Pub Date : 2015-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080054
F. Biggs
Abstract The distinctive phrase, domino in domino dominorum, shared by the salutations in the prefatory letter of Bede's revised metrical Vita Cuthberti and in the letter sent by Hwaetbert with his former abbot Ceolfrith to Rome, reflects an unexpected historical connection among Bede's revision, Ceolfrith's departure and, more tentatively, the abdication of John of Beverley of the bishopric of York. While only Ceolfrith's journey has been dated to 716, I argue that Bede was revising his poem in anticipation of this event, but under the false assumption that it would be John of Beverley who would lead the party. The salutation, drawn from one of Augustine of Hippo's letters, supports this claim by identifying, after the opening phrase that would be appropriate for a bishop, John as a priest, a playful conjunction of terms used by Bede to call attention to the bishop of York's changing status. This opening, then, was in Bede's mind when the need for a letter from Hwaetbert to Pope Gregory II arose. Bede's revision and, probably, some discussion of John's retirement can be dated to 716.
在比德修订的格律《Vita Cuthberti》的序言信和赫伯特与他的前修道院院长科尔弗里思致罗马的信中，问候语中都有一个独特的短语“多米诺骨牌中的多米诺骨牌”，反映了比德的修订、科尔弗里思的离开以及约翰·贝弗利(John of Beverley)在约克主教区的退位之间意想不到的历史联系。虽然只有乔弗里思的旅程可以追溯到716年，但我认为比德是在对这一事件的预期中修改了他的诗，但他错误地认为贝弗利的约翰将领导这支队伍。这个称呼，取自河马的奥古斯丁的一封信，通过在开头的短语之后，将约翰作为一个牧师，来支持这一说法，比德使用了一个有趣的术语组合，以引起人们对约克主教地位变化的关注。因此，当赫伯特需要给教皇格列高利二世写一封信时，比德就想到了这个开场白。比德的修订，可能还有一些关于约翰退休的讨论，可以追溯到716年。
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Pub Date : 2015-12-01DOI: 10.1017/s0263675100080169
Helen Foxhall Forbes
Abstract Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 121, a manuscript written in Worcester in the early years of the episcopate of St Wulfstan (1062–95), contains a unique, untitled, anonymous text which has previously been interpreted as a Lenten homily. This article argues that this text is not a homily, but must be understood in the context of the penitential material surrounding it in Junius 121, for which it was probably specifically composed. The text has not attracted much attention, but it is an important early and vernacular witness to the developing tradition of affective writing which became prominent during the latter part of the eleventh century. In addition, the text itself and its placing in its manuscript context reveal the careful, deliberate decisions which Junius 121's compiler made about his material: by reusing earlier texts alongside newly composed English material, he provided practical pastoral and penitential materials for use in late-eleventh-century Worcester.
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Pub Date : 2015-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080042
Philip M. Dunshea
Abstract Bede's Historia ecclesiastica allows the historian to reconstruct a sporadic narrative of relations between Penda of Mercia and Oswiu of Bernicia in the years leading up to the battle of the Winwæd. This article re-evaluates Bede's presentation of these interactions, with a focus on narrative structure and various geographical and chronological points of interest, and also taking account of Welsh and Irish sources. In light of this discussion, an alternative reconstruction of events before and after the battle of Winwæd is proposed; this derives primarily from a suggested re-reading of a passage in Historia ecclesiastica iii. 24, where Bede addresses Oswiu's post-war settlement.
{"title":"The road to Winwæd? Penda's wars against Oswiu of Bernicia, c. 642 to c. 655","authors":"Philip M. Dunshea","doi":"10.1017/S0263675100080042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675100080042","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Bede's Historia ecclesiastica allows the historian to reconstruct a sporadic narrative of relations between Penda of Mercia and Oswiu of Bernicia in the years leading up to the battle of the Winwæd. This article re-evaluates Bede's presentation of these interactions, with a focus on narrative structure and various geographical and chronological points of interest, and also taking account of Welsh and Irish sources. In light of this discussion, an alternative reconstruction of events before and after the battle of Winwæd is proposed; this derives primarily from a suggested re-reading of a passage in Historia ecclesiastica iii. 24, where Bede addresses Oswiu's post-war settlement.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"44 1","pages":"1 - 16"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0263675100080042","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56845558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080091
R. Hillier
Abstract It has long been acknowledged that Arator, author of the sixth-century Historia apostolica, was one of the Christian Latin writers with whom the author of the eighth-century Miracula Nynie episcopi was familiar. However, until now the critical consensus has been that the later poem was little more than a ‘cut-and-paste’ pastiche: Arator's phrases had been chosen largely for their metrical suitability; some were perhaps just ‘recycled’ borrowings rather than evidence of first-hand reading. But a close comparison of the two texts shows that the extent of the unknown author's borrowings from Arator is far greater than has hitherto been realized. Furthermore it reveals a detailed knowledge of the earlier poem, indeed an intimate understanding of it. This is evident not only in his poetic diction but also in his imitation of specific narrative detail where he displays a tendency to simplify his model, rendering the abstract concrete and the figurative literal.
