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Micro-Strategies of Resistance 微观抵抗策略
H. Stratford
Micro-strategies of resistance are particular confrontations with and resistances to the local impositions of dominating power. These incremental moves are not assembled from direct confrontations but rather operate as discrete traces within a plurality of resistances. Through a feminist critique this paper explores the implications that such an approach to resistance practices may hold for a feminist project in terms of intersections of power relations and spatial practice.Micro-strategies: space and architectureThe practice of all architects is to some extent an interpretation of the context in which they are located, whether this interpretation takes the form of tacit or explicit representation. This theoretical paper has evolved from research which explores the work of various architects and groups who, in the early 1980s, questioned political and/or professional orthodoxies in architecture around them. The scope of that larger study stretches wide, geographically and politically, including a number of countries in political transition such as South Africa, Russia, Romania and East Germany. The groups studied include the Paper Architects, Utopica, Form-Trans-Inform and Matrix.(2)The enterprises of the kind I have explored tend to be politically motivated since they respond to the social and/or cultural condition within which they are situated, even if the material itself cannot, by definition, be strictly political. As Fredric Jameson writes, "No work of art or culture can set out to be political once and for all...for there can never be any guarantee it will be used in the way it demands."(3) In other words, even though a political reading can be made of the work, the work of art is "in itself inert."(4) In fact, in all the cases I have studied it is less the architecture or the art form which is deemed to be the ongoing location of protest than the actual act of creating them.My search for these hidden practices was governed by a desire to study the response to an obliteration of opportunity either in actual building processes or in wider forms of expression. Such a search can prove arduous. Those practices which do not fit the stereotypes understood by mainstream culture tend never to make it into the media where their message might be disseminated, and can therefore be destined to obscurity. Through this research it became apparent that the nature of resistance is not always "radical" but sometimes needs to be indirect: as said before, composed of subtle slippages and subversions.It is exactly these slippages and subversions that Steve Pile describes in Geographies of Resistance as "tiny micro-movements of resistance" (Pile, p. 29), assembled from the materials and practices of everyday life, that so strongly resonate with the views of Michel Foucault. In Power/Knowledge Foucault comments, "Power is employed and exercised through a netlike organisation. And not only do individuals circulate between its threads; they are always in the posi
