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Ambyrne wind, amberlice and byre in the DOE Online 安伯伦风,琥珀和牛粪在美国能源部在线
Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675118000054
M. Korhammer
Abstract This article, which builds on an older publication of the author’s, argues on the basis of nautical, linguistic and logical evidence that some widely accepted opinions on the meaning of the Old English words in the title cannot be upheld any further.
摘要本文以作者的旧出版物为基础,根据航海、语言学和逻辑证据,认为对标题中古英语单词的含义的一些广泛接受的观点不能再得到支持。
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引用次数: 0
The reformed Nowell Codex and the Beowulf manuscript 改革后的诺埃尔法典与贝奥武夫手稿
Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675118000042
K. Kiernan
Abstract Lichfield Cathedral had a scriptorium and library in the early eleventh century. As a non-monastic establishment run by bishops and secular canons, Lichfield was not dissolved during the Reformation and undoubtedly kept some of its books. In 1563, Laurence Nowell, Dean of Lichfield Cathedral, subscribed the Thirty-Nine Articles of Religion, the main tenets of the Anglican Church. That year, someone wrote Laurence Nowell and the momentous date 1563 on the first page of the codex. The damage to the beginning and end of the codex suggests that a Reformer, deeming them unsuitable on religious grounds, excised the surviving texts from their original contexts. For a Reformer, the Life of St Christopher supported the Papist superstition of invoking and venerating saints, while Judith unduly showcased a non-canonical story from the Apocrypha. In this light, the Reformers unintentionally saved Beowulf and the rest of the Nowell Codex because they disapproved of them.
摘要利奇菲尔德大教堂在十一世纪初有一个脚本库和图书馆。作为一个由主教和世俗牧师管理的非修道院机构,利奇菲尔德在宗教改革期间没有解散,毫无疑问,它保留了一些书籍。1563年,利奇菲尔德大教堂院长劳伦斯·诺埃尔签署了英国圣公会的主要信条《三十九条宗教条款》。那一年,有人在法典的第一页上写下了劳伦斯·诺埃尔和1563年的重要日期。对法典开头和结尾的破坏表明,改革者认为这些法典基于宗教原因不合适,于是将幸存的文本从其原始背景中删除。作为一个改革者,《圣克里斯托弗的一生》支持了教皇崇拜圣人的迷信,而朱迪思则过分地展示了伪经中的一个非经典故事。有鉴于此,改革者无意中拯救了贝奥武夫和诺埃尔法典的其他成员,因为他们不赞成他们。
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引用次数: 1
Latin, Old English and documentary practice at Worcester from Wærferth to Oswald 从Wærferth到Oswald在伍斯特的拉丁语、古英语和文献实践
Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675118000091
R. Gallagher, F. Tinti
Abstract This article analyses the uses of Latin and Old English in the charters of Worcester cathedral, which represents one of the largest and most linguistically interesting of the surviving Anglo-Saxon archives. Specifically focused on the period encompassing the episcopates of Wærferth and Oswald (c. 870 to 992), this survey examines a time of intense administrative activity at Worcester, contemporaneous with significant transformations in the political and cultural life of Anglo-Saxon England more generally. In doing so, this article argues that when writing in either Latin or the vernacular, charter draftsmen responded to a number of variables; language choice did not simply reflect varying levels of literacy. Furthermore, the frequent cases of code-switching found in tenth-century Worcester documents mark this community out as exceptional, suggesting that attitudes towards the interaction between the two languages could vary considerably between institutions.
摘要本文分析了伍斯特大教堂章程中拉丁语和古英语的使用,这是现存盎格鲁撒克逊档案中最大、最有趣的语言之一。这项调查特别关注Wærferth和Oswald主教(约870年至992年)这一时期,调查了伍斯特一个行政活动激烈的时期,与盎格鲁撒克逊英格兰政治和文化生活的重大变革同时发生。在这样做的过程中,本文认为,当用拉丁语或白话文写作时,宪章起草者会对许多变量做出反应;语言选择并不是简单地反映不同的文化水平。此外,在十世纪的伍斯特文献中发现的频繁的代码转换案例表明,这个社区是特殊的,这表明不同机构对两种语言之间互动的态度可能会有很大差异。
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引用次数: 0
Reading Asser in early medieval Wales: the evidence of Armes Prydein Vawr 阅读中世纪早期威尔士的Asser: Armes Prydein Vawr的证据
Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675118000066
Rebecca Thomas, David Callander
Abstract This article examines the connections between Asser's Life of King Alfred and the tenthcentury Welsh poem Armes Prydein Vawr. It studies the use of the place-name Santwic ‘Sandwich’ in Armes Prydein, and presents evidence that this form derives from a written source. An investigation of the sources containing this place-name before the late tenth century raises the distinct possibility that Asser's Life was the source drawn upon by the Welsh poet. Examination of the context in which Sandwich occurs in Asser and Armes Prydein highlights striking similarities in usage, strengthening the argument for a connection between the two texts. Further correspondences between these works are noted before discussing the potential implications of this new finding for our understanding of Asser (and his reception) and Armes Prydein more generally.
