Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S026367511800008X
K. Hartzell
Abstract An abiding concern for scholars of the presence of music in Anglo-Saxon England is whether parochial witnesses can reflect a more comprehensive reality. This article discusses a hitherto undiscovered source of information pertinent to this topic. Its conclusions are not as precise as one would want, due to the source's fragmentary nature, but they help us address music in a wider world nevertheless.
{"title":"A fragment of a tenth-century English sacramentary","authors":"K. Hartzell","doi":"10.1017/S026367511800008X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S026367511800008X","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract An abiding concern for scholars of the presence of music in Anglo-Saxon England is whether parochial witnesses can reflect a more comprehensive reality. This article discusses a hitherto undiscovered source of information pertinent to this topic. Its conclusions are not as precise as one would want, due to the source's fragmentary nature, but they help us address music in a wider world nevertheless.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"46 1","pages":"259 - 270"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S026367511800008X","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41992451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675118000078
D. Pratt
Abstract This article reassesses the Second English Coronation Ordo in the light of its relationship to Carolingian sources. The dependence of the Ordo on a distinctive West Frankish source, here termed the Leiden Ordo, has many implications, since the Leiden Ordo seems likely to have been composed for the anointing of Charles the Straightforward by Fulk of Rheims in January 893. This finding provides a probable context for the importing of West Frankish ordines in King Alfred's dealings with Rheims. It also strengthens the case for placing the Second Ordo in the mid- or late 890s, rather than early in Athelstan's reign. Anointing practices were directly implicated in the ‘crisis of authority’ affecting the Carolingian world in the late ninth century. The new understanding of the Second Ordo adds a further dimension to King Alfred's efforts to promote the ‘kingdom of the Anglo-Saxons’, and has wider implications for the development of royal ordines in western Europe.
{"title":"The making of the Second English Coronation Ordo","authors":"D. Pratt","doi":"10.1017/S0263675118000078","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675118000078","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article reassesses the Second English Coronation Ordo in the light of its relationship to Carolingian sources. The dependence of the Ordo on a distinctive West Frankish source, here termed the Leiden Ordo, has many implications, since the Leiden Ordo seems likely to have been composed for the anointing of Charles the Straightforward by Fulk of Rheims in January 893. This finding provides a probable context for the importing of West Frankish ordines in King Alfred's dealings with Rheims. It also strengthens the case for placing the Second Ordo in the mid- or late 890s, rather than early in Athelstan's reign. Anointing practices were directly implicated in the ‘crisis of authority’ affecting the Carolingian world in the late ninth century. The new understanding of the Second Ordo adds a further dimension to King Alfred's efforts to promote the ‘kingdom of the Anglo-Saxons’, and has wider implications for the development of royal ordines in western Europe.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"46 1","pages":"147 - 258"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0263675118000078","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48872655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080273
E. Weaver
Abstract Critics have long wondered about the setting and intent of the Old English translation of Boethius's De consolatione philosophiae, first into prose and then into prosimetrum. This article situates the dual translation within the broader context of ninth- and tenth-century literary culture, challenging the received view of the two versions as separate projects and arguing instead that the Old English Boethius was conceived and received as a vernacular opus geminatum, or ‘twinned work’. While the opus geminatum and the prosimetrum are generally thought to maintain distinct generic identities, this case study allows for a more capacious understanding of both modes, which I demonstrate were inescapably linked in Anglo-Saxon circles – and which were shaped by a broader aesthetic of prose-verse mixture.
{"title":"Hybrid forms: translating Boethius in Anglo-Saxon England","authors":"E. Weaver","doi":"10.1017/S0263675100080273","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675100080273","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Critics have long wondered about the setting and intent of the Old English translation of Boethius's De consolatione philosophiae, first into prose and then into prosimetrum. This article situates the dual translation within the broader context of ninth- and tenth-century literary culture, challenging the received view of the two versions as separate projects and arguing instead that the Old English Boethius was conceived and received as a vernacular opus geminatum, or ‘twinned work’. While the opus geminatum and the prosimetrum are generally thought to maintain distinct generic identities, this case study allows for a more capacious understanding of both modes, which I demonstrate were inescapably linked in Anglo-Saxon circles – and which were shaped by a broader aesthetic of prose-verse mixture.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"45 1","pages":"213 - 238"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0263675100080273","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56846293","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080285
Audrey Walton
Abstract Despite the popularity of The Seafarer within Old English scholarship, the poem's governing logic remains unclear, in large part because of the enduring mystery surrounding the poem's use of the compound expression forþon. This study will argue that the repeated use of forþon in The Seafarer reflects the anaphoric repetition of causatives in the Psalter. Moreover, through its repetition of forþon clauses, the poem invites the reader to approach the text using interpretive strategies commonly associated with the Psalms. Especially in the commentaries of Augustine, Cassiodorus and Origen, allegorical interpretation of the Psalms is linked to theories of subjectivity: different levels of the Psalms’ meaning often reflect different interpretations of the Psalms’ first- person speaker. Drawing on this link between biblical allegory and patristic theories of the self, The Seafarer uses the Old English Psalms as a backdrop against which to develop a specifically Anglo-Saxon model of Christian subjectivity and asceticism. In the layered complexity of its imagery, the poem offers more than vernacular glossing of originally Latin allegory: it creates allegorical figures within the medium of Old English. Implicitly, the poem makes claims for the medium of the vernacular, as well as for the model of subjectivity belonging to it, as a vehicle for reflection and contemplation.