抵抗的微观策略是对支配权力的地方强加的特殊对抗和抵抗。这些渐进式的行动不是由直接对抗组合而成的,而是在多重抵抗中作为离散的痕迹运作的。本文通过对女权主义的批判,探讨了在权力关系和空间实践的交叉点上,这种抵抗实践的方法对女权主义项目的意义。微观策略:空间和建筑所有建筑师的实践在某种程度上都是对他们所处环境的一种解释,无论这种解释是隐性的还是显性的。这篇理论论文是从对20世纪80年代早期不同建筑师和团体的工作的研究演变而来的,这些建筑师和团体质疑他们周围建筑的政治和/或专业正统。这项规模更大的研究的范围在地理和政治上都很广,包括南非、俄罗斯、罗马尼亚和东德等一些处于政治转型期的国家。研究的团体包括Paper Architects、Utopica、Form-Trans-Inform和Matrix。(2)我所探索的这类企业往往具有政治动机,因为它们对它们所处的社会和/或文化条件做出了反应,即使材料本身根据定义不能严格地具有政治意义。正如弗雷德里克·詹姆森(frederic Jameson)所写,“任何艺术或文化作品都不可能一劳永逸地成为政治作品……(3)换句话说,即使可以对作品进行政治解读,艺术作品“本身是惰性的”。(4)事实上,在我所研究的所有案例中,与其说建筑或艺术形式被认为是正在进行的抗议场所,不如说是创造它们的实际行为。我对这些隐藏的实践的探索是由一种愿望支配的,即研究在实际的建筑过程中或在更广泛的表达形式中对机会消失的反应。这样的搜索可能是艰苦的。那些不符合主流文化所理解的陈规定型观念的做法往往永远不会进入传播其信息的媒介,因此可能注定默默无闻。通过这项研究,很明显,抵抗的本质并不总是“激进的”,有时需要是间接的:如前所述,由微妙的滑动和颠覆组成。正是这些滑动和颠覆,史蒂夫·派尔在《抵抗地理学》中描述为“微小的抵抗运动”(派尔,第29页),从日常生活的材料和实践中聚集起来,与米歇尔·福柯的观点产生了强烈的共鸣。在《权力/知识》中,福柯评论道:“权力是通过一个网状的组织来运用和行使的。不仅个人在它的线程之间循环;他们总是处于同时承受和行使这种权力的地位。(5)因此,对于福柯来说,权力从来没有在全球范围内完全表达,只是在“无尽的权力关系网络”中作为“微权力”在无数的地方点上表达。(6)福柯解释说,“推翻这些微权力并不遵守全部或无的法则。”(7)这样,正如David Couzens-Hoy在他的文章《权力、压抑、进步》中敏锐地观察到的那样:变化不是通过立即改变整体而发生的,而是通过在它们表现出来的特定点上抵抗不公正而发生的。(8)通过全景机制,福柯著名地将他的权力概念扩展到权力/空间关系。然而,这种关系不能特别局限于建筑空间。通过将身体和空间结合起来,福柯的全景观,正如他所描述的那样,是一种“广义功能”:“一种使权力关系在功能中发挥作用,并通过这些权力关系使功能发挥作用的方式。”…
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引用次数: 9
[The Second Greatest Disappointment: Honeymooning & Tourism at Niagara Falls] [第二大失望:在尼亚加拉大瀑布度蜜月和旅游]
Karen Dubinsky, Catherine Kellogg
Karen Dubinsky's The Second Greatest Disappointment is feminist history at its most fun. It brings a fresh and yet substantive account of the politics of heterosexuality to bear on one of its most cherished institutions: the honeymoon. Along the way, it questions received accounts of the falls, tourism, the wedding, the politics of race, class and sexual orientation and leaves on stone unturned. Simultaneously cultural studies, popular history and political economy, this book brings something new to each of its areas of concern. Because the method here is interdisplinary and holistic, this book is a satisfying historical romp.Characterizing Niagara Falls as a theme park for heterosexuality, Dubinsky turns her eye on the increasing disciplinary knowledge unleashed on the practices of the honeymoon over the last century. With its roots in the "wedding tour" of the British ruling class of the nineteenth century, the honeymoon was originally a way for the new couple to meet far- flung family members unable to attend the wedding. In this sense, its roots were not explicitly sexual, but rather a way to cement family ties. At the end of the nineteenth century, then, the honeymoon tour was the exclusive preserve of the privileged and the wealthy. However as the century matured, it became do rigueur for middle and working class couples to travel to exotic locations after the wedding. And in the wake of psychoanalysis, with the erotic as the presumed "core" of the emerging modern individual, sexual compatibility became an important ingredient in married life for the first time. The increasing availability of mass transportation as well as these changing social and sexual mores meant that "honeymoon" became a sly reference to the unspeakable: sex, and lots of it.Thus, throughout its transformations, the honeymoon attracted experts whose task it was to distinguish between normalcy and