Among all authoritarian Arab regimes in the Middle Eastern and North African region, Egypt can be considered as a crucial example which has attempted to take a number of steps toward political liberalization since the 1970s. As an external actor through its aid programs, bilateral agreements, direct grant programs, and partnership initiatives, the United States seemed to be working towards economic and political liberalization and democratization in Egypt. However, in spite of this seemingly fervent endeavor, particularly during the rule of President Mubarak, the US governments have failed in their attempts to liberalize Egypt. This article attempts to explain why the USA was not able to succeed in its initiatives to liberalize Egypt, despite its serious economic assistances and political efforts by referring to two research traditions within comparative politics: structuralist analysis and rational choice theory. It argues that the USA, due to the problems concerning the structure of USAID, MEPI and BMENA, and the rational choices made by the same organizations had a limited impact on political liberalization process in Egypt.
{"title":"The Limited Impact of the USA on Political Liberalization in Egypt during the Mubarak Era","authors":"Müge Aknur and Erkan Okalan","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.63838","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.63838","url":null,"abstract":"Among all authoritarian Arab regimes in the Middle Eastern and North African region, Egypt can be considered as a crucial example which has attempted to take a number of steps toward political liberalization since the 1970s. As an external actor through its aid programs, bilateral agreements, direct grant programs, and partnership initiatives, the United States seemed to be working towards economic and political liberalization and democratization in Egypt. However, in spite of this seemingly fervent endeavor, particularly during the rule of President Mubarak, the US governments have failed in their attempts to liberalize Egypt. This article attempts to explain why the USA was not able to succeed in its initiatives to liberalize Egypt, despite its serious economic assistances and political efforts by referring to two research traditions within comparative politics: structuralist analysis and rational choice theory. It argues that the USA, due to the problems concerning the structure of USAID, MEPI and BMENA, and the rational choices made by the same organizations had a limited impact on political liberalization process in Egypt.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"30 1","pages":"48-64"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80313033","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The burgeoning research on securitization of migration has provided outstanding works and opened up new avenues in migration studies. Particularly, it draws the attention to how migration is administered/framed as a security issue and prompts scathing criticism against 'illiberal' migration practices of 'liberal' states. However, these works put the focus exclusively on the EU and pay little attention to how the securitization in the EU restructures third countries' migration regimes. This paper intends to fill this gap in literature through exploring the recent Turkish migration practices. Because of its strategic geopolitical position (e.g. being one of the most important transit countries for irregular immigrants and asylum seekers into Europe) and in relation to its candidacy status, Turkey provides a very suitable framework in order to depict how the EU expands the securitization process into third countries and how candidate countries (are obliged to) follow the EU's requirements and thereby replicating the same securitization process in their migration regimes. In exploring these issues, this article applies a sociological approach to securitization that builds upon the role of practices (policies, policy tools, instruments, etc.) rather than 'speech acts.' In other words, it explores how migration practices employed by the EU and third countries transform migration into a security issue through an empirical inquiry, including document analysis and 'expert' interviews. More precisely, it discusses, first, the dynamics of the securitization of the EU's migration regime. Second, it provides critical reflections on the changing character of Turkish migration practices in the light of its EU candidacy status. In this setting, the focus of the paper is on the latest discussions surrounding the visa issue, border controls, asylum policies, as well as readmission agreement. Finally, it raises normative concerns and suggests that there is a need for a critical engagement with democracy and human rights discourses surrounding the EU-Turkey relations, as both sides privilege their own 'state-centric' interests over the rights and dignity of migrants.
