Pub Date : 2020-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675122000072
Sam Leggett, T. Lambert
ABSTRACT This work tackles long held assumptions in both archaeology and history surrounding elite diets in early medieval England i.e., that higher status individuals had a more meat-heavy diet and that this was especially true for males. We utilise the largest isotopic dataset on early medieval diets to date to show that not only were high protein diets extremely rare in England before Scandinavian settlement, but that dietary differences cannot be linked to gender or social status from the funerary record. Comparisons with the calculations made in our companion article and the bioarchaeological evidence demonstrate further that the lists of food demanded by eighth-century kings were not the basis for regular elite diet, and that these texts probably represent the supplies for infrequent feasts.
{"title":"Food and Power in Early Medieval England: a Lack of (Isotopic) Enrichment","authors":"Sam Leggett, T. Lambert","doi":"10.1017/S0263675122000072","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675122000072","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This work tackles long held assumptions in both archaeology and history surrounding elite diets in early medieval England i.e., that higher status individuals had a more meat-heavy diet and that this was especially true for males. We utilise the largest isotopic dataset on early medieval diets to date to show that not only were high protein diets extremely rare in England before Scandinavian settlement, but that dietary differences cannot be linked to gender or social status from the funerary record. Comparisons with the calculations made in our companion article and the bioarchaeological evidence demonstrate further that the lists of food demanded by eighth-century kings were not the basis for regular elite diet, and that these texts probably represent the supplies for infrequent feasts.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43149785","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675122000102
H. Imhoff
ABSTRACT Hessisches Staatsarchiv Marburg Hr 2,19 is a recently described fragment of the abridged version of Cassiodorus’s Expositio psalmorum, as found in Durham, Cathedral Library, MS. B II. 30. In the past, it has been debated whether the abridged commentary ever existed in more than one copy, the focus being on the relationship between the fragment Landesbibliothek Düsseldorf K16:Z03/01 and Durham MS. B II. 30. This note argues that Hr 2,19 provides evidence that at least three or perhaps four copies existed. An appendix provides a transcription, images of the fragment, commentary on variants, and corrections made in Hr 2,19 and the Durham manuscript.
摘要Hessisches Staatsarchiv Marburg Hr 2,19是最近描述的卡西奥多鲁的《启示录》节略版的片段，见于达勒姆大教堂图书馆，MS B II。30.过去，人们一直在争论节略评注是否存在于不止一份副本中，重点是碎片Landesbilithek Düsseldorf K16:Z03/01和Durham MS B.II之间的关系。30.本说明认为，Hr 2,19提供了至少存在三份或四份副本的证据。附录提供了转录、片段图像、变体评论以及Hr 2,19和达勒姆手稿中的更正。
{"title":"A Further Fragment of the Abridged Version of Cassiodorus’s Commentary on the Psalms","authors":"H. Imhoff","doi":"10.1017/S0263675122000102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675122000102","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Hessisches Staatsarchiv Marburg Hr 2,19 is a recently described fragment of the abridged version of Cassiodorus’s Expositio psalmorum, as found in Durham, Cathedral Library, MS. B II. 30. In the past, it has been debated whether the abridged commentary ever existed in more than one copy, the focus being on the relationship between the fragment Landesbibliothek Düsseldorf K16:Z03/01 and Durham MS. B II. 30. This note argues that Hr 2,19 provides evidence that at least three or perhaps four copies existed. An appendix provides a transcription, images of the fragment, commentary on variants, and corrections made in Hr 2,19 and the Durham manuscript.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49589757","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675122000126
Samuel Cardwell
ABSTRACT The Old English quasi-legal text Be wifmannes beweddunge (‘On the betrothal of a woman’) is a key source for understanding how marriages were contracted in late Anglo-Saxon England. This paper will use the nine clauses of Be wifmannes beweddunge as a window into a broader discussion of the Anglo-Saxon betrothal and wedding process. It will consider in turn the issue of licit and illicit unions, the economic and legal terms of the betrothal agreement, and the development of Christian wedding rites. It will argue that Be wifmannes beweddunge is fundamentally concerned with the legal, financial, physical and social protection of women within marriage. Moreover, it will argue that this text offers evidence for a gradual Christianisation of betrothal and wedding customs in late Anglo-Saxon England.