本文考察了阿塞尔的《阿尔弗雷德国王的一生》与十世纪威尔士诗歌《Armes Prydein Vawr》之间的联系。它研究了Armes Prydein地名Santwic“Sandwich”的使用,并提供了这种形式来自书面来源的证据。在10世纪晚期之前,对包含这个地名的来源的调查提出了一种明显的可能性,即威尔士诗人阿塞尔的生活是他所引用的来源。对三明治在Asser和Armes Prydein中出现的语境的考察,突出了用法上惊人的相似之处,加强了两个文本之间联系的论点。在讨论这一新发现对我们更广泛地理解Asser(以及他的接受)和Armes Prydein的潜在影响之前,注意到这些作品之间的进一步对应关系。
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引用次数: 0
Bede's rhetorical use of dating formulas in the Historia ecclesiastica 贝德在《教会史》中对断代公式的修辞运用
Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675118000029
R. Shaw
Abstract Bede frequently used dating formulas to frame his narrative. In some cases these simply reflect the wording of his sources, whether he states that he is quoting from them or not. More often, however, the types of phrasing he uses reflect conscious construction on his part. Such formulas drew attention to key people and passages in the work and so assisted in the achievement of Bede's authorial intentions in the Historia ecclesiastica. These phrases also imitated and developed previous exemplars from earlier historiography thus enabling Bede to situate and validate his work within the genre.
摘要贝德经常使用约会公式来构建他的叙述。在某些情况下,这些只是反映了他的消息来源的措辞,无论他是否表示引用了这些消息来源。然而,更多时候,他使用的措辞类型反映了他有意识的构建。这些公式引起了人们对作品中关键人物和段落的关注,从而有助于实现贝德在《教会史》中的作者意图。这些短语也模仿和发展了早期史学的先例,从而使贝德能够将他的作品置于这一流派中并加以验证。
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引用次数: 0
Domesday Book and the transformation of English landed society, 1066–86 《末日审判书》与英国土地社会的转型,1066–86
Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s026367511800011x
S. Baxter, Christopher Piers Lewis
Abstract This article presents the first fruits of a long-term project which aims to identify all the landholders named in Domesday Book, and to build up a picture of English landed society before and after the Norman conquest. The first part describes the project's methods and illustrates them with a selection of short profiles of individuals whose careers add distinctive colour to the emerging picture. The second offers firstly an analysis of the social distribution of landed wealth in England in 1066 and 1086, quantifying the numbers of landholders in different groups defined by the amount of the land assigned to them in Domesday. We then turn to a spatial analysis of landed society, using maps to illustrate the geographical distribution of landholding. In doing so, we offer fresh perspectives on the transformation of English landed society in the aftermath of conquest.
本文介绍了一项长期项目的初步成果,该项目旨在确定《末日审判书》中提到的所有土地所有者,并建立诺曼征服前后英国土地社会的图景。第一部分描述了项目的方法,并通过选择个人的简短简介来说明这些方法,这些个人的职业生涯为新兴的图景增添了独特的色彩。第二部分首先分析了1066年和1086年英格兰土地财富的社会分配,通过《末日审判》中分配给他们的土地数量,量化了不同群体的土地所有者数量。然后,我们转向土地社会的空间分析,使用地图来说明土地持有的地理分布。在这样做的过程中,我们为征服后英国土地社会的转变提供了新的视角。
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引用次数: 2
ASE volume 46 Cover and Front matter ASE第46卷封面和封面
Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0263675118000121
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引用次数: 0
Illuminations of the Tabernacle of Moses and of Ezra in the Codex Amiatinus (Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Amiatino 1): Bede, Cassiodorus and the Antiquitates Judaicae of Flavius Josephus Amiatinus法典中摩西和以斯拉的神殿照明(佛罗伦萨,劳伦齐亚纳医学图书馆,Amiatino 1):Bede,Cassidorus和Flavius Josephus的古代犹太法典
Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675118000017
Steven H. Wander
Abstract Features of the two illuminations from the first quire of the Codex Amiatinus, the bifolium of the tabernacle of Moses (6v and 7r, formerly 2v/II and 7r/III) and the miniature of the Jewish priest Ezra, who is identified by inscription (2r, formerly 4r/V), correspond more closely with text from the Jewish Antiquities of Flavius Josephus than with the parallel accounts in Scripture. Cassiodorus had the Jewish Antiquities of Flavius Josephus rendered from Greek into Latin, referring to the seventh chapter (that is, chapter 6) of book 3 as the source for his illustration of the tabernacle of Moses; and this illumination, according to Bede, was available as a model at Wearmouth–Jarrow. It appears that Bede also took part in fashioning the miniature of Ezra, both the verse inscription and the image itself, which also reflects more closely passages from Cassiodorus’ so-called Latin Josephus than the corresponding sections of the Bible.
