non-generic analytical frame. This frame I have referred to elsewhere as the ASRI model. As it were, focus of these critiques is especially made applicable to the African context. The reason is that, Africa stands out as perhaps one unique region in the world where there has been a rather high frequency of conflict outbreaks in the recent time. And since Africans are also multicultural in character, no better place than in Africa should such a critical focus be premised on.
{"title":"A Cross-Cultural Approach to Contemporary Confict Analysis I: Need to Demystify Myths and Realities Surrounding African Conflicts","authors":"Alex Igho Ovie-DLeone","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.87780","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.87780","url":null,"abstract":"It is a fact that conflicts are still very prevalent in almost every human social organization. Some scholars say, since they are so endemic to the unique innate aggressive characters of human beings, nothing could really be done to permanently prevent their occurrence no matter how hard we may try. There is therefore a need to devise a workable formula to mitigate both their frequencies of occurrences, as well as, intensities of their destructiveness on the societal fabric. That such phenomena occur more in some regions than in others, is also a fact vividly highlighted by the glaring unique characters of each location. At the moment, there can be no notion of a generic analytical frame applicable uniformly to all social settings across the world. Such a view portends to also generate intensely raging controversies and fissions in the academia. The contention here pertains to what could constitute the real and remote causes of these phenomena generally in these highly prone areas. This dilemma is further aggravated by the usual sentimental attachments to primary cultural values and individual predilections/stereotypes often known to have grossly tainted most existing analytical frames. At the end of the day, hope for a consensual position becomes fleeting. But this readily also invokes a burning desire in one to harness a holistic picturesque frame these existing frames. The desire here is to move research further in a new direction devoid of such strictures of cultural/individual stereotypes and predilections. However, to tackle such a chore here, this paper seeks to critically assess some of the primary hypotheses of the existing theories with a view to synthesize such a multi-culturally robust and a non-generic analytical frame. This frame I have referred to elsewhere as the ASRI model. As it were, focus of these critiques is especially made applicable to the African context. The reason is that, Africa stands out as perhaps one unique region in the world where there has been a rather high frequency of conflict outbreaks in the recent time. And since Africans are also multicultural in character, no better place than in Africa should such a critical focus be premised on.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"25 1","pages":"16-31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77676973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper proposes a Cultural Constructivist approach as a theoretical framework to capture how a state's perceived identity of its significant Other is constituted and evolves through social interactions, and how such identity in turn gives meaning to state interactions or interstate relations. It begins with a literature review and critique on Strategic Culture and Constructivism. While both cultural factors and social interactions are important and intertwined in foreign relations, the two IR streams failed to truly integrate the social and the cultural. The Cultural Constructivist approach is a synthesized theoretical framework of the two for us to better understand the role of culture in social interactions among states. Using China's relationship with Vietnam as a referent point for such analysis, the paper argues that China interacts with its significant Other and perceives it through a culturally unique relationship widely known in the disciplines of anthropology, sociology and cross-cultural psychology as guanxi.
{"title":"Chinese Culture and Foreign Relations","authors":"T. Uemura","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.63432","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.63432","url":null,"abstract":"This paper proposes a Cultural Constructivist approach as a theoretical framework to capture how a state's perceived identity of its significant Other is constituted and evolves through social interactions, and how such identity in turn gives meaning to state interactions or interstate relations. It begins with a literature review and critique on Strategic Culture and Constructivism. While both cultural factors and social interactions are important and intertwined in foreign relations, the two IR streams failed to truly integrate the social and the cultural. The Cultural Constructivist approach is a synthesized theoretical framework of the two for us to better understand the role of culture in social interactions among states. Using China's relationship with Vietnam as a referent point for such analysis, the paper argues that China interacts with its significant Other and perceives it through a culturally unique relationship widely known in the disciplines of anthropology, sociology and cross-cultural psychology as guanxi.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"11 1","pages":"53-82"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84906129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One of the most pressing security and development challenges faced by Jordan and other states in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is freshwater scarcity. Jordan, like all but two states in the region (Turkey and Iran), does not have access to sufficient amounts of renewable freshwater. International conflicts, in the forms of disagreements, disputes and violent conflict over this resource have emerged as very real aspects of the international relations of this region. Cooperation between states over shared resources has also emerged, however, and this paper seeks to explore the prospects for further cooperation by considering the importance of interdependence and international institutions in relation to freshwater scarcity issues in Jordan's relations with Israel and Syria. Drawing upon theories of resource scarcity and institutionalism this paper explores if levels of economic interdependence and engagement in international institutions have impacted bilateral cooperation between Jordan and its neighbours. Jordan represents a good case study in order to better understand the issue of freshwater scarcity, conflict and cooperation for other states in the region. By examining two key international projects (the Jordanian-Syrian project to build the Wehdeh Dam on the Yarmouk River and the Jordanian-Israeli(-Palestinian) project to build the Red Sea-Dead Sea Conduit project on their shared border) this paper finds that levels of bilateral economic interdependence and institutional engagement can impact the potential for bilateral cooperation in the management of shared freshwater sources.
