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Ælfric's apostles lfric的使徒
Pub Date : 2015-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080108
H. Magennis
Abstract New Testament writings give a powerful sense of the humanness and fallibility of Christ's apostles, and a sense of their imperfection is also apparent in the non-canonical acts which report their missionary work and martyrdoms. Ælfric, drawing extensively on this biblical and extra-biblical material, adopts two distinct approaches in his treatment of the apostles, depending on whether he is writing hagiographically or exegetically. In neither approach does he present the apostles as imperfect or fallible, even where they appear so in the sources he is working with. The present article examines Ælfric's manoeuvres in rewriting the apostles as idealized and exemplary figures, focusing in particular on his treatment of Thomas, Peter and Paul in his homilies. In the case of Peter, Ælfric's approach is contrasted tellingly with that of the poet of The Heliand, who stresses the saint's powerful emotions and the personal nature of his relationship to Christ. The article demonstrates Ælfric's anxiety not to undermine the apostles in any way: bringing these great saints to life as struggling human beings is certainly not part of his agenda as religious teacher.
《新约》的作品强烈地表达了基督使徒的人性和易犯错误,而他们的不完美也在非正典行为中表现得很明显,这些行为报告了他们的传教工作和殉道。Ælfric,广泛地借鉴了圣经和圣经以外的材料,在处理使徒时采用了两种截然不同的方法,这取决于他是按照圣徒的方式还是按照训诂的方式来写。在这两种方法中,他都没有把使徒描绘成不完美或不可靠的人,即使他们在他所研究的资料中是这样出现的。本文考察Ælfric的策略重写使徒作为理想化和模范的人物,特别侧重于他的治疗托马斯,彼得和保罗在他的说教。在彼得的案例中,Ælfric的方法与《地狱》的诗人形成鲜明对比,后者强调圣徒的强烈情感和他与基督关系的个人本质。这篇文章展示了Ælfric不以任何方式破坏使徒的焦虑:将这些伟大的圣徒作为挣扎的人类带入生活当然不是他作为宗教教师的议程的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
The date and authorship of the Vita Ædwardi regis Vita Ædwardi注册的日期和作者
Pub Date : 2015-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080133
Tom Licence
Abstract Scholarly understanding of the reign of Edward the Confessor is hampered by doubt surrounding the date, authorship and purpose of the Vita Ædwardi regis, its chief biographical source. This article rejects readings that see it as a work written after the Conquest, arguing instead that it was begun in 1065–6 and tried to foresee what would happen in that time of upheaval by optimistic inspection of precedents from Godwine family history, tempered by anxious reflections on pagan Antiquity. Through the prophetic insights of history it finely balanced Edith's hopes and fears. The second part of the article considers evidence that helps us to identify an author.
学术对忏悔者爱德华统治时期的理解受到了围绕《生命Ædwardi》(其主要传记来源)日期、作者身份和目的的怀疑的阻碍。这篇文章拒绝将其视为征服之后的作品的解读,而是认为它开始于1065-6年,并试图通过对戈德温家族历史先例的乐观检查来预测在那个动荡时期会发生什么,并对异教徒的古代进行焦虑的反思。通过对历史的先见之明,它巧妙地平衡了伊迪丝的希望和恐惧。文章的第二部分考虑了有助于我们识别作者的证据。
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引用次数: 1
The Preface to the Old English Bede: authorship, transmission, and connection with the West Saxon Genealogical Regnal List 前言古英语比德:作者,传播,并与西撒克逊人的宗谱Regnal表连接
Pub Date : 2015-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080066
Greg Waite
Abstract Lexical and stylistic features indicate that the Preface to the Old English Bede was composed by a writer different from the anonymous Mercian who translated the body of the text. The Preface, therefore, cannot be taken to reveal aspects of the original translator's aims or attitude to the text. Recently discovered collations of the burnt manuscript London, British Library, Cotton Otho B. xi, made by John Smith prior to the 1731 fire, provide further insight, indicating that a copy of the West Saxon Genealogical Regnal List was attached to the Preface by the mid-tenth century. Thus the origins of the Preface may lie in an Alfredian or post-Alfredian initiative to disseminate the translation at some time later than its actual creation.