{"title":"The Seafarer, Grammatica, and the making of Anglo-Saxon textual culture","authors":"Audrey Walton","doi":"10.1017/S0263675100080285","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675100080285","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Despite the popularity of The Seafarer within Old English scholarship, the poem's governing logic remains unclear, in large part because of the enduring mystery surrounding the poem's use of the compound expression forþon. This study will argue that the repeated use of forþon in The Seafarer reflects the anaphoric repetition of causatives in the Psalter. Moreover, through its repetition of forþon clauses, the poem invites the reader to approach the text using interpretive strategies commonly associated with the Psalms. Especially in the commentaries of Augustine, Cassiodorus and Origen, allegorical interpretation of the Psalms is linked to theories of subjectivity: different levels of the Psalms’ meaning often reflect different interpretations of the Psalms’ first- person speaker. Drawing on this link between biblical allegory and patristic theories of the self, The Seafarer uses the Old English Psalms as a backdrop against which to develop a specifically Anglo-Saxon model of Christian subjectivity and asceticism. In the layered complexity of its imagery, the poem offers more than vernacular glossing of originally Latin allegory: it creates allegorical figures within the medium of Old English. Implicitly, the poem makes claims for the medium of the vernacular, as well as for the model of subjectivity belonging to it, as a vehicle for reflection and contemplation.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"45 1","pages":"239 - 264"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0263675100080285","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56846301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080248
Katherine O'Brien O'Keeffe
Abstract The archives of knowledge through which Anglo-Saxons understood the senses ranged from vernacular to patristic. Quotidian understanding of the senses treated them as functions of their corresponding bodily organs, as the injury tariffs of Æthelberht and Alfred illustrate. Old English learned prose catalogues the senses from sight to touch with an order that bespeaks a set of understandings about bodies, materiality, souls and salvation. There the differing appraisals of sight and its lesser sibling, touch, track their perceived mediations between the world and the soul. The Old English Boethius, Wærferth's Dialogues and a range of Ælfric's writings illustrate understandings of these senses’ mediation between the material and the immaterial, the corporeal and the incorporeal. The meaning of Wulfstan's legislation on friðlice steora must thus be sought in a crossing of archives of appraisals – the legal valuation of body parts and the patristic understanding of senses as channels between the flesh and the spirit.
{"title":"Hands and eyes, sight and touch: appraising the senses in Anglo-Saxon England","authors":"Katherine O'Brien O'Keeffe","doi":"10.1017/S0263675100080248","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675100080248","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The archives of knowledge through which Anglo-Saxons understood the senses ranged from vernacular to patristic. Quotidian understanding of the senses treated them as functions of their corresponding bodily organs, as the injury tariffs of Æthelberht and Alfred illustrate. Old English learned prose catalogues the senses from sight to touch with an order that bespeaks a set of understandings about bodies, materiality, souls and salvation. There the differing appraisals of sight and its lesser sibling, touch, track their perceived mediations between the world and the soul. The Old English Boethius, Wærferth's Dialogues and a range of Ælfric's writings illustrate understandings of these senses’ mediation between the material and the immaterial, the corporeal and the incorporeal. The meaning of Wulfstan's legislation on friðlice steora must thus be sought in a crossing of archives of appraisals – the legal valuation of body parts and the patristic understanding of senses as channels between the flesh and the spirit.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"45 1","pages":"105 - 140"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0263675100080248","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56846230","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S026367510008025X
J. Haslam
Abstract This article examines new evidence and arguments relating to the political, strategic and historical context of the Burghal Hidage document and the burhs which it lists. This evidence can be best interpreted by reference to the thesis that the Burghal Hidage was a near-contemporary record of a complete system of burhs which gave King Alfred political and strategic control of the full extent of the West Saxon kingdom on both sides of the river Thames at a particular period. The burhs are seen as the instruments through which the submission of the populations of their associated territories to the king's lordship was consolidated. As such, their formation as a system is uniquely appropriate to the political and strategic circumstances obtaining in the late 870s. A possible context for the document is suggested as being the surviving ‘boundary’ section of a longer ‘charter of submission’, issued by King Alfred in the context of the affirmation of his re-established hegemony of the Kingdom of the West Saxons in the period 878–9.
