Antipode最新文献

One of the primary mechanisms used to regulate short-term rentals (STRs) is the creation of a registry. However, far from being a measure to mitigate the impact of this market, we argue that by issuing licences, governments have effectively transformed STRs into legally protected assets, giving landlords and investors the stability to operate as legitimate businesses. Using Lisbon as a case study—where 60 out of every 100 dwellings in the city's oldest area hold an STR title and are therefore considered “legal”—we discuss how Portuguese regulation has sought to integrate the informal into the legal and formal sectors. This reflects a neoliberal strategy that ultimately incorporates STRs into the broader post-2008 financialisation of rental housing. Based on our findings, we propose that regulatory measures can be employed to mitigate and curb the expansion of this market.

J.C. Mariátegui believed Indo-American socialism would be neither calque nor copy, but heroic creation. This article explores an attempt at heroic creation in 1970s Peru: the Self-Managed Urban Commune of Villa El Salvador (Villa). Putting Marxism in conversation with decolonial theory, I argue Villa shows universality and particularity can be reconciled under socialism. Founded in 1971 as a settlement for Peru's informal working class, Villa married an ultra-modernist urban plan with long-standing indigenous traditions. Villa was soon constituted as a self-managed urban commune inspired by socialist Yugoslavia and the rural Andes. The society that emerged aspired to be radically democratic and democratically radical. Social organisation was active from the lowest levels while the left flourished alongside an impressive women's movement. An ethos of solidarity permeated Villa. Although Villa's socialist experiment eventually faltered, its early history shows how to reconcile planning and self-management, socialism and indigeneity, and, indeed, universality and particularity.

This article examines the role of entrepreneurial capacity-building programmes in the peripheral communities of Rio de Janeiro and East Jerusalem. It analyses how neoliberal social policies advance settler colonial objectives in Global South urban spaces. These initiatives are framed as technical interventions designed to integrate surplus subaltern populations into the market, portraying entrepreneurial training as a means for individuals to meet economic needs and overcome racism. Entrepreneurial practices are shown to operate as key survival strategies for subaltern populations. However, the article argues that such programmes fail to address structural inequalities; instead, they promote individual self-governance and undermine community solidarity. Functioning as a counterinsurgency strategy, entrepreneurship serves to pacify subaltern groups into a productive working class under neoliberalism. It enables colonisers to govern not only through coercion but also through co-optation. Yet, the effectiveness of these programmes as counterinsurgency tools is limited by the ongoing genocidal state violence.

This essay investigates hegemonic knowledge production that has re-enacted anti-Black policy/policing interventions and interrogates its complicity in continuous efforts to control and suppress Black politics in contemporary Portugal. The author engages with Black geographies studies and recent literature on anti-racism, legal struggles, and Black resistance to policing in order to expand our analysis of anti-Black violence and the predicaments of Black youth resistance in European urban contexts. Drawing on an analysis of complaints against police brutality in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area, this piece examines knowledge production about “the integration of minorities”, “prevention of youth delinquency”, and “social problems and crime” in the justice system and academia, and demonstrates the connections between different sites of white control. The author seeks to foreground Black youth struggles for racial justice and the assertion of their spatial experiences in an environment that forces them to navigate and respond to dominant policy frames.

Shifting class compositions and the fragmentations of localised workforces are key developments for labour struggle. This paper argues that two major, interlinked processes are central to these fragmentations: the multiplication of labour through border capitalism and the devaluation of racialised labour under racial capitalism. Through ethnographic fieldwork, this article excavates the experiences of recently migrated Filipino nurses within a union-led strike campaign in a large German hospital, and how their condition of precarity, produced by these structural processes, shapes their collective agency and response within a specific labour struggle. The paper discusses the precarity of the nurses’ residency, recognition, and reproduction, as well as their self-organisation to strike. It also reveals the ambivalences in the modes of their representation by the union campaign in order to further the debate on how to approach the idea of a unified political subject in labour struggles: by incorporating racialised migrant workers’ border struggles.

