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Beow in Scandinavia 下面是斯堪的纳维亚半岛
Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675122000023
Tom Grant
Abstract This article offers a new appraisal of the Scandinavian evidence relating to Beow – a figure who surfaces in a range of Anglo-Saxon sources as a member of the famous Scylding dynasty. The well-known appearances of Beow in Old Norse genealogical material and in the composition known as Kálfsvísa are first reviewed, along with their evolving status in the critical history of Beowulf. New evidence is then adduced from the text known as Bjarkarímur, which attests to a more extensive Scandinavian tradition surrounding Beow than has previously been acknowledged. The expanded dossier of Old Norse evidence pertaining to Beow allows, in turn, for reflections on the development of traditions surrounding this figure in Anglo-Saxon England, and the manner of their transmission to Scandinavia.
摘要本文对斯堪的纳维亚与贝奥有关的证据进行了新的评估。贝奥是一位在盎格鲁撒克逊的一系列资料中出现的人物,是著名的斯基丁王朝的一员。首先回顾了贝奥在古挪威族谱材料和被称为Kálfsvísa的作品中的著名表现,以及它们在贝奥武夫批评史上的演变地位。然后,从被称为Bjarkarímur的文本中引用了新的证据,该文本证明了围绕Beow的斯堪的纳维亚传统比以前公认的更为广泛。与Beow有关的古挪威人证据的扩展档案反过来又允许人们反思盎格鲁撒克逊英格兰围绕这个人物的传统的发展,以及它们传播到斯堪的纳维亚的方式。
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引用次数: 0
A close fitt: reading Beowulf fitt II with the Andreas-poet 亲密契合:与安德烈斯诗人一起阅读贝奥武夫·菲特二
Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675122000047
Daniela Thomas
Abstract Connections between Andreas and Beowulf have been the subject of much scholarly discussion. This article contributes to this discussion by arguing that the account of the Mermedonians’ discovery of and response to the loss of their prisoners in Andreas fitt X, which corresponds to chapters 22–3 of the poet’s putative Latin source, has been deliberately recast in ways intended to recall the account in fitt II of Beowulf of Grendel’s first attack on Heorot and the reactions of the Danish community. The connection argued for here is based not on verbal correspondences, but on embedded structural and thematic parallels. The Andreas-poet emerges as a careful and sophisticated reader, notable for their specifically literate and textual engagement with Beowulf. This observation has implications not only for our appreciation of the Andreas-poet’s art, but also for the transmission of Beowulf and for our understanding of Old English poetic practices more generally.
《安德烈亚斯》和《贝奥武夫》之间的联系一直是学术界讨论的主题。本文对这一讨论做出了贡献,认为《安德烈亚斯·菲特十世》中关于默尔梅多尼人发现并对他们的囚犯的损失作出反应的叙述,与诗人假定的拉丁语来源的第22-3章相对应,已经被故意改写,旨在回忆《贝奥武夫》中关于格伦德尔第一次袭击希奥罗特的叙述以及丹麦社区的反应。这里所争论的联系不是基于语言上的对应,而是基于内在的结构和主题上的相似。安德烈斯诗人是一个细心而老练的读者,以他们对贝奥武夫的独特的文学和文本参与而闻名。这一观察不仅对我们欣赏安德烈亚斯诗人的艺术有影响,而且对贝奥武夫的传播和我们对古英语诗歌实践的理解也有影响。
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引用次数: 0
ASE volume 48 Cover and Front matter ASE第48卷封面和封面
Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0263675122000059
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引用次数: 0
Echoes of the past: St Dunstan and the heavenly choirs of St Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, in Goscelin’s Historia translationis S. Augustini 过去的回声:圣邓斯坦和坎特伯雷圣奥古斯丁修道院的天堂合唱团,在戈塞林的历史翻译学家s.Augustini
Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675121000016
Sophie Sawicka-Sykes
Abstract The Historia translationis S. Augustini (1098 × 1100), composed by Goscelin of Saint-Bertin as part of a hagiographical cycle for St Augustine’s Abbey, contains several previously overlooked allusions to St Dunstan’s vision of heavenly virgins. I argue that Goscelin drew upon the Dunstan legend to justify Abbot Scotland’s renovation work on St Augustine’s between 1072 and 1087. The article first of all considers how the oratory of the Anglo-Saxon abbey was presented as a locus of divine praise in the first known hagiography of Dunstan. I then show how Dunstan’s eleventh-century hagiographers at Christ Church cathedral responded to the original vision by crafting competing narratives of heavenly choirs. Finally, an analysis of the Historia translationis reveals how Goscelin reappropriated the legend, depicting the oratory, and the crypt that came to replace it, as the abode of celestial spirits whose praise echoed the community’s liturgical devotions.