deviancy. Doctors, psychiatrists, counsellors and other marriage experts turned their gaze on the practices of honeymooning in an effort to regulate, discipline and control married sex. As these experts pointed out, many possible dangers lurked inside the presumed ignorance of the newly wed -- such conditions as honeymoon shock, impotence, exhaustion and hysteria -- and these opening night disasters could lead to marital disharmony. Happy honeymoons were more than simply devices to begin married life; the fate of the family, and indeed the nation, was at stake. In this sense then, the case presented in this book shows in fascinating detail the ways that the ideologies of gender and of the presumed "naturalness" of married heterosex are thoroughly worked up through strategies of governance that pinpoint what appears to be the deepest most natural thing in the world. As the story Dubinsky tells unfolds, the point that "sexuality, like gender, is learned, acquired, ritualized and performed" finds a compelling new case study (p. …
卡伦·杜宾斯基的《第二大失望》是女权主义历史中最有趣的一部。它为异性恋者最珍视的制度之一——蜜月——带来了一种新鲜而又实质性的政治描述。一路上,我收到了关于瀑布、旅游、婚礼、种族政治、阶级和性取向的问题,以及未被翻过的石头上的树叶。同时,文化研究,流行历史和政治经济学,这本书带来了一些新的东西,每一个领域的关注。因为这里的方法是跨学科的和整体的,这本书是一个令人满意的历史玩笑。杜宾斯基将尼亚加拉大瀑布描绘成异性恋的主题公园,她将目光转向了上个世纪在蜜月实践中释放出来的越来越多的学科知识。蜜月起源于19世纪英国统治阶级的“婚礼之旅”,最初是新婚夫妇与远方无法参加婚礼的家庭成员见面的一种方式。从这个意义上说,它的根源并不是明确的性,而是一种巩固家庭关系的方式。因此,在19世纪末,蜜月旅行是特权阶层和富人的专属。然而,随着20世纪的成熟,中产阶级和工人阶级的夫妇在婚礼后去异国他乡旅行已成为一种礼节。随着精神分析的兴起,情爱被认为是新兴现代个体的“核心”,性相容性第一次成为婚姻生活的重要组成部分。大众交通工具的日益普及,以及社会和性观念的变化,意味着“蜜月”变成了对难以启齿的事情的狡喻:性,而且是大量的性。因此,在整个转型过程中,蜜月期吸引了专家,他们的任务是区分正常与异常。医生、精神科医生、咨询师和其他婚姻专家将目光转向了蜜月行为,试图规范、约束和控制婚后性行为。正如这些专家指出的那样,许多潜在的危险潜伏在新婚夫妇的无知之中——比如蜜月震惊、阳痿、疲惫和歇斯底里——这些首夜灾难可能导致婚姻不和谐。幸福的蜜月不仅仅是婚后生活的开始;这个家庭乃至整个国家的命运岌岌可危。从这个意义上说,这本书中的案例以迷人的细节展示了性别意识形态和假定的已婚异性恋的“自然性”是如何通过治理策略彻底地制定出来的,这些策略指出了世界上最深刻、最自然的事情。随着杜宾斯基讲述的故事的展开,“性,就像性别一样,是学习、获得、仪式化和表演的”这一点找到了一个令人信服的新案例研究(p. ...)
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引用次数: 1
Skin-bleaching: poison, beauty, power, and the politics of the colour line. 皮肤漂白:毒药、美丽、权力和肤色界线的政治。
A Mire
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引用次数: 0
HOW SHOULD I READ THESE? Native Women Writers in Canada 我该怎么读这些?加拿大本土女作家
Helen Hoy, L. Fitznor
HOW SHOULD I READ THESE? Native Women Writers in Canada Helen Hoy Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001; 264 pp. How Should I Read These? Native Women Writers in Canada is a book I found refreshingly different from the usual ways that Aboriginal issues and writing get taken up by non-Aboriginal readers. It offers a respectful request to honour the sustaining power of resistance, resilience, and defiance. The analysis Helen Hoy draws on (postcolonial, feminist, poststructuralist and First Nations theory) underscores the importance of cultural-specific, insider-knowledge, and the need to reclaim, renew, and restore our voices. It also critiques the markings of Euro-legacies: colonialism, cultural genocide, oppressions, and Eurocentric dominance that are the maps to understanding Native writers. Throughout, Hoy respectfully examines a "variety of prose works by Native women writers in Canada" (p. 11) whose own sense and significance of their works are clearly different from