{"title":"Securitization of Migration in Europe: Critical Reflections on Turkish Migration Practices","authors":"Burcu Toğral","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.41461","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.41461","url":null,"abstract":"The burgeoning research on securitization of migration has provided outstanding works and opened up new avenues in migration studies. Particularly, it draws the attention to how migration is administered/framed as a security issue and prompts scathing criticism against 'illiberal' migration practices of 'liberal' states. However, these works put the focus exclusively on the EU and pay little attention to how the securitization in the EU restructures third countries' migration regimes. This paper intends to fill this gap in literature through exploring the recent Turkish migration practices. Because of its strategic geopolitical position (e.g. being one of the most important transit countries for irregular immigrants and asylum seekers into Europe) and in relation to its candidacy status, Turkey provides a very suitable framework in order to depict how the EU expands the securitization process into third countries and how candidate countries (are obliged to) follow the EU's requirements and thereby replicating the same securitization process in their migration regimes. In exploring these issues, this article applies a sociological approach to securitization that builds upon the role of practices (policies, policy tools, instruments, etc.) rather than 'speech acts.' In other words, it explores how migration practices employed by the EU and third countries transform migration into a security issue through an empirical inquiry, including document analysis and 'expert' interviews. More precisely, it discusses, first, the dynamics of the securitization of the EU's migration regime. Second, it provides critical reflections on the changing character of Turkish migration practices in the light of its EU candidacy status. In this setting, the focus of the paper is on the latest discussions surrounding the visa issue, border controls, asylum policies, as well as readmission agreement. Finally, it raises normative concerns and suggests that there is a need for a critical engagement with democracy and human rights discourses surrounding the EU-Turkey relations, as both sides privilege their own 'state-centric' interests over the rights and dignity of migrants.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"102 1","pages":"65-77"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79389674","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Postmodernism and poststructuralism move from the phrase that history is narrative and narratives are texts or meaning is encoded in language. If life is a narration, it must have a language. If it has a language, then it can be deconstructed. These are the alternative explanations of the history. Language, as a means of communication, is a tool that social relations emerge and human interactions are supplied. As it plays a role of 'bridge' between thought and action, it reflects the world of conception and perception of humanbeing. Poststructuralist theory applies on some methods to understand and explain international relations. Deconstruction is the literary theory of poststructuralism, and the method of double reading presents a two-dimensional reading possibility to those concerned with it. As it offers a commentary on the dominant interpretation in the first reading, it pressures on the instable points in a text in the second reading. Poststructuralism sets linkages and relationships with some other disciplines, and thanks to these linkages and relations, it develops new aspects and horizons on the understanding and explaining of international relations.
{"title":"Poststructuralism and the Analysis of International Relations","authors":"Y. Ateș","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.23641","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.23641","url":null,"abstract":"Postmodernism and poststructuralism move from the phrase that history is narrative and narratives are texts or meaning is encoded in language. If life is a narration, it must have a language. If it has a language, then it can be deconstructed. These are the alternative explanations of the history. Language, as a means of communication, is a tool that social relations emerge and human interactions are supplied. As it plays a role of 'bridge' between thought and action, it reflects the world of conception and perception of humanbeing. Poststructuralist theory applies on some methods to understand and explain international relations. Deconstruction is the literary theory of poststructuralism, and the method of double reading presents a two-dimensional reading possibility to those concerned with it. As it offers a commentary on the dominant interpretation in the first reading, it pressures on the instable points in a text in the second reading. Poststructuralism sets linkages and relationships with some other disciplines, and thanks to these linkages and relations, it develops new aspects and horizons on the understanding and explaining of international relations.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"15 1","pages":"12-25"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75124487","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
What makes Thucydides' work so incredibly alive and relevant for global politics today is the analytic of how the story is told. Three points stand out in this regard. First, the The Peloponnesian War features a momentous epistemological jump. One facet of this, among so many, is that divinity is swept aside and humans become the masters of their own destiny. Next, despite its recent reputation for being a classic text of Realism, Thucydides' work is not subject to the stultifying shackles of ideological boundaries. It is vastly eclectic and non-doctrinaire. Finally, the unraveling of the 27-year epic war is told through a multitude of competing voices that evokes the reader to interpret the text's ultimate meaning. It is this element that injects so much life into the text, since rather than being subjected to the dictation of 'truth' through an author's monologue, the reader must assume the role of judge and truth producer. These themes of epistemic rupture, human agency, eclecticism and situated truth are vital in relation to analyzing the current juncture in world politics, especially regarding the opportunities and perils of navigating through a sweeping transformation of the global constellation of power.
