Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1017/s0263675119000115
E. Okasha
Abstract This fourth supplement brings up to date my Hand-List of Anglo-Saxon Non-Runic Inscriptions (Cambridge, 1971), and the three supplements which appeared in Anglo-Saxon England 11 (1983), 21 (1992) and 33 (2004). This fourth supplement contains twenty-two entries and includes all the Anglo-Saxon non-runic inscriptions that have come to my notice between 2004 and 2017. Wherever possible I have personally examined all the existing inscriptions contained in this supplement. For ease of reference, this supplement follows the same pattern as before: the Entries appear first, with the same layout as before, followed by the Bibliography and Addenda.
{"title":"A fourth supplement to Hand-List of Anglo-Saxon Non-Runic Inscriptions","authors":"E. Okasha","doi":"10.1017/s0263675119000115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0263675119000115","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This fourth supplement brings up to date my Hand-List of Anglo-Saxon Non-Runic Inscriptions (Cambridge, 1971), and the three supplements which appeared in Anglo-Saxon England 11 (1983), 21 (1992) and 33 (2004). This fourth supplement contains twenty-two entries and includes all the Anglo-Saxon non-runic inscriptions that have come to my notice between 2004 and 2017. Wherever possible I have personally examined all the existing inscriptions contained in this supplement. For ease of reference, this supplement follows the same pattern as before: the Entries appear first, with the same layout as before, followed by the Bibliography and Addenda.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/s0263675119000115","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44257016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1017/s0263675119000012
Christopher A. Jones
Abstract In 1891, Germain Morin identified a set of brief, anonymous Latin sermons that he controversially attributed to Alcuin’s Anglo-Saxon pupil named ‘Witto’ or ‘Wizo’ in Old English, ‘Candidus’ in Latin. The texts in question are of considerable interest but have remained unprinted and thus scarcely known. The present article offers an edition of them, based on all the known manuscripts, as well as a translation and commentary. An introductory discussion reviews the state of scholarship on Candidus’s career and writings, then examines in detail the content and sources of the four texts, the evidence supporting their attribution to Candidus, and some points of comparison between the items here edited and other Latin sermons produced at Carolingian centres in the early ninth century.
{"title":"An edition of the four sermons attributed to Candidus Witto","authors":"Christopher A. Jones","doi":"10.1017/s0263675119000012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0263675119000012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In 1891, Germain Morin identified a set of brief, anonymous Latin sermons that he controversially attributed to Alcuin’s Anglo-Saxon pupil named ‘Witto’ or ‘Wizo’ in Old English, ‘Candidus’ in Latin. The texts in question are of considerable interest but have remained unprinted and thus scarcely known. The present article offers an edition of them, based on all the known manuscripts, as well as a translation and commentary. An introductory discussion reviews the state of scholarship on Candidus’s career and writings, then examines in detail the content and sources of the four texts, the evidence supporting their attribution to Candidus, and some points of comparison between the items here edited and other Latin sermons produced at Carolingian centres in the early ninth century.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/s0263675119000012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49354297","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1017/s0263675120000010
Martin Foys, S. Irvine
{"title":"Record of the eighteenth conference of the International Society of Anglo-Saxonists, at the University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa, Honolulu, 31 July—4 August 2017","authors":"Martin Foys, S. Irvine","doi":"10.1017/s0263675120000010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0263675120000010","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/s0263675120000010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48493878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1017/s0263675119000024
M. Griffith
Abstract The article assesses the rhetorical uses of the main kinds of non-functional alliteration that are attested in Old English poetry, and gives complete lists of their incidence in all of the poems. Two main general types are isolated. Supererogatory alliteration does not depart from the known alliterative rules, and is deployed ornamentally with some freedom by at least some of the poets. Five sub-types are examined in turn: double alliteration in the a-verse, consonant cluster alliteration, alliteration which is continued across lines, patterned alternation of alliteration across lines, and enjambed alliteration (where the last stress of a line initiates the alliteration of the next). Secondly, licentious alliteration draws a line‘s final stress into alliteration in its own line. Four sub-types are considered: crossed, postponed, and transverse alliteration, and double alliteration in the b-verse. Whilst crossed alliteration appears quite freely, the primary alliteration of a line on the final stress is shown to be avoided almost completely. Most of the unusual uses of extra alliteration congregate in non-traditional or late poetry.