mainstream narratives. Hoy takes a critical look at ways non-Aboriginal readers, reviewers, and teachers, as cultural outsiders, have often inappropriately critiqued literature written by Aboriginal women. She critiques the reviewers for their lack of sensitivities and sensibilities to the differences that separate Aboriginal women writers and non-Aboriginal reviewers. Through her complex critical analysis she is thorough in demonstrating how the Native Women writers' works have been misunderstood and dislocated when using western Eurocentric filters to explore distinctly unique bodies of work. By her own admission, Hoy discusses in details her own intentions and the practice of her stance as cultural outsider and the possible pitfalls of reading Aboriginal Women's literature through colonial, Eurocentric, hegemonic, and western elitist lenses. She offers a clear stance regarding her outsider role: a place where a lot of self-reflective behaviour is needed. She raises thoughtful and provocative questions for non-Native educators and academics to consider when working with this body of works. Drawing from personal examples of her own life of reading non-Aboriginal critiques of Native women's literature, she exposes and critiques the "othering" practices of cultural appropriation and Eurocentrism that abound. She raises many questions and brings to light the need for understanding cultural sensitivity, personal and professional biases, insider-outsider political tensions, and the complicated spaces on the borders of reading about writings that are not culturally understood. For me, Hoy's positioning of herself as an example of how she tried to understand reading with respect, becomes a "teaching" for individuals who engage with Aboriginal Women's writing. They ought to understand and critique their own positionality and find ways to work in a respectful and informed way without "othering" Aboriginal writers. Hoy shows how this delicate balance can be achieved in challenging et
我该怎么读这些?加拿大本土女作家海伦·霍伊多伦多:多伦多大学出版社,2001;264页,我该怎么读?《加拿大土著女作家》这本书让我耳目一新,它不同于非土著读者关注土著问题和写作的惯常方式。它提出了一种尊重的请求,以尊重抵抗、恢复和反抗的持久力量。海伦·霍伊借鉴的分析(后殖民主义、女权主义、后结构主义和原住民理论)强调了文化特异性、内部知识的重要性,以及收回、更新和恢复我们声音的必要性。它还批评了欧洲遗产的标志:殖民主义、文化种族灭绝、压迫和欧洲中心统治,这些都是理解本土作家的地图。在整个过程中,霍伊恭恭恭恭地考察了“加拿大土著女作家的各种散文作品”(第11页),她们的作品本身的意义和意义明显不同于主流叙事。霍伊以批判的眼光审视非土著读者、评论家和教师,作为文化局外人,经常不恰当地批评土著妇女所写的文学作品。她批评评论家对原住民女性作家和非原住民女性评论家之间的差异缺乏敏感性和敏感性。通过她复杂的批判性分析,她彻底地展示了本土女性作家的作品是如何被误解和错位的,当用西欧为中心的过滤器来探索独特的作品时。霍伊自己也承认,她详细讨论了自己的意图和她作为文化局外人的立场,以及通过殖民主义、欧洲中心主义、霸权主义和西方精英主义的视角来阅读土著妇女文学可能存在的陷阱。对于自己的局外人角色,她给出了一个明确的立场:一个需要大量自我反思行为的地方。她提出了一些发人深省的问题,供非土著教育工作者和学者在处理这些作品时考虑。从她自己阅读非土著对土著妇女文学的批评的个人生活中,她揭露和批评了大量的文化挪用和欧洲中心主义的“他者”做法。她提出了许多问题,并揭示了理解文化敏感性、个人和职业偏见、局内人与局外人之间的政治紧张关系,以及文化上无法理解的作品在阅读边界上的复杂空间的必要性。对我来说,霍伊把自己定位为一个例子,她试图理解尊重的阅读,这对那些参与土著妇女写作的人来说是一种“教学”。他们应该理解和批判自己的立场,并找到一种尊重和知情的方式,而不是“其他”土著作家。霍伊展示了这种微妙的平衡是如何在挑战种族中心主义的同时实现的,而评论家的位置不会成为主要焦点。也就是说,写作应该是关于个人和集体的经历,以及她所研究的作家作品所采取的主题。当她谈到文化挪用问题时,她显然是在挑战白人读者/评论家,以及她的信念,即尽管白人可能想从事反种族主义的工作,但实际上“我们所做的任何事情都是一种侵犯”(第49页)。通过这一承认,她鼓励反种族主义活动家超越个人启蒙,在我们的日常生活中采取具体行动。霍伊承担了一项具有挑战性的任务,研究以下作者及其作品:珍妮特·阿姆斯特朗的《斜线》;玛丽亚·坎贝尔和琳达·格里菲斯的《杰西卡之书》;Ruby Sipperjack的《荣耀太阳》,Beatrice CuIleton的《寻找四月雨树》;贝弗利·亨格沃夫的《我祖母的路》;李·马克的《乌鸦之歌》;以及伊登·罗宾逊的《直线》。...