{"title":"Critical Security in the 21st Century: The Resonating Voices of Thucydides","authors":"J. Rochlin","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.25334","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.25334","url":null,"abstract":"What makes Thucydides' work so incredibly alive and relevant for global politics today is the analytic of how the story is told. Three points stand out in this regard. First, the The Peloponnesian War features a momentous epistemological jump. One facet of this, among so many, is that divinity is swept aside and humans become the masters of their own destiny. Next, despite its recent reputation for being a classic text of Realism, Thucydides' work is not subject to the stultifying shackles of ideological boundaries. It is vastly eclectic and non-doctrinaire. Finally, the unraveling of the 27-year epic war is told through a multitude of competing voices that evokes the reader to interpret the text's ultimate meaning. It is this element that injects so much life into the text, since rather than being subjected to the dictation of 'truth' through an author's monologue, the reader must assume the role of judge and truth producer. These themes of epistemic rupture, human agency, eclecticism and situated truth are vital in relation to analyzing the current juncture in world politics, especially regarding the opportunities and perils of navigating through a sweeping transformation of the global constellation of power.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"5 1","pages":"1-12"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79861278","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Every nation and national identity is a product of long historical process because nation is constructed and develops historically. Especially, conflicts with other ethnic - religious groups, nations and central government make great contribution to construction and development of nation. Therefore, as other nations, Bosniak nation historically has been constructed and developed during centuries. Major historical events and steps which shaped and affected historical construction and development of Bosniak nation are as following: (1) Islamization process in Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Ottoman rule since second half of 15th century; (2) the Bosniak rebellions led by Bosniak landowners and kapetans (the commanders of fortresses) against the Ottoman central government in 19th century; (3) armed resistance of Bosniak people against the Habsburg occupation, political opposition of Bosniak clerics and landowners against the Habsburg rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1878 and 1918, and foundation of the Muslim National Organization in 1906; (4) Political opposition of the Yugoslav Muslim Organization founded in 1919 against Serbian and Croatian nationalism which oppressed Bosniaks within the First Yugoslavia; (5) clashes between Bosniaks and the Chetniks and between Bosniaks and the Ustasha during the Second World War; (6) official recognition of Bosniak nation by the socialist regime as one of the six constituent nations of the Second Yugoslavia; (7) significant progress in economic, social, political and cultural status of Bosniak people in the Second Yugoslavia; (8) foundation of the Party of Democratic Action and the Muslim Bosniak Organization after collapse of the socialist regime; (9) the Bosniak armed resistance against Serbian and Croatian militarist-nationalism during the Bosnian War from April 1992 to December 1995; (10) foundation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in which Bosniak politicians undertake influential political roles after the Bosnian War; (11) newspapers and periodicals published by Bosniak intellectuals, political parties and cultural associations in the periods of the Habsburg rule, the First Yugoslavia, the Second Yugoslavia and after collapse of the Second Yugoslavia. So, this article, in order to explain historical construction and development of Bosniak nation, focuses on these historical events and steps occurred within six historical periods of Bosnia and Herzegovina: the Ottoman rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1463 and 1878, the Habsburg rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina until 1918, the period of the First Yugoslavia between 1918 and 1941, the period of the Second World War, the period of the Second Yugoslavia until 1990, and disintegration process of the Second Yugoslavia in the 1990s.
{"title":"Historical Construction and Development of Bosniak Nation","authors":"Caner Sancaktar","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.50705","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.50705","url":null,"abstract":"Every nation and national identity is a product of long historical process because nation is constructed and develops historically. Especially, conflicts with other ethnic - religious groups, nations and central government make great contribution to construction and development of nation. Therefore, as other nations, Bosniak nation historically has been constructed and developed during centuries. Major historical events and steps which shaped and affected historical construction and development of Bosniak nation are as following: (1) Islamization process in Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Ottoman rule since second half of 15th century; (2) the Bosniak rebellions led by Bosniak landowners and kapetans (the commanders of fortresses) against the Ottoman central government in 19th century; (3) armed resistance of Bosniak people against the Habsburg occupation, political opposition of Bosniak clerics and landowners against the Habsburg rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1878 and 1918, and foundation of the Muslim National Organization in 1906; (4) Political opposition of the Yugoslav Muslim Organization founded in 1919 against Serbian and Croatian nationalism which oppressed Bosniaks within the First Yugoslavia; (5) clashes between Bosniaks and the Chetniks and between Bosniaks and the Ustasha during the Second World War; (6) official recognition of Bosniak nation by the socialist regime as one of the six constituent nations of the Second Yugoslavia; (7) significant progress in economic, social, political and cultural status of Bosniak people in the Second Yugoslavia; (8) foundation of the Party of Democratic Action and the Muslim Bosniak Organization after collapse of the socialist regime; (9) the Bosniak armed resistance against Serbian and Croatian militarist-nationalism during the Bosnian War from April 1992 to December 1995; (10) foundation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in which Bosniak politicians undertake influential political roles after the Bosnian War; (11) newspapers and periodicals published by Bosniak intellectuals, political parties and cultural associations in the periods of the Habsburg rule, the First Yugoslavia, the Second Yugoslavia and after collapse of the Second Yugoslavia. So, this article, in order to explain historical construction and development of Bosniak nation, focuses on these historical events and steps occurred within six historical periods of Bosnia and Herzegovina: the Ottoman rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1463 and 1878, the Habsburg rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina until 1918, the period of the First Yugoslavia between 1918 and 1941, the period of the Second World War, the period of the Second Yugoslavia until 1990, and disintegration process of the Second Yugoslavia in the 1990s.