摘要《历史翻译学家S.Augustini》(1098×1100),由圣伯丁的Gosselin创作,作为圣奥古斯丁修道院圣徒传记周期的一部分,包含了几个以前被忽视的关于圣邓斯坦天堂处女的典故。我认为,戈塞林借鉴了邓斯坦的传说,为苏格兰方丈在1072年至1087年间对圣奥古斯丁教堂的翻修工作辩护。这篇文章首先考虑了盎格鲁撒克逊修道院的演讲是如何在已知的第一本邓斯坦圣徒传记中被呈现为神圣赞美的场所的。然后,我展示了邓斯坦十一世纪在基督教堂大教堂的圣徒们是如何通过精心制作天堂合唱团的竞争叙事来回应最初的愿景的。最后,对《历史》翻译家的分析揭示了戈塞林是如何重新利用这一传说的,他将演讲场和取而代之的地下室描绘成了天体灵魂的住所,这些灵魂的赞美与社区的礼拜仪式相呼应。
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引用次数: 0
ASE volume 48 Cover and Back matter ASE第48卷封面和封底
Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0263675122000060
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引用次数: 0
Legal culture in the Danelaw: a study of III Æthelred 丹麦法中的法律文化:第三章研究Æthelred
Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675121000065
Jake A. Stattel
Abstract Viking invasions and settlements left substantial legacies in late Anglo-Saxon England, attested in legal texts as a division between areas under Dena lage and those under Ængla lage. But how legal practice in Scandinavian-settled England functioned and differed from Anglo-Saxon law remains unclear. III Æthelred, the ‘Wantage Code’, provides critical evidence for legal customs being practised in the Danelaw at the close of the tenth century. An investigation into the code’s peace protections re-examines the argument for occurrences of communal liability in England before the Normans. Wantage’s restrictions on access to law and the need to ‘buy law’ suggest a departure from English conceptions of rights. Provisions on proof in legal cases, including a ‘jury’ of thegns, denote alternative measures of the truth. These analyses depict a Danelaw legal culture that reflects viking army origins, a Scandinavian preference for informal dispute-settlement (‘love’) and the concerns of a landholding Anglo-Scandinavian elite.
维京人的入侵和定居在盎格鲁-撒克逊晚期的英格兰留下了大量的遗产,在法律文本中被证明是Dena大地区和Ængla大地区之间的划分。但在斯堪的纳维亚定居的英格兰,法律实践是如何运作的,与盎格鲁-撒克逊法律有何不同,目前仍不清楚。III Æthelred,“破坏法典”,为10世纪末丹麦法律中实行的法律习俗提供了重要证据。对《法典》和平保护条款的调查重新审视了在诺曼人之前英格兰出现公共责任的争论。瓦塔奇对诉诸法律的限制和“购买法律”的需要表明了与英国权利观念的背离。法律案件中关于证据的规定,包括由法官组成的“陪审团”,是对真相的另一种衡量标准。这些分析描述了反映维京军队起源的丹麦法律文化,斯堪的纳维亚人对非正式争端解决(“爱”)的偏好,以及拥有土地的盎格鲁-斯堪的纳维亚精英的关注。
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引用次数: 0
ASE volume 47 Cover and Front matter ASE第47卷封面和封面问题
Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0263675119000085
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引用次数: 0
ASE volume 47 Cover and Back matter ASE第47卷封面和封底
Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0263675120000022
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引用次数: 0
Wulfstan the Forger: the ‘Laws of Edward and Guthrum’ 伪造者伍尔夫斯坦:“爱德华和古鲁姆定律”
Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S026367511900005X
Nicholas P. Schwartz
Abstract Despite the recent increase in attention given to Archbishop Wulfstan and his writings, the so-called ‘Laws of Edward and Guthrum’ – a lawcode forged by the archbishop in the opening years of the eleventh century – has received little analysis since Dorothy Whitelock’s 1941 study established the churchman as its true author. My article seeks to fill this gap firstly by expanding on Whitelock’s article. I show that many more of the text’s clauses function as antecedents to Wulfstan’s later legislation than those she identified in her important article. Second, I argue that §10 of the code, a clause not repeated in the archbishop’s later legislation, surely still held legal authority given Wulfstan’s prescriptions for non-lethal punishment in some cases. Finally, I posit that Wulfstan’s attribution of the code to Alfred, seen in its opening, reflects the archbishop’s value of him as a king worth emulating.