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引用次数: 64
"The doctor from the university is at the door": methodological reflections on research with non-Aboriginal adoptive and foster mothers of Aboriginal children. “来自大学的医生在门口”:对土著儿童的非土著收养和寄养母亲的研究的方法论反思。
D Cuthbert
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引用次数: 0
The politics of representation: doing and writing "interested" research on midwifery. 代表的政治:做和写“感兴趣的”助产学研究。
M MacDonald, I L Bourgeault
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引用次数: 0
[The Trouble with Normal: Postwar Youth & the Making of Heterosexuality] 《正常的烦恼:战后青年与异性恋的形成》
M. Adams, C. Simmons
This rich study of sexual meanings and regulation in Canada between 1945 and 1960 provides a fascinating link with an earlier episode of sexual control: Raoul Mercier, the crown attorney who prosecuted Dorothea Palmer in Ottawa in 1936 for distributing birth control, in 1952 prosecuted an Ottawa book distributor for selling "indecent literature," including the novel Women's Barracks, which portrayed a lesbian affair. Women's independence was never part of the sexual "normality" Mary Louise Adams describes. Adams' study exemplifies the research Jonathan Katz called for in his pioneering work, The Invention of Heterosexuality (1995); that is, to examine not only categories culturally marked as problematically sexual -- all women as well as lesbians and gays -- but also the unmarked ones -- men and heterosexuals, thereby de-centring and exposing the normative status of the latter. Thus, Adams scrutinizes the discourses that constituted (hereto)sexual normality rather than those constructing deviance. By describing the legitimated "systems of sexual meaning available" (p. 16) she seeks to understand "the distance people would have had to travel through mainstream discourses to identify themselves as homosexual in the postwar period" (p. 4). To make this analysis Adams employs Foucauldian discourse analysis as her theoretical and methodological approach and does so clearly and comprehensibly. The book's bringing together of both dominant and marginalized sexual categories and its Canadian focus render it an especially valuable addition to teaching resources for the history of sexuality. The opening chapters describe the economic and political context -- the postwar "domestic revival," the growing consumer economy, anti-Communism, and the extraordinary symbolic valence of the nuclear family in dominant political and social thought. She notes the intersection and mutual constitution of the concepts of "youth" and "sex." Discourses were usually aimed at adolescents but were also built upon "youth" as a symbol of the nation's future; such importance justified regulating young people's sexuality. Despite its competence, the focus of this section on a very abstract, national level of discourse tends at times to reproduce the air of unreality of that freighted language. These discourses were produced mostly in Toronto but as "national" discourses; even within English Canada, however, their reception and use would have varied widely