{"title":"Be wifmannes beweddunge: Betrothals and Weddings in Anglo-Saxon England","authors":"Samuel Cardwell","doi":"10.1017/S0263675122000126","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675122000126","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Old English quasi-legal text Be wifmannes beweddunge (‘On the betrothal of a woman’) is a key source for understanding how marriages were contracted in late Anglo-Saxon England. This paper will use the nine clauses of Be wifmannes beweddunge as a window into a broader discussion of the Anglo-Saxon betrothal and wedding process. It will consider in turn the issue of licit and illicit unions, the economic and legal terms of the betrothal agreement, and the development of Christian wedding rites. It will argue that Be wifmannes beweddunge is fundamentally concerned with the legal, financial, physical and social protection of women within marriage. Moreover, it will argue that this text offers evidence for a gradual Christianisation of betrothal and wedding customs in late Anglo-Saxon England.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42930662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675122000138
J. Blair
ABSTRACT This paper aims to demystify the concept of bookland, and to suggest that it matters less for understanding what was distinctive about early England than historians have often supposed. The first part emphasises diplomas as beneficiary-led symbols of culture and status rather than instruments of royal policy. As the primary monastic context faded during the ninth century, so did the distinctive aspects of bookland. By c. 950, bōcland could translate fundus or simply terra, and thereafter diplomas had little effective function beyond signalling the status of landowner and thegn: bookland was absorbed into straightforward allodial possession. In the second part, it is argued that large areas of eastern England never had lay bookland tenure at all, though there was a limited extension of diploma use into parts of the east midlands after c. 940. Rather than a homogeneous Anglo-Saxon charter tradition, we should envisage distinct traditions in the south and west reflecting Italian, Frankish and Brittonic influences. Eastern England, by contrast, faced the North Sea, Scandinavia and the Low Countries: like other English regions it had a high monastic culture during c. 670–800, and that could have included diplomas, but its main documentary tradition is likely to have been more vernacular and decentralized.
{"title":"The Limits of Bookland","authors":"J. Blair","doi":"10.1017/S0263675122000138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675122000138","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper aims to demystify the concept of bookland, and to suggest that it matters less for understanding what was distinctive about early England than historians have often supposed. The first part emphasises diplomas as beneficiary-led symbols of culture and status rather than instruments of royal policy. As the primary monastic context faded during the ninth century, so did the distinctive aspects of bookland. By c. 950, bōcland could translate fundus or simply terra, and thereafter diplomas had little effective function beyond signalling the status of landowner and thegn: bookland was absorbed into straightforward allodial possession. In the second part, it is argued that large areas of eastern England never had lay bookland tenure at all, though there was a limited extension of diploma use into parts of the east midlands after c. 940. Rather than a homogeneous Anglo-Saxon charter tradition, we should envisage distinct traditions in the south and west reflecting Italian, Frankish and Brittonic influences. Eastern England, by contrast, faced the North Sea, Scandinavia and the Low Countries: like other English regions it had a high monastic culture during c. 670–800, and that could have included diplomas, but its main documentary tradition is likely to have been more vernacular and decentralized.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47429150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675121000041
Robert K. Upchurch
Abstract Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 190 (CCCC 190) contains an Ash Wednesday entry into public penance and a Maundy Thursday reconciliation of penitents as well as two Old English sermons translated from them. The sermons were added to the manuscript at Exeter during Bishop Leofric’s tenure (1050–72), and the rites were recopied into one of his pontificals, London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius A. vii, where the Ash Wednesday service was also revised into a unique, previously unrecognized, standalone rite. This article examines the manuscript evidence for Leofric’s interest in these unique rites and sermons, and suggests that they might have been useful to him in the wake of the Norman Conquest. Because of their uniqueness and proposed historical relevance to post-Conquest Exeter, the article concludes with editions of the rites from Vitellius A. vii and the sermons from CCCC 190, which are printed together for the first time.
