Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080339
P. J. Lucas
Abstract The first scholars interested in Anglo-Saxon had to learn it by direct contact with original sources. Work on a dictionary preceded that on a grammar, notably through the efforts of John Joscelyn, Archbishop Parker's Latin Secretary. Like Parker, Sir Henry Spelman (1563/4–1641) found that many of his sources for early English history were in Anglo-Saxon. Consequently he encouraged the study of Old English by establishing a Lectureship in Anglo-Saxon at Cambridge University and worked closely with its first (and only) holder, Abraham Wheelock. Together with Wheelock's pupil, William Retchford, and possibly drawing on some earlier work by Joscelyn (since lost), these scholars attempted to formulate the rudiments of Anglo-Saxon grammar. This pioneering work, basically a parts-of-speech grammar, survives in three versions, two of them incomplete. In this article I discuss the contents and methodology used and present for the first time an edited text of the first modern Old English grammar. It was a remarkable achievement.
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Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.1017/s0263675100080194
A. Adair
I The seventeenth biennial meeting of the Society took as its general theme ‘The Daily Life of the Anglo-Saxons’. Featured were two keynote lectures, forty-two regular papers, and six project reports. 194 persons registered for the conference. Two keynote lectures were given. Thomas Clancy, ‘Anglo-Saxon Ayrshire?’ Jane Roberts, ‘Loss, Replacement and Some Old English Words that Died Out’ Forty-two papers were given.
{"title":"Record of the seventeenth conference of the International Society of Anglo-Saxonists, at the University of Glasgow, 3–7 August 2015","authors":"A. Adair","doi":"10.1017/s0263675100080194","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100080194","url":null,"abstract":"I The seventeenth biennial meeting of the Society took as its general theme ‘The Daily Life of the Anglo-Saxons’. Featured were two keynote lectures, forty-two regular papers, and six project reports. 194 persons registered for the conference. \u0000 \u0000Two keynote lectures were given. \u0000Thomas Clancy, ‘Anglo-Saxon Ayrshire?’ \u0000Jane Roberts, ‘Loss, Replacement and Some Old English Words that Died Out’ \u0000 \u0000Forty-two papers were given.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"45 1","pages":"1 - 5"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/s0263675100080194","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56845522","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract An Anglo-Saxon gold and garnet cloisonné pectoral cross from a seventh-century bed burial at Trumpington, Cambridgeshire is the fifth such example to be found. Details of the contextual associations of the five crosses are used to argue that these artifacts, and other high status cross-shaped pendants, were overt Christian symbols, strongly associated with high status female burials of the later seventh century. That one of the five examples was associated with the burial of St Cuthbert is highlighted as an anomaly, and could indicate that the Cuthbert Cross may have been a gift, rather than a personal possession of the saint.
{"title":"The Trumpington Cross in context","authors":"S. Lucy","doi":"10.17863/CAM.9536","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17863/CAM.9536","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract An Anglo-Saxon gold and garnet cloisonné pectoral cross from a seventh-century bed burial at Trumpington, Cambridgeshire is the fifth such example to be found. Details of the contextual associations of the five crosses are used to argue that these artifacts, and other high status cross-shaped pendants, were overt Christian symbols, strongly associated with high status female burials of the later seventh century. That one of the five examples was associated with the burial of St Cuthbert is highlighted as an anomaly, and could indicate that the Cuthbert Cross may have been a gift, rather than a personal possession of the saint.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"45 1","pages":"7 - 37"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67572860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080236
Eva M. E. Rädler-Bohn
Abstract Alcuin's De dialectica has traditionally been dated to Alcuin's second stay at Charlemagne's court (c. 795–6/7). This dating has been based on the perceived dating for another didactic work by Alcuin, De rhetorica. It will be argued that De dialectica (and De rhetorica) must be dated to Alcuin's first period on the Continent (c. 784/6–90). The new dating is primarily based on a philological comparison between De dialectica and Opus Caroli regis (written 790–3 by Theodulf of Orleans) but appears to be confirmed both by the contents of De dialectica and by its use of specific sources. In dating De dialectica to Alcuin's first stay on the Continent, we must now also reassess Alcuin's work as presenting a unique testimony to the scholarly structures and intellectual initiatives of the otherwise badly attested pre-Aachen phase of Charlemagne's court.