by local area. It is the interaction of those national discourses with particular historical developments that enlivens the four chapters at the heart of the book. In these Adams skillfully examines a wide range of sources -- court and government documents, records of civic organizations, and books, periodicals, and educational films -- in order to address Toronto's moral panic about juvenile delinquency; print and film advice to teens on love, dating, and sex; struggles over sex education in the Toronto school system; and politic
这本对1945年至1960年间加拿大性意义和性规范的丰富研究,提供了与早期性控制事件的有趣联系:皇家检察官拉乌尔·默西尔(Raoul Mercier)于1936年在渥太华起诉多萝西娅·帕尔默(Dorothea Palmer)分发节育措施,1952年起诉渥太华一名图书经销商出售“不雅文学”,包括小说《女子军营》(Women’s Barracks),其中描绘了一段女同性恋关系。女性的独立从来不是玛丽·路易斯·亚当斯所描述的性“正常”的一部分。亚当斯的研究体现了乔纳森·卡茨在他的开创性著作《异性恋的发明》(1995)中所呼吁的研究;也就是说,不仅要检查文化上标记为有问题的性行为的类别——所有女性以及同性恋者——而且还要检查未标记的类别——男性和异性恋者,从而去中心化并暴露后者的规范地位。因此,亚当斯仔细审视了构成(在此)性正常的话语,而不是那些构成越轨的话语。通过描述合法的“可用的性意义系统”(第16页),她试图理解“人们在战后时期必须通过主流话语来确定自己是同性恋者的距离”(第4页)。为了进行这一分析,亚当斯采用了福柯式的话语分析作为她的理论和方法方法,并且做得清晰易懂。这本书汇集了主流和边缘化的性范畴,它的加拿大焦点使它成为性历史教学资源的特别有价值的补充。开篇几章描述了经济和政治背景——战后的“国内复兴”、日益增长的消费经济、反共主义,以及核心家庭在主流政治和社会思想中非同寻常的象征价值。她注意到“青春”和“性”这两个概念的交叉和相互构成。话语通常针对青少年,但也建立在“青年”作为国家未来的象征;这种重要性证明了规范年轻人的性行为是合理的。尽管它的能力,本节的重点是一个非常抽象的,国家层面的话语,有时倾向于再现那种沉重的语言的不现实的气氛。这些话语大多是在多伦多产生的,但作为“民族”话语;然而,即使在加拿大英语区,他们的接受和使用也因地区而异。正是这些民族话语与特定历史发展的相互作用,使本书的四个章节充满活力。在这些书中,亚当斯巧妙地考察了广泛的资料来源——法庭和政府文件、民间组织的记录、书籍、期刊和教育电影——以解决多伦多对青少年犯罪的道德恐慌;向青少年提供关于爱情、约会和性的印刷品和电影建议;在多伦多学校系统的性教育斗争;以及对淫秽内容的政治和法律攻击。亚当斯对这一时期加拿大的性意义和性规范进行了令人兴奋和充分的分析。她展示了监管是如何从早期的主要涉及警告以避免不良行为的变化;相反,20世纪50年代对青少年的性建议代表了“积极的”努力,以产生好的——即“正常的”性个体”(第87页)。因此,它创造了狭隘而刻板的“正常”模式,这些模式不仅侵入性地灌输了身体上的一致性,而且灌输了精神上的一致性。…
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引用次数: 8
[No Car, No Radio, No Liquor Permit: The Moral Regulations of Single Mothers in Ontario, 1920-1997] [无车,无收音机,无酒许可证:安大略单身母亲的道德规范,1920-1997]
M. Little, Alexandra Dobrowolsky
No Car, No Radio, No Liquor Permit is both scholarly and compassionate. It systematically studies the development of the Ontario Mother's Allowance (OMA) from 1920 -1997, and it is sympathetic to single mothers as it traces the multiple forms of disruptive and destructive moral regulation that underpinned this policy. As a result, the book offers a comprehensive and compelling examination of the changing relationships between various women across different welfare state transitions. Margaret Little examines the origins of the OMA and then outlines and evaluates its administration over seven decades. She concludes by scrutinizing current trends and issues. Although her treatment is chronological and careful, this is by no means a dry academic survey of the dimensions and repercussions of a particular policy. To the contrary, the book is lively, interesting and quite insightful. For instance, it uncovers shocking historical details, contains evocative old photographs, and draws on the wrenching, albeit pithy, commentary of contemporary single mothers. While the book's spatial dimensions are narrow, the parameters being only Ontario, it provides a consequential subnational study. Moreover, the author