This paper documents the application of private property logics to social housing in Hungary. It achieves this through a discourse analysis of public media and various district government newsletters published between 1994 and 2000 in the lead-up to the passage of anti-squatting legislation known as Lex Juharos. As I aim to demonstrate, the dehumanisation of Roma through anti-squatting discourse was crucial in the expansion of private property logics to the social housing system. Drawing on recent scholarship at the intersection of racial capitalism and critical property studies, I develop the concept of racial governmentality to account for the shifting norms of proprietorship germane to the Hungarian context that condition the citizen-subject to the racialised violence of displacement necessary for the functioning of a capitalist housing market. As I show, the state mobilised multiple racial governmentalities, namely the dog-whistle and surveillance, to facilitate social housing's commodification.

Infrastructures aimed at stimulating economic growth may be collectively termed “growth infrastructures”. In India, they anticipate accumulation through investments and unleash appropriation through a spiralling “rentier economy”. This paper draws on research around Dholera smart city in Gujarat; the experience with special economic zones nationally and in Goa; and national data on key accumulation processes such as manufacturing and construction. My analyses reveal three distinct but overlapping moments of rent appropriation around growth infrastructures, the inaugural moment of project announcement; the subsequent moment of land allotments to capital; and the third moment of development, lease, and sale. A key contradiction unfolds as growth infrastructures develop: value appropriation from land rent intensifies, but anticipated accumulation from investments remains elusive. National data indicate that the share of manufacturing has not risen in decades, and the so-called construction boom is predominantly rural. India's growth infrastructures engender value relations of “appropriation without adequate accumulation”.

This study engages with urban spaces of crisis solidarity through the case of Oxford Mutual Aid (OMA). Providing food under an ethic of care and solidarity, OMA's everyday practices contest the neoliberal order by opening material, relational, and imaginative space to enact and envision alternative ways of being. At the same time, OMA embodies the tensions of interstitial urban movements struggling to sustain non-hierarchical forms of organisation within a hostile political-economic landscape. Their capacity for more transformative or agonistic politics is structurally constrained by the very conditions they seek to address, leading to an emphasis on social reproduction over overt political disruption. I centre this paradox in the recurring phrase that OMA “shouldn't exist”, reading it as a powerful discursive and material critique of the status quo, a foundation for solidaristic socio-material relations, and an ambiguous, yet open, gesture toward more just and caring political futures.

US grocery retailers, drawing on faulty data and vague assertions, claim that shoplifting has become an epidemic since 2020 and have been organising to call for more policing. In retail trade publications, grocery industry representatives narrate shoplifting as a direct result of criminal justice reforms that threaten their businesses. In these moments, grocery retailer dependence on systems on policing come out into the open, troubling perceptions of grocery stores as benign or beneficial, as they are often represented in policy literature on food deserts. The history of grocery retailers’ broader entanglements with race, place, and policing helps us see grocery stores as contested spaces of enclosure that play a crucial role in maintaining a food system characterised by hunger amidst plenty. Seeing grocery stores as spaces of enclosure dependent on policing asks us to imagine something different—to expand our thinking of what abolitionist food systems might look like.

The Riau Islands in Indonesia, Southeast Asia are an emerging green energy frontier. This paper shows the long-term making of this frontier. Through qualitative research, I trace colonial machinations for the capture of agrarian and mineral resources, postcolonial Cold War manoeuvres for the procurement of oil, and the contemporary quest for natural gas, sand, and green energy. Processes of resource extraction have systematically sidelined people and place for capital accumulation, facilitated by the state. This has resulted in unrest, with the effect of boosting the heavy-handed state that is required to continually step in to control and settle the so-called frontier. As the world looks towards viable spaces for the generation of green energy, it is crucial to interrogate the long in the making sacrificial zones, particularly in the Global South, which are expected to produce our collective salvation from the climate crisis.