词汇和文体特征表明,《古英语比德序》是由一位不同于默西亚的作者所作,他翻译了文本的主体。因此,序言不能被视为揭示原译者对文本的目的或态度的各个方面。最近发现的伦敦,大英图书馆,Cotton Otho B. xi被烧毁的手稿的校勘,由约翰·史密斯在1731年大火之前制作,提供了进一步的见解,表明在10世纪中期,《西撒克逊人宗谱表》的副本附在了前言中。因此,《序言》的起源可能在于阿尔弗雷德派或后阿尔弗雷德派在其实际创作之后的一段时间内传播翻译的倡议。
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引用次数: 3
A new Agnus Dei/Last Small Cross mule 一个新的Agnus Dei/最后的小交叉骡子
Pub Date : 2015-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080157
S. Keynes, R. Naismith
The Lenborough hoard has produced the twenty-third coin struck from Agnus Dei dies, which is also the second known mule of an Agnus Dei obverse with a Last Small Cross reverse. It is illustrated in Gareth Williams's preceding article as Fig. 7 (p. 304). This specimen adds to the small group of English finds of Agnus Dei pennies, which previously consisted of three single-finds. Lenborough is therefore the first ever English hoard to contain an Agnus Dei coin, mule or otherwise. The presence of just one penny of the type in an assemblage of almost 1,000 coins of Æthelred II (with a large proportion of the total consisting of the types either side of Agnus Dei) reinforces the rarity of the issue. Detailed research into the hoard may unveil more about the circumstances behind its composition, including the chronological profile of the Last Small Cross element, and thereby add to the general picture of the context in which Agnus Dei was produced.
伦伯勒窖藏已经生产出了第23枚来自上帝之神的硬币,这也是第二枚已知的上帝之神正面的骡子,背面是最后的小十字架。在Gareth Williams的前一篇文章中,如图7(第304页)所示。这个标本加入了英国发现的Agnus Dei便士的小组,该小组之前由三个单一的发现组成。因此,伦伯勒是英国有史以来第一个包含阿格努斯·上帝硬币的宝藏,无论是骡子还是其他东西。在将近1000枚Æthelred II硬币中只出现了一枚这种类型的硬币(其中很大一部分由Agnus Dei两侧的硬币组成),这加强了该问题的稀有性。对窖藏的详细研究可能会揭示更多关于其构成背后的情况,包括最后一个小十字架元素的时间顺序,从而增加对Agnus Dei产生的背景的总体了解。
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引用次数: 2
ASE volume 44 Cover and Front matter ASE第44卷封面和封面问题
Pub Date : 2015-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0263675100080005
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引用次数: 0
The Exeter Book Riddles: authorship and transmission 埃克塞特书的谜语:作者和传播
Pub Date : 2015-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S026367510008008X
P. Orton
Abstract The Exeter Book Riddles are anonymous, and the generally formulaic character of all Old English verse discourages attempts to establish unity or diversity of authorship for them; but correlations between the sequence of Riddles in the manuscript and the recurrence from poem to poem of aspects of form, content (including solutions), presentation and style sometimes suggest common authorship for particular runs of texts, or reveal shaping episodes in the collection's transmission. Investigation along these lines throws up clear differences between the two main blocks of Riddles (1–59 and 61–95), and evidence emerges that the composition of many (at least) of Riddles 61–95 was influenced by a reading of Riddles 1–59.