is mindful of not just reflecting city specific biases. She draws on case files from the city of London as well as three counties (Elgin, Lincoln and Oxford), including both urban and rural examples, in addition to using province-wide sample cases. Through her multi-pronged research techniques, eye-opening and engaging material is unearthed. Little not only poured over case files in dusty archives, but also held unique "workshop" -- like group interviews with OMA recipients in the early 1990s, and questioned current administrators and case workers. This integration of both quantitative and qualitative data is used to admirable effect. The author's various experiences, as a former journalist, now an academic, as well as an anti-poverty feminist activist, inform and enliven her research and her final analyses. The book's main argument is that those who first framed the OMA and then those who later administered it, mostly privileged white women, were plainly involved in "moral regulation": the intrusive and extensive moral scrutiny of the recipients of the program. Recipients were exclusively poor women and while the policy initially favoured white, Protestant, British subjects and naturalized citizens, it eventually included other women. As a result, unlike leading (non-feminist) welfare state theorists, Little highlights women's critical contributions to the welfare state, as initiators, administrators and recipients of policies. Furthermore, by tracing the contours of the moral terrain involved, the author is indebted to approaches like those of Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer, and especially Mariana Valverde. But whereas the former priorizes class, and the latter gender, race and sexuality, Little, more akin to Lorna Weir's efforts, brings the interpla
没有车,没有收音机,没有酒的许可证是既学术又富有同情心。它系统地研究了安大略母亲津贴(OMA)从1920年到1997年的发展,并对单身母亲表示同情,因为它追溯了支撑这一政策的多种形式的破坏性和破坏性的道德规范。因此,这本书对不同福利国家转型中不同女性之间不断变化的关系进行了全面而引人注目的考察。玛格丽特·利特尔考察了大都会艺术博物馆的起源,然后概述并评估了其70年来的管理。最后,她仔细分析了当前的趋势和问题。尽管她的处理是按时间顺序排列的,而且很仔细,但这绝不是对某项政策的维度和影响的枯燥的学术调查。相反,这本书生动有趣,见解深刻。例如,它揭示了令人震惊的历史细节,包含了令人回味的老照片,并借鉴了当代单身母亲的痛苦,尽管精辟,评论。虽然这本书的空间维度很窄,参数只是安大略省,但它提供了一个重要的次国家研究。此外,作者注意到不只是反映城市特定的偏见。除了使用全省范围的样本案例外,她还借鉴了伦敦市以及三个县(埃尔金、林肯和牛津)的案例档案,包括城市和农村的案例。通过她多管齐下的研究技术,挖掘出了令人大开眼界和引人入胜的材料。利特尔不仅在满是灰尘的档案里翻看案件档案,而且还举办了独特的“研讨会”——就像20世纪90年代初对OMA的受助者进行的小组访谈一样,并对当前的管理人员和案件工作者提出质疑。这种定量和定性数据的结合取得了令人钦佩的效果。作者曾经是记者,现在是学者,以及反贫困女权主义者,她的各种经历为她的研究和最后的分析提供了信息和活力。这本书的主要论点是,那些首先设计OMA,然后管理它的人,大多是享有特权的白人女性,显然参与了“道德监管”:对项目接受者进行侵入性和广泛的道德审查。虽然这项政策最初倾向于白人、新教徒、英国臣民和入籍公民,但最终也包括了其他女性。因此,与主要的(非女权主义的)福利国家理论家不同,利特尔强调了女性作为政策的发起者、管理者和接受者对福利国家的重要贡献。此外,通过描绘所涉及的道德领域的轮廓,作者感谢菲利普·科里根和德里克·塞耶,尤其是玛丽安娜·巴尔韦德的方法。但是,前者优先考虑阶级,后者优先考虑性别、种族和性,而利特尔更类似于洛娜·威尔的努力,将阶级、性别、种族和性的相互作用凸显出来。在这样做的过程中,本研究的目的之一是强调监管者和被监管者之间的关系随着时间的推移。在利特尔看来,这不仅有助于提供一种结构上确定的解释,而且有助于强调妇女的能动性。不幸的是,后一点正是这本书的不足之处。利特尔煞费苦心地讲述了母性女权主义意识形态是如何与资产阶级女性的种族优越感和阶级优越感结合在一起,牢牢地奠定了一项政策的根基,这项政策对单身母亲来说与其说是改善,不如说是限制和监管。在她看来,这解释了当前惩罚性做法的增长和持续的道德措施。通过全国妇女理事会等组织,新教徒、欧裔加拿大妇女加强了其他社会改革者的性规范、父权前提以及种族主义和阶级主义倾向。除此之外,利特尔认为,社会结构和政治变化将工作与家庭分开,并强调男性工资的首要地位,这意味着这些资产阶级女性,否则将被主导实践和话语私有化,利用像OMA这样的福利国家改革,在公共领域为自己开辟一个空间。...