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"27 1","pages":"1-17"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76027903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The need for the EU to speak with one voice by ensuring coherence between the aspects of EU external action and external aspects of internal policies in order to maximise the coherence, consistency, efficiency, visibility of EU external action on the global stage compelled institutional arrangements in the Lisbon Treaty. The Lisbon Treaty reorganised the powers in the external field by extending the powers, tasks and function of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. The European External Action Service was created as a functionally autonomous body under the authority of the High Representative in 2010 to support and assist her/him in fulfilling her/his mandate relating to her/his triple-hatted tasks. This article examines in the light of the post of the High Representative, the true nature of the EEAS, its creation with underlying grounds, its tasks, composition, powers and function in the external foreign policy and its relationship with the institutions
{"title":"The European External Action Service: a Critical Step for a Single European Voice in External Relations","authors":"Ä°brahim Erdoğan","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.00927","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.00927","url":null,"abstract":"The need for the EU to speak with one voice by ensuring coherence between the aspects of EU external action and external aspects of internal policies in order to maximise the coherence, consistency, efficiency, visibility of EU external action on the global stage compelled institutional arrangements in the Lisbon Treaty. The Lisbon Treaty reorganised the powers in the external field by extending the powers, tasks and function of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. The European External Action Service was created as a functionally autonomous body under the authority of the High Representative in 2010 to support and assist her/him in fulfilling her/his mandate relating to her/his triple-hatted tasks. This article examines in the light of the post of the High Representative, the true nature of the EEAS, its creation with underlying grounds, its tasks, composition, powers and function in the external foreign policy and its relationship with the institutions","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"126 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74069008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
According to the common idea, 'the economic power determines the political power." By this general principle, when we look at the powerful states, we see that these states (countries) have, at the same time, the powerful political effect on the other actors. In this paper, some trade and economic data of Turkey are shown in order to localize its place in the World rankings. By this purpose, this paper argues the fact that Turkey which, being one of the countries belonging G-20, has tried since 1991 to play a big role in its bilateral relations in Caucasia, Central Asia and Middle East (CCAME). However, when the data of international business of Turkey and those of each one of the countries of Central Asia treated in the contents of research are studied, it is seen very clearly that the influence of Turkey in Central Asia is not very dominant or does not create a dominating effect over the economic plan in spite of the existence of the diplomatic effects, visa facilities and the visits based upon the cultural level and mutu-ally testified. Without any doubt, although nobody can deny the existence and the probability of the gradual growth of Turkey's relations inCCAME's countries, Turkey, whose face is turned mainly towards the occident and the large majority of trade made within the European countries,tries to be an influential actor in the determined areas. Naturally, in spite of the cel-ebration of Nawruz with the Turkic World,acting as a Muslim country in Middle East, and ac-cepting the norms of European Union as a European democratic and laicized country in Eu-rope, Turkey presents several identities and makes it a multi-colored actor who can be used in favor of Turkey's interests.
{"title":"Could Turkey Be a Dominant Regional Power: The Rise of Turkey as a Country of Middle-East and Europe","authors":"Bulend Aydin Ertekin","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.57303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.57303","url":null,"abstract":"According to the common idea, 'the economic power determines the political power.\" By this general principle, when we look at the powerful states, we see that these states (countries) have, at the same time, the powerful political effect on the other actors. In this paper, some trade and economic data of Turkey are shown in order to localize its place in the World rankings. By this purpose, this paper argues the fact that Turkey which, being one of the countries belonging G-20, has tried since 1991 to play a big role in its bilateral relations in Caucasia, Central Asia and Middle East (CCAME). However, when the data of international business of Turkey and those of each one of the countries of Central Asia treated in the contents of research are studied, it is seen very clearly that the influence of Turkey in Central Asia is not very dominant or does not create a dominating effect over the economic plan in spite of the existence of the diplomatic effects, visa facilities and the visits based upon the cultural level and mutu-ally testified. Without any doubt, although nobody can deny the existence and the probability of the gradual growth of Turkey's relations inCCAME's countries, Turkey, whose face is turned mainly towards the occident and the large majority of trade made within the European countries,tries to be an influential actor in the determined areas. Naturally, in spite of the cel-ebration of Nawruz with the Turkic World,acting as a Muslim country in Middle East, and ac-cepting the norms of European Union as a European democratic and laicized country in Eu-rope, Turkey presents several identities and makes it a multi-colored actor who can be used in favor of Turkey's interests.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"47 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76192512","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Emergence of the new dynamics that has come out along with the changes in the international system has affected the relations between The United States and Turkey. Emerging developments in international relations after the September 11 attacks and Justice and Development Party (JDP) came to power in 2002 was a turning point in Turkish-foreign policy. In this paper, the Turkey- US relations during the period of JDP after 2002 was explored in two chapters entitled as periods of Bush and Obama, and analyzed in the framework of two concepts " strategic partnership and model partnership."