埃克塞特书谜语是匿名的,所有古英语诗歌的普遍公式化特征阻碍了为他们建立统一或多样性的作者的尝试;但手稿中谜语的顺序与一首诗到另一首诗的形式、内容(包括解决方案)、呈现和风格的反复出现之间的相关性有时表明特定文本的共同作者,或揭示文集传播中的塑造情节。沿着这条线进行的调查显示,《谜语》的两个主要部分(1-59和61-95)之间存在明显的差异,有证据表明,《谜语》61-95的许多部分(至少)的构成受到了《谜语》1-59的影响。
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引用次数: 1
A hoard from the reign of Cnut from Buckinghamshire: a preliminary report 白金汉郡克纳特统治时期的一件藏品:初步报告
Pub Date : 2015-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080145
G. Williams
Abstract A hoard of 5,248 silver pennies discovered at Lenborough in Buckinghamshire in December 2015 is one of the largest hoards of Anglo-Saxon coins ever found. Although the deposition of the hoard cannot be precisely dated, it must have been buried in the latter part of the reign of Cnut (1016–35). The hoard was wrapped in lead sheet, establishing without doubt that it represents a single deposit, but contains distinct parcels of coins from the reigns of Æthelred II (978–1016) and the latter part of the reign of Cnut, with a clear gap in between. The cataloguing of the hoard is ongoing, but this paper provides a preliminary description and interpretation of the hoard. While the hoard contains few coins of particular numismatic interest, it is argued that the hoard potentially provides important information for the administration of the late Anglo-Saxon coinage, and for changing patterns of monetary circulation in the reign of Cnut.
2015年12月,在白金汉郡伦伯勒发现了5248枚银币,这是迄今为止发现的最大的盎格鲁-撒克逊硬币之一。虽然不能精确地确定窖藏的沉积时间,但它一定是在克努特统治的后期(1016-35)被埋葬的。这个宝藏被铅板包裹着,毫无疑问它代表着一个单一的矿床,但它包含了Æthelred II(978-1016)统治时期和克努特统治后期的不同的硬币包裹,两者之间有明显的差距。对该宝藏的编目工作正在进行中,但本文提供了对该宝藏的初步描述和解释。虽然这批宝藏中没有多少具有特殊价值的硬币,但有人认为,这批宝藏可能为盎格鲁-撒克逊晚期的铸币管理以及克努特统治时期货币流通模式的变化提供了重要信息。
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引用次数: 0
Old English poetry, verse by verse 古英语诗歌,一节接一节
Pub Date : 2015-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080078
Eric Weiskott
Abstract Certain syntactical ambiguities in Old English poetry have been the focus of debate among students of metre and syntax. Proponents of intentional ambiguity must demonstrate that the passages in question exhibit, not an absence of syntactical clarity, but a presence of syntactical ambiguity. This article attempts such a demonstration. It does so by shifting the terms of the debate, from clauses to verses and from a spatial to a temporal understanding of syntax. The article proposes a new interpretation of many problematic passages that opens onto a new way of parsing and punctuating Old English poetry. In this essay in the history of poetic style, I demonstrate that the sequence in time of Old English half-lines sometimes necessitates retrospective syntactical reanalysis, a state of affairs which modern punctuation is ill-equipped to capture, but in which Anglo-Saxon readers and listeners would have recognized specific literary effects. In the second section, I extrapolate two larger syntactical units, the half-line sequence and the verse paragraph, which differ in important ways from the clauses and sentences that modern editors impose on Old English poetic texts. Along the way, I improve the descriptive accuracy of Kuhn's Laws by reinterpreting them as governing half-line sequences rather than clauses. I conclude with a call for unpunctuated or minimally punctuated critical editions of Old English verse texts.