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引用次数: 95
Émigré feminism : transnational perspectives Émigré女权主义:跨国视角
A. Heitlinger
I welcome this edited volume by Alena Heitlinger, an outcome of a conference on Emigre Feminism, held at the University of Trent in 1996. It is an invaluable effort of a Canadian emigre feminist to make a unique and salutary contribution to the feminist discourses in this country. The volume is particularly valuable because it brings together under one cover feminist views of emigres from many parts of the world, including countries which were part of the former Soviet Union. The volume demonstrates clearly the editor's own feminist sensibility and sophisticated understanding of both the difficulties and the advantages of emigre feminist positions, life experiences and perspectives. This volume illuminates the ambivalent (or should I say multi-valent?) interpretations by emigre feminists of the present national and international hegemonic feminism, of the well-funded, anglophone and liberal tradition, which is oblivious of what it cannot access because of its cultural limitations. The collection consists of an excellent introduction by the editor and 13 chapters written by emigre feminists from Africa, Australia, the Caribbean, Europe, Latin America and the Near East. In no way can this brief review do justice to the richness and complexity of the ideas and experiences presented in this volume. The core of notion of "emigre," as defined here, is the exposure to and life experience of contrasting cultures and socio-political environments. Placed on a broad continuum, it starts with those forced to emigrate by oppressive political regimes or voluntary escapes from equally oppressive patriarchal norms, to Canadian feminists working abroad in "aid" agencies, to post-emigres (those who have adopted Canada as their country of residence and action). This includes a number of persons, who as result of juxtaposing and reflecting on the "there" and "here" create a variety of new syntheses, meanings and interpretations of feminism and develop a greater sensitivity to the varied and nuanced meaning of this term. The great majority of the authors in this volume are academic social scientists, studying, teaching and doing research in Canadian Women's Studies programs. They bring to the volume rich feminist insights from the perspectives of their various fields (anthropology, education, history, literature, political science, sociology, fiction writing and activism). The chapters vary in form and content. Many use auto-biographical information to provide a background for their particular perspectives and to situate the specific points of their feminist visions and argumentations. They also describe the adaptations used by women when facing Canadian culture and society. Some entries show the creative ways women's varied backgrounds assisted them in establishing their lives and views of feminism, as well as the coping and transformative strategies employed in their new lives in Canada. Other chapters are written on more abstract, theoretical levels and address is
我欢迎阿莱娜·海特林格编辑的这本书,它是1996年在特伦特大学举行的移民女权主义会议的成果。这是一位加拿大移民女性主义者为加拿大女性主义话语做出的独特而有益的贡献,是一项宝贵的努力。这本书特别有价值,因为它在一个封面下汇集了来自世界许多地方的移民的女权主义观点,包括前苏联的一部分。这本书清楚地展示了编辑自己的女权主义敏感性和对移民女权主义立场、生活经历和观点的困难和优势的复杂理解。这本书阐明了移民女权主义者对当前国家和国际霸权女权主义的矛盾(或者我应该说多重?)解释,对资金充足的,英语和自由主义传统的解释,由于其文化限制,它忘记了它无法进入的东西。该文集由编辑的精彩介绍和来自非洲、澳大利亚、加勒比、欧洲、拉丁美洲和近东的移民女权主义者撰写的13章组成。无论如何,这篇简短的评论都不能公正地对待本书中所呈现的思想和经验的丰富性和复杂性。这里所定义的“移民”概念的核心是对不同文化和社会政治环境的接触和生活体验。在一个广泛的连续体中,它从那些因压迫性政治制度而被迫移民或自愿逃离同样压迫性的父权规范的人开始,到在国外“援助”机构工作的加拿大女权主义者,再到后移民者(那些将加拿大作为其居住国和行动国的人)。这包括一些人,他们将“那里”和“这里”并置和反思,创造了各种新的女权主义综合、意义和解释,并对这个术语的各种微妙含义产生了更大的敏感性。本卷的绝大多数作者都是学术社会科学家,在加拿大妇女研究项目中学习、教学和做研究。她们从各个领域(人类学、教育、历史、文学、政治学、社会学、小说写作和行动主义)的角度为本书带来了丰富的女权主义见解。这些章节的形式和内容各不相同。许多人使用自传信息来为他们的特定观点提供背景,并定位他们的女权主义愿景和论点的具体观点。他们还描述了女性在面对加拿大文化和社会时所采取的适应措施。一些参赛作品展示了不同背景的女性如何创造性地帮助她们建立自己的生活和对女权主义的看法,以及她们在加拿大新生活中采用的应对和变革策略。其他章节写在更抽象的理论层面,并解决女权主义理论和认识论的问题。…
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引用次数: 16
Contracting Masculinity: Gender, Class, and Race in a White-Collar Union, 1944-1994 收缩的男性气质:白领联盟中的性别、阶级和种族,1944-1994
G. Creese, M. Beattie
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引用次数: 29
期刊
Resources for feminist research : RFR = Documentation sur la recherche feministe : DRF
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