{"title":"Re-dating Alcuin's De dialectica: or, did Alcuin teach at Lorsch?","authors":"Eva M. E. Rädler-Bohn","doi":"10.1017/S0263675100080236","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675100080236","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Alcuin's De dialectica has traditionally been dated to Alcuin's second stay at Charlemagne's court (c. 795–6/7). This dating has been based on the perceived dating for another didactic work by Alcuin, De rhetorica. It will be argued that De dialectica (and De rhetorica) must be dated to Alcuin's first period on the Continent (c. 784/6–90). The new dating is primarily based on a philological comparison between De dialectica and Opus Caroli regis (written 790–3 by Theodulf of Orleans) but appears to be confirmed both by the contents of De dialectica and by its use of specific sources. In dating De dialectica to Alcuin's first stay on the Continent, we must now also reassess Alcuin's work as presenting a unique testimony to the scholarly structures and intellectual initiatives of the otherwise badly attested pre-Aachen phase of Charlemagne's court.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"45 1","pages":"71 - 104"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0263675100080236","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56846172","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080261
M. Bayless
Abstract The scattered nature of references to dance and the ambiguity of its vocabulary have obscured Anglo-Saxon dance practices, but evidence suggests that dance was a significant cultural phenomenon. The earlier centuries of the Anglo-Saxon period saw the depiction of weapon dances, and later sources also allow us a glimpse of lively secular dance. Performance traditions may have included dance combined with satirical songs, as well as possible secular ritual dance. Finally, scripture provided examples of both holy dance and lascivious female dance. Contemporary iconography of these dance practices, combined with continued associations between dance and music, allow us to understand the conventions in the depiction of dance, and in turn these suggest that the figure of ‘Hearing’ on the Fuller Brooch, traditionally regarded as running, is in fact dancing.
{"title":"The Fuller Brooch and Anglo-Saxon depictions of dance","authors":"M. Bayless","doi":"10.1017/S0263675100080261","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675100080261","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The scattered nature of references to dance and the ambiguity of its vocabulary have obscured Anglo-Saxon dance practices, but evidence suggests that dance was a significant cultural phenomenon. The earlier centuries of the Anglo-Saxon period saw the depiction of weapon dances, and later sources also allow us a glimpse of lively secular dance. Performance traditions may have included dance combined with satirical songs, as well as possible secular ritual dance. Finally, scripture provided examples of both holy dance and lascivious female dance. Contemporary iconography of these dance practices, combined with continued associations between dance and music, allow us to understand the conventions in the depiction of dance, and in turn these suggest that the figure of ‘Hearing’ on the Fuller Brooch, traditionally regarded as running, is in fact dancing.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"45 1","pages":"183 - 212"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0263675100080261","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56846280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080327
R. Naismith
Abstract Consisting of six short Old English texts written in the early eleventh century, the Ely memoranda illustrate how a major and recently refounded Benedictine abbey managed its landed endowment. Two of the memoranda relate to generous help provided by Ely to Thorney, and four concern Ely's own lands. The collection as a whole reveals much about interaction between monasteries, monastic perspectives on material resources and investment in them, the economy of eastern England, and the context of record-keeping. This article offers a new edition and translation of the texts, and surveys the contribution the memoranda make to understanding of cultural and economic history.
{"title":"The Ely memoranda and the economy of the late Anglo-Saxon fenland","authors":"R. Naismith","doi":"10.1017/S0263675100080327","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675100080327","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Consisting of six short Old English texts written in the early eleventh century, the Ely memoranda illustrate how a major and recently refounded Benedictine abbey managed its landed endowment. Two of the memoranda relate to generous help provided by Ely to Thorney, and four concern Ely's own lands. The collection as a whole reveals much about interaction between monasteries, monastic perspectives on material resources and investment in them, the economy of eastern England, and the context of record-keeping. This article offers a new edition and translation of the texts, and surveys the contribution the memoranda make to understanding of cultural and economic history.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"45 1","pages":"333 - 377"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0263675100080327","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56846450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080297
Gerald P. Dyson
Abstract Scholars have typically characterized Warsaw, Biblioteka Narodowa, I. 3311, an unlocalized Anglo-Saxon gospel lectionary of the late tenth or early eleventh century, as a book intended for use in private devotional reading. Despite this, a study of the contents of the book indicates that it was used liturgically, possibly by an individual priest or a small clerical community. This article offers a reappraisal of the manuscript and its use based on the complementary pattern of gospel readings that is evident in the two sections of the book and the presence of previously unnoticed musical notation. It is argued that the volume was in fact used in the celebration of mass and should be added to the corpus of Anglo-Saxon liturgical books.