{"title":"Extra alliteration on stressed syllables in Old English poetry: types, uses and evolution","authors":"M. Griffith","doi":"10.1017/s0263675119000024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0263675119000024","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article assesses the rhetorical uses of the main kinds of non-functional alliteration that are attested in Old English poetry, and gives complete lists of their incidence in all of the poems. Two main general types are isolated. Supererogatory alliteration does not depart from the known alliterative rules, and is deployed ornamentally with some freedom by at least some of the poets. Five sub-types are examined in turn: double alliteration in the a-verse, consonant cluster alliteration, alliteration which is continued across lines, patterned alternation of alliteration across lines, and enjambed alliteration (where the last stress of a line initiates the alliteration of the next). Secondly, licentious alliteration draws a line‘s final stress into alliteration in its own line. Four sub-types are considered: crossed, postponed, and transverse alliteration, and double alliteration in the b-verse. Whilst crossed alliteration appears quite freely, the primary alliteration of a line on the final stress is shown to be avoided almost completely. Most of the unusual uses of extra alliteration congregate in non-traditional or late poetry.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/s0263675119000024","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42927431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1017/s0263675119000103
Francesco Marzela
Abstract St Margaret of Scotland owned a reliquary containing a relic of the True Cross known as crux nigra. Both Turgot, Margaret’s biographer, and Aelred of Rievaulx, who spent some years at the court of Margaret’s son, King David, mention the reliquary without offering sufficient information on its origin. The Black Rood was probably lost or destroyed in the sixteenth century. Some lines written on the margins of a twelfth-century manuscript containing Aelred’s Genealogia regum Anglorum can now shed a new light on this sacred object. The mysterious lines, originally written on the Black Rood or more probably on the casket in which it was contained, claim that the relic once belonged to an Anglo-Saxon king, and at the same time they seem to convey a significant political message.
苏格兰的圣玛格丽特拥有一个圣物匣，里面有一个被称为crux nigra的真十字架遗物。玛格丽特的传记作者图尔戈和在玛格丽特的儿子大卫王的宫廷里待了几年的里瓦尔克斯的埃尔雷德都提到了圣物箱，但没有提供足够的信息来说明它的来源。黑路可能在16世纪丢失或被摧毁。在一份包含埃尔雷德的《英国王室家谱》(Genealogia regum Anglorum)的12世纪手稿的空白处写的一些文字，现在可以为这个神圣的物体提供新的线索。这些神秘的文字最初写在黑路上，或者更可能是写在装它的棺材上，声称这件文物曾经属于一位盎格鲁-撒克逊国王，同时它们似乎传达了一个重要的政治信息。
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Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675119000036
Benjamin Weber
Abstract This article argues that the Beowulf-poet’s use of the word aðsweord, usually glossed as ‘sworn oath’ in Beowulf 2064 is a play on the words for oaths (að) and swords (sweord) intended to evoke the difficulty inherent in social mechanisms designed to end cycles of reciprocal violence. By tracing the idea of a ‘sword-oath’ as a means to secure peace through a number of Latin and Norse analogs, this article elucidates an important feature of Beowulf’s rhetoric in his speech to Hygelac’s court, showing how he contrasts his own heroic successes in defeating the Grendelkin with Hrothgar’s failure to cement peace between the Danes and the Heatho-Bards. The article thus offers a structural rationale for the Ingeld episode, which has often seemed repetitious to critics, and illustrates the value of criticism that focuses on the intersection of style, narrative logic and theme in Beowulf.
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Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1017/s0263675119000073
J. Billett
Abstract London, British Library, Add. 56488, fols. i, 1–5, is a fragment from a monastic breviary of the first half of the eleventh century, probably made at or for Muchelney Abbey (Somerset). It is here argued on palaeographical, musical and liturgical grounds that this breviary represents a liturgical tradition separate from that of Æthelwold’s network of reformed houses, which imitated the northern French monastery of Corbie. The fragment’s liturgy is based instead on a local ‘secular’ (non-monastic) liturgical tradition that has been minimally supplemented and rearranged to agree with the requirements of the Regula S. Benedicti. The scribe apparently compiled the breviary from several separate exemplars (a collectar, a bible, a homiliary, and what seems to have been a ‘secular’ antiphoner), which may indicate that the liturgy at Muchelney was ‘Benedictinized’ much later than might have been assumed. The same secular tradition seems to be preserved, beneath subsequent layers of modification, in a thirteenth-century Muchelney breviary (London, British Library, Add. 43405–6) and a fifteenth-century ordinal of St Mary’s Abbey, York (Cambridge, St John’s College D. 27). These later sources, while not representing the Benedictine liturgy of the lost ‘old books of Glastonbury’ under Dunstan (as suggested by McLachlan and Tolhurst), are valuable potential witnesses to the otherwise largely unattested Office liturgy used in English minsters before the ‘Benedictine Reform’ of the tenth century.