{"title":"Dynamic intertextuality in the Miracula Nynie episcopi: remembering Arator's Historia apostolica","authors":"R. Hillier","doi":"10.1017/S0263675100080091","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675100080091","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract It has long been acknowledged that Arator, author of the sixth-century Historia apostolica, was one of the Christian Latin writers with whom the author of the eighth-century Miracula Nynie episcopi was familiar. However, until now the critical consensus has been that the later poem was little more than a ‘cut-and-paste’ pastiche: Arator's phrases had been chosen largely for their metrical suitability; some were perhaps just ‘recycled’ borrowings rather than evidence of first-hand reading. But a close comparison of the two texts shows that the extent of the unknown author's borrowings from Arator is far greater than has hitherto been realized. Furthermore it reveals a detailed knowledge of the earlier poem, indeed an intimate understanding of it. This is evident not only in his poetic diction but also in his imitation of specific narrative detail where he displays a tendency to simplify his model, rendering the abstract concrete and the figurative literal.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"44 1","pages":"163 - 179"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0263675100080091","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56845759","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-26DOI: 10.1017/S0263675114000027
E. Steinová
Abstract Manuscript Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 6298 contains an as yet unexamined fragment of the second batch of the gospel glosses (EvII) from the biblical commentaries of the Canterbury School inserted as an addition in 3r of the manuscript. In this article, I describe this fragment, and I attempt to contextualize its insertion into the manuscript. It seems likely that the glosses were entered into the manuscript, together with some additional excerpts in the same folio, either in one of the centres in the Anglo-Saxon missionary area in Germany, where the manuscript originated, or at Freising, where the manuscript was kept at a later date.
{"title":"Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 6298: a new witness of the biblical commentaries from the Canterbury School","authors":"E. Steinová","doi":"10.1017/S0263675114000027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675114000027","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Manuscript Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 6298 contains an as yet unexamined fragment of the second batch of the gospel glosses (EvII) from the biblical commentaries of the Canterbury School inserted as an addition in 3r of the manuscript. In this article, I describe this fragment, and I attempt to contextualize its insertion into the manuscript. It seems likely that the glosses were entered into the manuscript, together with some additional excerpts in the same folio, either in one of the centres in the Anglo-Saxon missionary area in Germany, where the manuscript originated, or at Freising, where the manuscript was kept at a later date.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"43 1","pages":"45 - 55"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0263675114000027","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56848914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-26DOI: 10.1017/S0263675114000039
A. J. McMullen
Abstract This article re-examines the use of place-names in the early prose Lives of Cuthbert and provides an additional explanation for Bede's removal of many of the place-names that greatly localize the events in the anonymous Life. I argue that the author of the anonymous Life was following a common Irish hagiographic practice of using place-names as propaganda to create a network of churches, monasteries, or lands under the authority of the paruchia of a saint's leading church. Bede's deliberate choice to remove certain place-names that were outside Lindisfarne's diocese, or even its immediate sphere of influence, suggests that he was aware of this agenda and intentionally revised these details in order to set right the Northumbrian ecclesiastical landscape.
{"title":"Rewriting the ecclesiastical landscape of early medieval Northumbria in the Lives of Cuthbert","authors":"A. J. McMullen","doi":"10.1017/S0263675114000039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675114000039","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article re-examines the use of place-names in the early prose Lives of Cuthbert and provides an additional explanation for Bede's removal of many of the place-names that greatly localize the events in the anonymous Life. I argue that the author of the anonymous Life was following a common Irish hagiographic practice of using place-names as propaganda to create a network of churches, monasteries, or lands under the authority of the paruchia of a saint's leading church. Bede's deliberate choice to remove certain place-names that were outside Lindisfarne's diocese, or even its immediate sphere of influence, suggests that he was aware of this agenda and intentionally revised these details in order to set right the Northumbrian ecclesiastical landscape.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"43 1","pages":"57 - 98"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0263675114000039","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56848483","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-26DOI: 10.1017/S026367511400012X
D. Pratt
Abstract This article examines the evidence for books associated with kings in Anglo-Saxon England, making the case for the ninth century as the key period of change. A wide variety of books were probably present in the household of later Anglo-Saxon kings. There was a degree of connection between the gift of books by kings and practices of ownership. The donation of gospel-books to favoured churches played a distinctive role, emphasizing the king's position in ecclesiastical leadership. In a number of cases, gospel-books associated with kings subsequently acted as a repository for documents, entered in blank spaces or additional leaves by scribes at the recipient church. Certain aspects of this practice strengthen the case for identifying two late Anglo-Saxon gospel-books as royal gifts. Books given by kings had a numinous quality arising from their royal associations. The possible strategies underpinning the dissemination of this ‘royal’ culture are explored.
{"title":"Kings and books in Anglo-Saxon England","authors":"D. Pratt","doi":"10.1017/S026367511400012X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S026367511400012X","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines the evidence for books associated with kings in Anglo-Saxon England, making the case for the ninth century as the key period of change. A wide variety of books were probably present in the household of later Anglo-Saxon kings. There was a degree of connection between the gift of books by kings and practices of ownership. The donation of gospel-books to favoured churches played a distinctive role, emphasizing the king's position in ecclesiastical leadership. In a number of cases, gospel-books associated with kings subsequently acted as a repository for documents, entered in blank spaces or additional leaves by scribes at the recipient church. Certain aspects of this practice strengthen the case for identifying two late Anglo-Saxon gospel-books as royal gifts. Books given by kings had a numinous quality arising from their royal associations. The possible strategies underpinning the dissemination of this ‘royal’ culture are explored.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"3 20 1","pages":"297 - 377"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S026367511400012X","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56848663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-26DOI: 10.1017/S0263675114000076
Robin Norris
Abstract The brief litany of saints in the Leofric Missal is the oldest complete extant specimen of the sevenfold-fivefold-threefold prayer used for baptism on Holy Saturday. This continental innovation became widespread in Anglo-Saxon England, and was used in Ireland into the twelfth century. The petitions of this special form, probably from an English source, appear in the brief litany of the Corpus Irish Missal, alongside invocations either standardized by the scribe or adapted from a continental source. Through the evolution of the sevenfold-fivefold-threefold litany over time and across cultures, we see concrete evidence of the patterns of cultural transmission that shaped early medieval Europe.
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