摘要:《阿米蒂努抄本》(Codex Amiatinus)第一卷的两个插图,摩西帐幕的双柱(6v和7r,以前的2v/II和7r/III)和犹太祭司以斯拉的缩影(2r,以前的4r/V)的特征更接近于弗拉维乌斯·约瑟夫斯的犹太古物,而不是圣经中的平行记载。卡西奥多鲁斯将《犹太古史》(Jewish Antiquities of Flavius Josephus)从希腊文译成拉丁文,参照第三卷的第七章(即第六章)作为他描绘摩西帐幕的素材;根据比德的说法,这盏灯在威尔茅斯-贾罗是可以作为模型使用的。似乎比德也参与了以斯拉的缩影的塑造,包括诗歌铭文和形象本身,这也更接近于卡西奥多鲁斯所谓的拉丁约瑟夫斯的段落,而不是圣经的相应部分。
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引用次数: 0
Wulfstan's noble pagans 伍尔夫斯坦的贵族异教徒
Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675118000108
Ben Reinhard
Abstract Given his frequently expressed hostility to pagans, Wulfstan's apparent commendation of their devotion at the beginning of the Sermo Lupi has long been a source of scholarly frustration. While the passage is without parallel in Wulfstan's Old English writings, it is mirrored closely by several other texts in Wulfstanian manuscripts, including a previously unedited tract titled De ueneratione sacerdotum. These tracts provide the best analogues for the passage in the Sermo Lupi, explaining how it came to be written and giving a glimpse into how Wulfstan composed the sermon.
鉴于伍尔夫斯坦经常表达对异教徒的敌意,他在《路皮经》的开头明显赞扬了异教徒的奉献精神,这一直是学者们沮丧的根源。虽然这段话在伍尔夫斯坦的古英语作品中没有类似的,但它在伍尔夫斯坦手稿中的其他几篇文章中得到了密切的反映,包括一篇以前未经编辑的小册子,题为《代神圣》(De generation sacerdotum)。这些小册子提供了最好的类似于《路皮布道》的段落,解释了它是如何写成的,并让人们一瞥沃尔夫斯坦是如何撰写布道的。
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引用次数: 0
Transcribing the second scribe of Beowulf amid obscurity: for and for 在默默无闻中转录贝奥武夫的第二位抄写员:为了和为了
Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0263675118000030
J. R. Hall
Abstract The second Beowulf scribe often begins the letter with a thick downstroke as for the letter , to which he adds a head and tongue sometimes thinner than the downstroke. On some damaged folios it is debatable whether a certain letter should be read as itself or the remains of in which the head and tongue of are very obscure or simply gone. Further, on fols. 179 and 198v, a later hand, attempting to retrace obscure letters, occasionally restored a letter as that the palaeographic evidence hints was once . At other places the later hand restored a letter as for which there is no evidence for but where is expected. Although the question of for and for is complex, careful study of the comparative evidence, beginning with the eighteenth-century transcripts, A and B, allows us to reach reasonable conclusions.
摘要贝奥武夫的第二位抄写员经常在信的开头用一个粗的落笔,就像字母一样,他在信的后面加了一个有时比落笔细的头和舌头。在一些损坏的对开本上,是否应该将某个字母本身或其头部和舌头非常模糊或完全消失的残余部分阅读是有争议的。此外,关于fols。179和198v,后来的一手,试图追溯晦涩的字母,偶尔会恢复一封信,就像古地理证据所暗示的那样。在其他地方,后来的手恢复了一封没有证据的信,但在哪里是可以预料的。尽管赞成和反对的问题很复杂,但从18世纪的抄本A和B开始,仔细研究比较证据,可以得出合理的结论。
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引用次数: 0
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Anglo-Saxon England
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