{"title":"An Anglo-Saxon bishop, his book and two battles: Leofric of Exeter and liturgical performance as pastoral care","authors":"Robert K. Upchurch","doi":"10.1017/S0263675121000041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675121000041","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 190 (CCCC 190) contains an Ash Wednesday entry into public penance and a Maundy Thursday reconciliation of penitents as well as two Old English sermons translated from them. The sermons were added to the manuscript at Exeter during Bishop Leofric’s tenure (1050–72), and the rites were recopied into one of his pontificals, London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius A. vii, where the Ash Wednesday service was also revised into a unique, previously unrecognized, standalone rite. This article examines the manuscript evidence for Leofric’s interest in these unique rites and sermons, and suggests that they might have been useful to him in the wake of the Norman Conquest. Because of their uniqueness and proposed historical relevance to post-Conquest Exeter, the article concludes with editions of the rites from Vitellius A. vii and the sermons from CCCC 190, which are printed together for the first time.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44940135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675121000053
Neil Mcguigan
Abstract The established view of the Viking-Age Northumbrian Church has never been substantiated with verifiably contemporary evidence but is an inheritance from one strand of ‘historical research’ produced in post-Conquest England. Originating c. 1100, the strand we have come to associate with Symeon of Durham places the relics and see of Cuthbert at Chester-le-Street from the 880s until a move to Durham in the 990s. By contrast, other guidance, including Viking-Age material, can be read to suggest that Cuthbert was at Norham on the river Tweed and did not come to Durham or even Wearside until after 1013. Further, our earliest guidance indicates that the four-see Northumbrian episcopate still lay intact until at least the time of Æthelstan (r. 924–39). The article ends by seeking to understand the origins of the diocese of Durham and its historical relationship with both Chester-le-Street and Norham in a later context than hitherto sought.
{"title":"Cuthbert’s relics and the origins of the diocese of Durham","authors":"Neil Mcguigan","doi":"10.1017/S0263675121000053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675121000053","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The established view of the Viking-Age Northumbrian Church has never been substantiated with verifiably contemporary evidence but is an inheritance from one strand of ‘historical research’ produced in post-Conquest England. Originating c. 1100, the strand we have come to associate with Symeon of Durham places the relics and see of Cuthbert at Chester-le-Street from the 880s until a move to Durham in the 990s. By contrast, other guidance, including Viking-Age material, can be read to suggest that Cuthbert was at Norham on the river Tweed and did not come to Durham or even Wearside until after 1013. Further, our earliest guidance indicates that the four-see Northumbrian episcopate still lay intact until at least the time of Æthelstan (r. 924–39). The article ends by seeking to understand the origins of the diocese of Durham and its historical relationship with both Chester-le-Street and Norham in a later context than hitherto sought.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46516394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675121000028
S. Keynes, William A. MacKay, R. Naismith
A further example of an Agnus Dei penny recently surfaced at a London auction.1 It was found in 2018 by a metal-detectorist, in south Lincolnshire. It is the twenty-second recorded example struck from Agnus Dei obverse and reverse dies, and takes the total of surviving specimens, including the two known mules with the Last Short Cross type, to twenty-four. The new coin is well preserved, without piercing, mounting or pecking, but is chipped between two and five o’clock. Both the mint, Leicester, and the moneyer, Æthelwig, are already known for the Agnus Dei type;2 it is in fact a die-duplicate of the other known coin of Æthelwig.3 The new coin brings the number of known examples for Leicester to four, and adds a second example for the moneyer. Allowing for the chip, the weight of 1.46g is consistent with the c. 1.75g noted for more complete examples.
{"title":"A further Agnus Dei penny of King Æthelred the Unready","authors":"S. Keynes, William A. MacKay, R. Naismith","doi":"10.1017/S0263675121000028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675121000028","url":null,"abstract":"A further example of an Agnus Dei penny recently surfaced at a London auction.1 It was found in 2018 by a metal-detectorist, in south Lincolnshire. It is the twenty-second recorded example struck from Agnus Dei obverse and reverse dies, and takes the total of surviving specimens, including the two known mules with the Last Short Cross type, to twenty-four. The new coin is well preserved, without piercing, mounting or pecking, but is chipped between two and five o’clock. Both the mint, Leicester, and the moneyer, Æthelwig, are already known for the Agnus Dei type;2 it is in fact a die-duplicate of the other known coin of Æthelwig.3 The new coin brings the number of known examples for Leicester to four, and adds a second example for the moneyer. Allowing for the chip, the weight of 1.46g is consistent with the c. 1.75g noted for more complete examples.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46062065","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S026367512100003X
Emily Kesling
Abstract Bald’s Leechbook, the most famous of the Old English medical collections, derives its name from a colophon in Latin hexameter verse that occurs on the final folio of the collection. Previous scholarly attention to the colophon has been nearly entirely directed at discerning the relationship of two named figures (Bald and Cild) and their role (if any) in the creation of Bald’s Leechbook. Yet given the rarity of verse colophons in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts and the unusual placement of this text at the end of a technical work in Old English, these verses also deserve study for their place within the larger genre of poetic colophons and framing texts from Anglo-Saxon England. This article examines for the first time the form of the colophon and its character as a work of Anglo-Latin verse as well as its relationship with the vernacular prefatory tradition associated with King Alfred.