{"title":"Freshwater Scarcity, Interdependence and Institutionalism in Jordanian Foreign Policy: Towards Conflict or Cooperation","authors":"I. El-Anis","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.12965","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.12965","url":null,"abstract":"One of the most pressing security and development challenges faced by Jordan and other states in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is freshwater scarcity. Jordan, like all but two states in the region (Turkey and Iran), does not have access to sufficient amounts of renewable freshwater. International conflicts, in the forms of disagreements, disputes and violent conflict over this resource have emerged as very real aspects of the international relations of this region. Cooperation between states over shared resources has also emerged, however, and this paper seeks to explore the prospects for further cooperation by considering the importance of interdependence and international institutions in relation to freshwater scarcity issues in Jordan's relations with Israel and Syria. Drawing upon theories of resource scarcity and institutionalism this paper explores if levels of economic interdependence and engagement in international institutions have impacted bilateral cooperation between Jordan and its neighbours. Jordan represents a good case study in order to better understand the issue of freshwater scarcity, conflict and cooperation for other states in the region. By examining two key international projects (the Jordanian-Syrian project to build the Wehdeh Dam on the Yarmouk River and the Jordanian-Israeli(-Palestinian) project to build the Red Sea-Dead Sea Conduit project on their shared border) this paper finds that levels of bilateral economic interdependence and institutional engagement can impact the potential for bilateral cooperation in the management of shared freshwater sources.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"50 1","pages":"42-52"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78845983","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This socio-cultural article has emerged as a result of continuous civilization clashes in the world. It is evidenced by the supremacy of western cultural value in the international system, which has somehow degenerated into intra and inter-states (ethno-political and religious) conflicts and wars, underdevelopment, terrorism, neo-colonialism, and recent global economic crisis to mention but few. Consequently, the United Nations and its agencies have failed to resolve these global scourges. Hence, a world system approach will be used in this article to analyze the root cause of these global issues and proffer same, future theories that will implement the built Intercontinental System design. This, in turn will bring humanity to the path of secured global developments. 'Further to the outcome of this view, an open civilization survival thesis is established for the exposition of' an' Open World System'. On the one hand, it is the grouping of States into varied hypothetical Union membership based on common civilization fronts. 'While on the other hand, the World Star-Pentagon framework has created a socio-political economy re-orientation and interaction among five major civilization-based', regional organizations par continents that will function 'as sub-systems of the proposed Global Union, and their inter-dependence survival routes (or relations)'. It is believed that this global interactive assemblage will create a stronger overlapping International Organization that will transform our society into a true world community, if United Nations can not be transformed.
{"title":"The Open World System & Political Economy: A Bakarean World.","authors":"Adewale Muteeu Bakare","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.36758","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.36758","url":null,"abstract":"This socio-cultural article has emerged as a result of continuous civilization clashes in the world. It is evidenced by the supremacy of western cultural value in the international system, which has somehow degenerated into intra and inter-states (ethno-political and religious) conflicts and wars, underdevelopment, terrorism, neo-colonialism, and recent global economic crisis to mention but few. Consequently, the United Nations and its agencies have failed to resolve these global scourges. Hence, a world system approach will be used in this article to analyze the root cause of these global issues and proffer same, future theories that will implement the built Intercontinental System design. This, in turn will bring humanity to the path of secured global developments. 'Further to the outcome of this view, an open civilization survival thesis is established for the exposition of' an' Open World System'. On the one hand, it is the grouping of States into varied hypothetical Union membership based on common civilization fronts. 'While on the other hand, the World Star-Pentagon framework has created a socio-political economy re-orientation and interaction among five major civilization-based', regional organizations par continents that will function 'as sub-systems of the proposed Global Union, and their inter-dependence survival routes (or relations)'. It is believed that this global interactive assemblage will create a stronger overlapping International Organization that will transform our society into a true world community, if United Nations can not be transformed.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"79 1","pages":"90-105"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84083048","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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