伦敦，大英图书馆，Add. 56488, fols。第1章第1-5节是11世纪上半叶修道院祈祷书的片段，可能是在穆切尔尼修道院(萨默塞特)制作或为其制作的。从古地理、音乐和礼仪的角度来看，这本祈祷书代表了一种礼仪传统，与Æthelwold的改革院网络不同，后者模仿了法国北部的科尔比修道院。碎片的礼拜仪式是基于当地的“世俗的”(非修道院的)礼拜仪式传统，已经最低限度地补充和重新安排，以符合Regula S. Benedicti的要求。抄写员显然是根据几个不同的范例(一本文集，一本圣经，一本讲道，还有一本似乎是“世俗的”反书信)汇编了这本祈祷书，这可能表明穆彻尼的礼拜仪式比人们想象的要晚得多。同样的世俗传统似乎被保存下来，在随后的修改层之下，在13世纪的Muchelney祈祷书(伦敦，大英图书馆，Add. 43405-6)和15世纪的圣玛丽修道院序曲，约克(剑桥，圣约翰学院D. 27)。这些后来的来源，虽然不代表邓斯坦下丢失的“格拉斯顿伯里旧书”的本笃会礼拜仪式(如McLachlan和Tolhurst所建议的)，是有价值的潜在证人，否则在十世纪的“本笃会改革”之前，英国牧师使用的大部分未经证实的办公室礼拜仪式。
{"title":"The ‘old books of Glastonbury’ and the Muchelney breviary fragment: London, British Library, Additional 56488, fols. i, 1–5","authors":"J. Billett","doi":"10.1017/s0263675119000073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0263675119000073","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract London, British Library, Add. 56488, fols. i, 1–5, is a fragment from a monastic breviary of the first half of the eleventh century, probably made at or for Muchelney Abbey (Somerset). It is here argued on palaeographical, musical and liturgical grounds that this breviary represents a liturgical tradition separate from that of Æthelwold’s network of reformed houses, which imitated the northern French monastery of Corbie. The fragment’s liturgy is based instead on a local ‘secular’ (non-monastic) liturgical tradition that has been minimally supplemented and rearranged to agree with the requirements of the Regula S. Benedicti. The scribe apparently compiled the breviary from several separate exemplars (a collectar, a bible, a homiliary, and what seems to have been a ‘secular’ antiphoner), which may indicate that the liturgy at Muchelney was ‘Benedictinized’ much later than might have been assumed. The same secular tradition seems to be preserved, beneath subsequent layers of modification, in a thirteenth-century Muchelney breviary (London, British Library, Add. 43405–6) and a fifteenth-century ordinal of St Mary’s Abbey, York (Cambridge, St John’s College D. 27). These later sources, while not representing the Benedictine liturgy of the lost ‘old books of Glastonbury’ under Dunstan (as suggested by McLachlan and Tolhurst), are valuable potential witnesses to the otherwise largely unattested Office liturgy used in English minsters before the ‘Benedictine Reform’ of the tenth century.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/s0263675119000073","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42004854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1017/s0263675119000048
R. Frank
Abstract During Cnut’s two decades on the throne, his English court was the most vibrant centre in the North for the production and performance of skaldic praise poetry. Icelandic poets composing for earlier Anglo-Saxon kings had focused on the predictive power of royal ‘speaking’ names: for example, Æthelstan (‘Noble-Rock’) and Æthelred (‘Noble-Counsel’). The name Cnut presented problems, vulnerable as it was to cross-linguistic gaffes and embarrassing associations. This article reviews the difficulties faced by Cnut’s skalds when referring in verse to their patron and the solutions they devised. Similar techniques were used when naming other figures in the king’s vicinity. The article concludes with a look at two cruces in an anonymous praise poem celebrating Cnut’s victory in battle in 1016/17 against the English. Both onomastic allusions — to a famed local hero and a female onlooker — seem to poke fun at the ‘colonial’ pronunciation of Danish names in Anglo-Scandinavian England. Norse court poetry was nothing if not a combative game.
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Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675119000061
H. Appleton
Abstract The Anglo-Saxon mappa mundi, sometimes known as the Cotton map or Cottoniana, is found on folio 56v of London, British Library, Cotton Tiberius B. v, which dates from the first half of the eleventh century. This unique survivor from the period presents a detailed image of the inhabited world, centred on the Mediterranean. The map’s distinctive cartography, with its emphasis on islands, seas and urban spaces, reflects an Insular, West Saxon geographic imagination. As Evelyn Edson has observed, the mappa mundi appears to be copy of an earlier, larger map. This article argues that the mappa mundi’s focus on urban space, translatio imperii and Scandinavia is reminiscent of the Old English Orosius, and that it originates from a similar milieu. The mappa mundi’s northern perspective, together with its obvious dependence on and emulation of Carolingian cartography, suggest that its lost exemplar originated in the assertive England of the earlier tenth century.
盎格鲁-撒克逊人绘制的世界地图，又称棉花地图(Cotton map)或棉花地图(Cottoniana)，载于伦敦大英图书馆《Cotton Tiberius b.v》第56v页，绘于11世纪上半叶。这一时期独特的幸存者展示了以地中海为中心的有人居住世界的详细图像。这张地图独特的制图方式，强调岛屿、海洋和城市空间，反映了西撒克逊人对岛屿的地理想象。正如伊夫林·埃德森(Evelyn Edson)所观察到的，世界地图似乎是一张更早、更大的地图的副本。本文认为，世界地图对城市空间、帝国翻译和斯堪的纳维亚半岛的关注让人想起古英语的Orosius，它起源于类似的环境。《世界地图》的北方视角，以及它对加洛林王朝制图的明显依赖和模仿，表明它失去的范例起源于10世纪早期自信的英格兰。
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Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1017/s0263675120000034
Francesco Marzella
{"title":"‘In me porto crucem’: a new light on the lost St Margaret’s crux nigra – CORRIGENDUM","authors":"Francesco Marzella","doi":"10.1017/s0263675120000034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0263675120000034","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/s0263675120000034","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45978724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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