{"title":"The artistry of Bald’s colophon: Latin verse in an Old English medical codex","authors":"Emily Kesling","doi":"10.1017/S026367512100003X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S026367512100003X","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Bald’s Leechbook, the most famous of the Old English medical collections, derives its name from a colophon in Latin hexameter verse that occurs on the final folio of the collection. Previous scholarly attention to the colophon has been nearly entirely directed at discerning the relationship of two named figures (Bald and Cild) and their role (if any) in the creation of Bald’s Leechbook. Yet given the rarity of verse colophons in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts and the unusual placement of this text at the end of a technical work in Old English, these verses also deserve study for their place within the larger genre of poetic colophons and framing texts from Anglo-Saxon England. This article examines for the first time the form of the colophon and its character as a work of Anglo-Latin verse as well as its relationship with the vernacular prefatory tradition associated with King Alfred.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44791976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675121000077
S. Burdorff
Abstract This article proposes ‘military standard’ or ‘banner’, OE segn, as the solution to the problematic Exeter Book Riddle 55 (Ic seah in healle…). The solution addresses each of the clues offered by the riddle-poet, using an object with attested sociocultural significance to the early English people. In so doing, it attempts to resolve several longstanding critical questions surrounding the riddle, and highlights some of the sociocultural insights to be gained from this riddle-solution pair.
摘要本文提出了“军事标准”或“旗帜”，OE segn，作为有问题的Exeter Book Riddle 55（Ic-seah in healle…）的解决方案。该解决方案解决了谜语诗人提供的每一条线索，使用了一个对早期英国人具有社会文化意义的物体。通过这样做，它试图解决围绕谜题的几个长期存在的关键问题，并强调了从这对谜题解决方案中获得的一些社会文化见解。
{"title":"Segn of the times: a new solution for Exeter Riddle 55","authors":"S. Burdorff","doi":"10.1017/S0263675121000077","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675121000077","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article proposes ‘military standard’ or ‘banner’, OE segn, as the solution to the problematic Exeter Book Riddle 55 (Ic seah in healle…). The solution addresses each of the clues offered by the riddle-poet, using an object with attested sociocultural significance to the early English people. In so doing, it attempts to resolve several longstanding critical questions surrounding the riddle, and highlights some of the sociocultural insights to be gained from this riddle-solution pair.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49437057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S0263675122000035
Amy Faulkner
Abstract The metrical sections of the Old English Boethius have traditionally been regarded as little more than mechanical versifications of the relevant portions of the entirely prose version. This article, however, argues that The Metres of Boethius present an ambitious psychological discourse. The adaptations made during the versification process allow the poet to expand upon the prose source and place greater emphasis on the care of the inner mind. The model of the mind in the Metres owes much to the tradition of vernacular poetry, in which the mind is a separate, wilful part of the self, in need of restraint. Yet the Metres are also indebted to the tradition of their ultimate Latin source, in which the mind has the ability and, indeed, the responsibility, to monitor its own inner depths. This article demonstrates that the Metres-poet engages with both traditions, crafting a strikingly original model of the mind.
{"title":"Seeking within the self in The Metres of Boethius","authors":"Amy Faulkner","doi":"10.1017/S0263675122000035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0263675122000035","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The metrical sections of the Old English Boethius have traditionally been regarded as little more than mechanical versifications of the relevant portions of the entirely prose version. This article, however, argues that The Metres of Boethius present an ambitious psychological discourse. The adaptations made during the versification process allow the poet to expand upon the prose source and place greater emphasis on the care of the inner mind. The model of the mind in the Metres owes much to the tradition of vernacular poetry, in which the mind is a separate, wilful part of the self, in need of restraint. Yet the Metres are also indebted to the tradition of their ultimate Latin source, in which the mind has the ability and, indeed, the responsibility, to monitor its own inner depths. This article demonstrates that the Metres-poet engages with both traditions, crafting a strikingly original model of the mind.","PeriodicalId":80459,"journal":{"name":"Anglo-Saxon England","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45395057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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