摘要尽管最近人们越来越关注伍尔夫斯坦大主教及其著作,但自从多萝西·怀特洛克1941年的研究确定这位牧师是其真正的作者以来,所谓的“爱德华和古瑟鲁姆定律”——一部由大主教在11世纪初伪造的法典——几乎没有得到任何分析。我的文章首先试图通过扩展怀特洛克的文章来填补这一空白。我发现,与她在重要文章中指出的条款相比,文本中更多的条款是伍尔夫斯坦后来立法的前提。其次,我认为,鉴于伍尔夫斯坦在某些情况下对非致命惩罚的规定,该法典第10条,这一条款在大主教后来的立法中没有重复,肯定仍然具有法律权威。最后,我认为,伍尔夫斯坦在开场白中将法典归于阿尔弗雷德,反映了大主教对他作为一个值得效仿的国王的价值。
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引用次数: 0
St Kenelm, St Melor and Anglo-Breton contact from the tenth to the twelfth centuries 圣凯尼姆,圣梅洛和盎格鲁-布列塔尼人从10世纪到12世纪的接触
Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675119000097
C. Brett
Abstract This article discusses the similarity between two apparently unrelated hagiographical texts: Vita et Miracula Kenelmi, composed between 1045 and the 1080s and attributed to Goscelin of Saint-Bertin, and Vita Melori, composed perhaps in the 1060s–1080s but surviving only in a variety of late-medieval versions from England and France. Kenelm was venerated at Winchcombe, Gloucestershire, Melor chiefly at Lanmeur, Finistère. Both saints were reputed to be royal child martyrs, and their Vitae contain a sequence of motifs and miracles so similar that a textual relationship or common oral origin seems a reasonable hypothesis. In order to elucidate this, possible contexts for the composition of Vita Melori are considered, and evidence for the Breton contacts of Goscelin and, earlier, Winchcombe Abbey is investigated. No priority of one Vita over the other can be demonstrated, but their relationship suggests that there was more cultural contact between western Brittany and England from the mid-tenth to the twelfth centuries than emerges overtly in the written record.
摘要:本文讨论了两个明显不相关的圣徒传记文本之间的相似性:Vita et Miracula Kenelmi,创作于1045年至1080年代,被认为是圣贝坦的goselin,以及Vita Melori,可能创作于1060年至1080年,但仅存于中世纪晚期英国和法国的各种版本。凯尼姆在温奇库姆,格洛斯特郡,梅洛,主要是在兰米尔,芬兰。两位圣徒都被认为是王室的儿童殉道者,他们的生平包含了一系列的主题和奇迹,这些主题和奇迹是如此相似,以至于文本关系或共同的口头起源似乎是一个合理的假设。为了阐明这一点,我们考虑了Vita Melori构成的可能背景,并研究了goselin和更早的Winchcombe Abbey与布列塔尼人接触的证据。没有哪个维塔比另一个维塔更重要,但它们的关系表明,从10世纪中期到12世纪,西布列塔尼和英格兰之间的文化接触比书面记录中公开出现的要多。
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Anglo-Saxon England
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