{"title":"Turkey-US Relations in Justice and Development Partys Era","authors":"G. Dagci","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.95687","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.95687","url":null,"abstract":"Emergence of the new dynamics that has come out along with the changes in the international system has affected the relations between The United States and Turkey. Emerging developments in international relations after the September 11 attacks and Justice and Development Party (JDP) came to power in 2002 was a turning point in Turkish-foreign policy. In this paper, the Turkey- US relations during the period of JDP after 2002 was explored in two chapters entitled as periods of Bush and Obama, and analyzed in the framework of two concepts \" strategic partnership and model partnership.\"","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76172948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Using citation data from Google Scholar (GS) this article reveals a picture of IR which contrasts sharply with how the discipline currently understands itself. Over a period of two years, GS citation numbers were collected from major publications across a range of IR theories. What is exposed challenges the core/periphery assumption endemic to the discipline of IR. The data suggests a realignment of discursive power in IR behind the periphery rendering the core increasingly isolated in what has become an inter-discipline. What emerges is a picture of IR which is decidedly internationalized and democratized ' reaching far beyond its heretofore patrolled gates of the Anglo-American dominated academy and its associated onto-methodology. The citation data situates IR within a much larger field of scholarship which claims a significant stake and contribution to matters pertinent to understanding International Relations. All of this points to a post-colonial moment in the story of the discipline of IR which is increasingly being written far from its assumed 'core'.
{"title":"Citing Old and New IR: From Positivism to Post-Colonialism","authors":"Oliver P. Richmond, J. Graef","doi":"10.21599/atjir.01876","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/atjir.01876","url":null,"abstract":"Using citation data from Google Scholar (GS) this article reveals a picture of IR which contrasts sharply with how the discipline currently understands itself. Over a period of two years, GS citation numbers were collected from major publications across a range of IR theories. What is exposed challenges the core/periphery assumption endemic to the discipline of IR. The data suggests a realignment of discursive power in IR behind the periphery rendering the core increasingly isolated in what has become an inter-discipline. What emerges is a picture of IR which is decidedly internationalized and democratized ' reaching far beyond its heretofore patrolled gates of the Anglo-American dominated academy and its associated onto-methodology. The citation data situates IR within a much larger field of scholarship which claims a significant stake and contribution to matters pertinent to understanding International Relations. All of this points to a post-colonial moment in the story of the discipline of IR which is increasingly being written far from its assumed 'core'.","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"42 1","pages":"60-78"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81787624","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tagore's anti-absolutist and anti-statist stand is predicated primarily on his vision of global peace and concord'a world of different peoples and cultures united by amity and humanity. While this grand vision of a brave new world is laudable, it is, nevertheless, constructed on misunderstanding and misreading of history and of the role of the nation state in the West since its rise sometime during the late medieval and early modern times. Tagore views state as an artificial mechanism, indeed a machine that thrives on coercion, conflict, and terror by subverting people's freedom and culture. This paper seeks to argue that the state also played historically a significant role in enhancing and enriching culture and civilization. His view of an ideal human society is sublime, but by the same token, somewhat ahistorical and anti-modern.,
{"title":"Rabindranaths Nationalist Thought: A Retrospect","authors":"N. Sil","doi":"10.21599/ATJIR.44582","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21599/ATJIR.44582","url":null,"abstract":"Tagore's anti-absolutist and anti-statist stand is predicated primarily on his vision of global peace and concord'a world of different peoples and cultures united by amity and humanity. While this grand vision of a brave new world is laudable, it is, nevertheless, constructed on misunderstanding and misreading of history and of the role of the nation state in the West since its rise sometime during the late medieval and early modern times. Tagore views state as an artificial mechanism, indeed a machine that thrives on coercion, conflict, and terror by subverting people's freedom and culture. This paper seeks to argue that the state also played historically a significant role in enhancing and enriching culture and civilization. His view of an ideal human society is sublime, but by the same token, somewhat ahistorical and anti-modern.,","PeriodicalId":7411,"journal":{"name":"Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations","volume":"180 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83549470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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