{"title":"The Burghal Hidage and the West Saxon burhs: a reappraisal","authors":"J. Haslam","doi":"10.1017/S026367510008025X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S026367510008025X","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines new evidence and arguments relating to the political, strategic and historical context of the Burghal Hidage document and the burhs which it lists. This evidence can be best interpreted by reference to the thesis that the Burghal Hidage was a near-contemporary record of a complete system of burhs which gave King Alfred political and strategic control of the full extent of the West Saxon kingdom on both sides of the river Thames at a particular period. The burhs are seen as the instruments through which the submission of the populations of their associated territories to the king's lordship was consolidated. As such, their formation as a system is uniquely appropriate to the political and strategic circumstances obtaining in the late 870s. A possible context for the document is suggested as being the surviving ‘boundary’ section of a longer ‘charter of submission’, issued by King Alfred in the context of the affirmation of his re-established hegemony of the Kingdom of the West Saxons in the period 878–9.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"45 1","pages":"141 - 182"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S026367510008025X","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56846244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080224
Leonard Neidorf
Abstract Scholarship on The Dream of the Rood has long entertained the suspicion that the poem might be the product of composite authorship. Recent criticism has tended to reject this possibility on aesthetic grounds, but the present article identifies new metrical and lexical reasons to believe that The Dream of the Rood contains contributions from at least two poets. It reconstructs the poem's textual history and contends that lines 1–77 represent an original core to which a later poet added lines 78–156.
{"title":"The composite authorship of The Dream of the Rood","authors":"Leonard Neidorf","doi":"10.1017/S0263675100080224","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675100080224","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Scholarship on The Dream of the Rood has long entertained the suspicion that the poem might be the product of composite authorship. Recent criticism has tended to reject this possibility on aesthetic grounds, but the present article identifies new metrical and lexical reasons to believe that The Dream of the Rood contains contributions from at least two poets. It reconstructs the poem's textual history and contends that lines 1–77 represent an original core to which a later poet added lines 78–156.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"45 1","pages":"51 - 70"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0263675100080224","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56845547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080303
Jennifer A. Lorden
Abstract Although post-Conquest uitae of St Swithun narrate the saint's earthly life, the original tenth-century accounts relate only his post-mortem miracles, professing ignorance of his life as bishop of Winchester. Most of the miracles in these pre-Conquest uitae take place in or in some way revolve around the site of the saint's relics at the Old Minster, Winchester. Late-tenth-century Winchester, along with the Benedictine Reformers who had taken up residence there, thus figures prominently in these miracle stories; indeed, Winchester comes to be the true protagonist of Swithun's pre-Conquest uitae. Moreover, each of Swithun's three pre-Conquest hagiographers – Lantfred, Wulfstan the Precentor and Ælfric – writes a different Winchester according to his relationship to that place. This phenomenon illuminates these writers’ differing relationships to the Benedictine Reform, as well as how the Reformers sought to write their own histories.
{"title":"Landscapes of devotion: the settings of St Swithun's early uitae","authors":"Jennifer A. Lorden","doi":"10.1017/S0263675100080303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675100080303","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Although post-Conquest uitae of St Swithun narrate the saint's earthly life, the original tenth-century accounts relate only his post-mortem miracles, professing ignorance of his life as bishop of Winchester. Most of the miracles in these pre-Conquest uitae take place in or in some way revolve around the site of the saint's relics at the Old Minster, Winchester. Late-tenth-century Winchester, along with the Benedictine Reformers who had taken up residence there, thus figures prominently in these miracle stories; indeed, Winchester comes to be the true protagonist of Swithun's pre-Conquest uitae. Moreover, each of Swithun's three pre-Conquest hagiographers – Lantfred, Wulfstan the Precentor and Ælfric – writes a different Winchester according to his relationship to that place. This phenomenon illuminates these writers’ differing relationships to the Benedictine Reform, as well as how the Reformers sought to write their own histories.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"45 1","pages":"285 - 309"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0263675100080303","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56846412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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