学者们典型地描述了华沙，Biblioteka Narodowa, I. 3311, 10世纪末或11世纪初的非本地化盎格鲁-撒克逊福音选集，作为一本用于私人虔诚阅读的书。尽管如此，对这本书内容的研究表明，它是在礼拜仪式上使用的，可能是由一个牧师或一个小的牧师团体使用的。这篇文章提供了手稿的重新评估和它的使用基于福音读物的互补模式，这是显而易见的，在书的两个部分和以前未被注意到的乐谱的存在。有人认为，该卷实际上是用于庆祝弥撒，应该添加到盎格鲁-撒克逊礼仪书籍的语料库。
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Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080212
D. Scragg
Abstract A careful consideration of a ‘scribble’ in English in the margin of a page of Oxford, Bodleian Library, Digby 63, a ninth-century Latin manuscript, yields a number of important conclusions: that the English material is homiletic, that it was written before the Latin, that the manuscript is certainly of Northumbrian origin and the English shows traces of Northumbrian dialect, and that therefore at least one vernacular homily in Old English was available for copying in Northumbria in the ninth century. It also adds to the evidence that a group of homilies in the Vercelli Book were drawn from an early and a non-West Saxon source-book.
{"title":"A ninth-century Old English homily from Northumbria","authors":"D. Scragg","doi":"10.1017/S0263675100080212","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675100080212","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A careful consideration of a ‘scribble’ in English in the margin of a page of Oxford, Bodleian Library, Digby 63, a ninth-century Latin manuscript, yields a number of important conclusions: that the English material is homiletic, that it was written before the Latin, that the manuscript is certainly of Northumbrian origin and the English shows traces of Northumbrian dialect, and that therefore at least one vernacular homily in Old English was available for copying in Northumbria in the ninth century. It also adds to the evidence that a group of homilies in the Vercelli Book were drawn from an early and a non-West Saxon source-book.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"45 1","pages":"39 - 49"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0263675100080212","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56845536","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080315
Tim Flight
Abstract Scholarship is divided over whether there existed a tradition of recreational hunting in Anglo-Saxon England, in addition to pragmatic forms of venery, and the extent to which it was altered by the Normans after the Conquest. However, hunting scholarship has hitherto neglected the detailed account of a recreational royal deer hunt in the Vita S. Dvnstani. By analysing this account, which describes a hunt resembling a typically ‘Norman’ chasse par force de chiens, I reassess the evidence for the nature of hunting in laws, charters, and the archaeological record. I posit that the Anglo-Saxon aristocracy hunted in a similar manner to the Normans, and that hunting was a socially inscribed pursuit, legally restricted to the ruling classes long before 1066. This argument supports the definition of the disputed charter term haga (‘enclosure’) in certain instances as an Anglo-Saxon hunting park. Finally, I suggest the existence of a specialized Anglo-Saxon hunting dog developed specifically to hunt large quarry in the ‘Norman’ manner.
学术界对盎格鲁-撒克逊英格兰是否存在娱乐狩猎的传统存在分歧，除了实用的淫乱形式，以及它在征服后被诺曼人改变的程度。然而，迄今为止，狩猎学术一直忽略了Vita S. Dvnstani的皇家休闲猎鹿的详细记录。通过分析这一描述，我重新评估了法律、宪章和考古记录中关于狩猎性质的证据，它描述了一种典型的“诺曼”狩猎方式。我认为盎格鲁-撒克逊贵族狩猎的方式与诺曼人相似，而且狩猎是一种社会上根深蒂固的追求，早在1066年之前，法律就限制了统治阶级。这一论点支持有争议的宪章术语haga(“圈地”)在某些情况下作为盎格鲁-撒克逊狩猎公园的定义。最后，我认为存在一种专门的盎格鲁-撒克逊猎犬，专门以“诺曼”的方式狩猎大型采石场。
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