古英语诗歌中某些句法歧义一直是韵律和句法研究学者争论的焦点。故意歧义的支持者必须证明,所讨论的段落不是缺乏句法清晰,而是存在句法歧义。本文试图进行这样的演示。它通过改变辩论的术语来实现这一点,从分句到诗句,从空间到时间的语法理解。本文对许多有问题的段落提出了一种新的解释,开辟了古英语诗歌解析和标点的新途径。在这篇关于诗歌风格历史的文章中,我论证了古英语半行在时间上的顺序有时需要回顾性的句法重新分析,这种情况是现代标点符号无法捕捉的,但在这种情况下,盎格鲁-撒克逊读者和听众会认识到特定的文学效果。在第二部分,我推断了两个更大的句法单位,半行序列和诗段,它们在重要方面不同于现代编辑强加给古英语诗歌文本的分句和句子。在此过程中,我通过将库恩定律重新解释为控制半行序列而不是子句来提高其描述的准确性。最后,我呼吁对古英语诗歌文本进行无标点或最少标点的批评。
{"title":"Old English poetry, verse by verse","authors":"Eric Weiskott","doi":"10.1017/S0263675100080078","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675100080078","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Certain syntactical ambiguities in Old English poetry have been the focus of debate among students of metre and syntax. Proponents of intentional ambiguity must demonstrate that the passages in question exhibit, not an absence of syntactical clarity, but a presence of syntactical ambiguity. This article attempts such a demonstration. It does so by shifting the terms of the debate, from clauses to verses and from a spatial to a temporal understanding of syntax. The article proposes a new interpretation of many problematic passages that opens onto a new way of parsing and punctuating Old English poetry. In this essay in the history of poetic style, I demonstrate that the sequence in time of Old English half-lines sometimes necessitates retrospective syntactical reanalysis, a state of affairs which modern punctuation is ill-equipped to capture, but in which Anglo-Saxon readers and listeners would have recognized specific literary effects. In the second section, I extrapolate two larger syntactical units, the half-line sequence and the verse paragraph, which differ in important ways from the clauses and sentences that modern editors impose on Old English poetic texts. Along the way, I improve the descriptive accuracy of Kuhn's Laws by reinterpreting them as governing half-line sequences rather than clauses. I conclude with a call for unpunctuated or minimally punctuated critical editions of Old English verse texts.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":"44 1","pages":"95 - 130"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0263675100080078","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56845707","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
Explaining Anglo-Saxon military efficiency: the landscape of mobilization 解释盎格鲁-撒克逊军事效率:动员的景观
Pub Date : 2015-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675100080121
John Baker, Stuart Brookes
Abstract The importance of warfare in Anglo-Saxon England is widely accepted, but the processes by which armies were put in the field are only partially understood, with most discussion focusing on the economic logistics rather than the spatial practicalities of mobilization. Yet such a system underpinned recorded military actions and must have evolved in response to changing military organization in the late Anglo-Saxon period. Through an assessment of documentary references to sites of muster, and by using a multidisciplinary landscape-focused approach, this article examines possible traces of that system – especially those preserved in place-names – and relates them to later Anglo-Saxon administrative geography.
在盎格鲁-撒克逊英格兰,战争的重要性被广泛接受,但军队投入战场的过程只被部分理解,大多数讨论都集中在经济后勤上,而不是动员的空间实用性。然而,这样一个系统支撑着有记录的军事行动,并且一定是在盎格鲁撒克逊时期晚期随着军事组织的变化而演变的。通过对集合地点的文献参考的评估,并使用多学科的以景观为重点的方法,本文研究了该系统的可能痕迹-特别是那些保存在地名中的痕迹-并将它们与后来的盎格鲁-撒克逊行政地理学联系起来。
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引用次数: 3
The cleansing of the temple in early medieval Northumbria 中世纪早期诺森比亚的神庙清洗
Pub Date : 2015-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S026367510008011X
Conor O’Brien
Abstract While the attitudes of Stephen of Ripon and Bede toward church-buildings have previously been contrasted, this paper argues that both shared a vision of the church as a holy place, analogous to the Jewish temple and to be kept pure from the mundane world. Their similarity of approach suggests that this concept of the church-building was widespread amongst the Northumbrian monastic elite and may partially reflect the attitudes of the laity also. The idea of the church as the place of eucharistic sacrifice probably lay at the heart of this theology of sacred place. Irish ideas about monastic holiness, traditional liturgical language and the native fascination with building in stone combined with an interest in ritual purity to give power to this use of the temple-image which went on to influence later Carolingian attitudes to churches.
虽然里彭的斯蒂芬和比德对教堂建筑的态度之前已经进行了对比,但本文认为,他们都将教堂视为一个神圣的地方,类似于犹太圣殿,并保持与世俗世界的纯洁。他们相似的做法表明,这种教堂建设的概念在诺森伯拉罕修道院精英中广泛存在,可能也部分反映了俗人的态度。教会是圣餐献祭的场所,这种观念可能是圣地神学的核心。爱尔兰人对修道院神圣性的观念,传统的礼拜语言,以及当地人对石头建筑的迷恋,加上对仪式纯洁的兴趣,赋予了使用寺庙形象的力量,这影响了后来加洛林王朝对教堂的态度。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Anglo-Saxon England
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