Pub Date : 1981-09-01DOI: 10.1177/106591298103400311
C. Goodsell
IT IS COMMONLY believed that contemporary public administration is technically more demanding than ever, and more expected than ever to engage in "rational" behavior. At the same time, the political and social environment of present-day public bureaucracy seems more turbulent and conflict-ridden than previously, a setting that is perhaps perfectly unsuited for advanced technical rationality. What, if anything, can be done to accommodate an increasingly technological task core and its increasingly turbulent context? These pages may be viewed as an empirically based attempt to stimulate consideration of one possible option. The proposal being advanced is perhaps unique and certainly unusual for contemporary public administration circles, in that the basic idea is not new at all. No attempt is even made to invent a new name or repackage a prior notion. Instead, I am proposing frankly that we revive a very old concept in administration, namely the use of appointed multimember boards or commissions to direct bureaucratic activity. Such "collegial" administration (Weber's term) is commonly used in some sectors of American society, such as economic regulation, public and higher education, and corporate business. But it has declined drastically in use and reputation with respect to line departments of state government, the field to which the present discussion is directed. The argument herein made is that traditional debate on this subject has centered on the wrong issues, and that meanwhile new conditions have arisen that justify revival of the device at the present time.
{"title":"Collegial State Administration: Design for Today?","authors":"C. Goodsell","doi":"10.1177/106591298103400311","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591298103400311","url":null,"abstract":"IT IS COMMONLY believed that contemporary public administration is technically more demanding than ever, and more expected than ever to engage in \"rational\" behavior. At the same time, the political and social environment of present-day public bureaucracy seems more turbulent and conflict-ridden than previously, a setting that is perhaps perfectly unsuited for advanced technical rationality. What, if anything, can be done to accommodate an increasingly technological task core and its increasingly turbulent context? These pages may be viewed as an empirically based attempt to stimulate consideration of one possible option. The proposal being advanced is perhaps unique and certainly unusual for contemporary public administration circles, in that the basic idea is not new at all. No attempt is even made to invent a new name or repackage a prior notion. Instead, I am proposing frankly that we revive a very old concept in administration, namely the use of appointed multimember boards or commissions to direct bureaucratic activity. Such \"collegial\" administration (Weber's term) is commonly used in some sectors of American society, such as economic regulation, public and higher education, and corporate business. But it has declined drastically in use and reputation with respect to line departments of state government, the field to which the present discussion is directed. The argument herein made is that traditional debate on this subject has centered on the wrong issues, and that meanwhile new conditions have arisen that justify revival of the device at the present time.","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"41 1","pages":"447 - 460"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1981-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81530486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1981-09-01DOI: 10.1177/106591298103400310
B. A. Ray
C ONGRESSMEN employ many cues when deciding how to cast their votes.' One cue at least as important, if not more important, than most others is the demands, interests, and economic involvements of the representative's own constituents.2 It also has been argued that this relationship exists even when legislators claim their independence from constituents.3 Thus, a representative's vote on a bill with substantial and clear-cut implications for the economic well-being of his constituents virtually may be dictated by his need to "please the home-folks": a congressman from Brooklyn would be expected to support federal loan guarantees for New York City, a legislator from a tobacco-producing area would most likely resist an attempt to reduce federal subsidies for that commodity, a representative from Seattle would be a supporter of any military aircraft to be built by the Boeing Corporation, and so on. The beauty of an omnibus rivers and harbors bill, for example, is that a majority of the nation's congressional districts can be given an economic stake in its passage, thereby greatly enhancing its chances of success. The cue of district interests is strong. It can even override a congressman's basic ideological leanings. Former Rep. Robert Leggett (D., CA), for example, has a well-deserved reputation as one of the members of the Armed Services Committee most eager to cut military spending. He did not, however, allow this to interfere with his need for constituency service. He lobbied hard for such local projects as Mare Island Naval Shipyard and Travis Air Force Base, and has been quoted as saying: "I've got to be picky and choosy about what I try to terminate, because if I've got a large submarine with 8,000 people working on it in my district, I'm not about to terminate the contract and put 8,000 people out of work."4 The query of this investigation is how close the connection between district interests and the vote(s) in question must be before a member's position is influenced. A representative with 8,000 constituents employed on a Defense Department contract will almost assuredly vote to continue that project. But will these same 8,000 DOD paychecks have a more far-reaching impact upon the legislator? Will they influence him to support Department
{"title":"Defense Department Spending and \"Hawkish\" Voting in the House of Representatives","authors":"B. A. Ray","doi":"10.1177/106591298103400310","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591298103400310","url":null,"abstract":"C ONGRESSMEN employ many cues when deciding how to cast their votes.' One cue at least as important, if not more important, than most others is the demands, interests, and economic involvements of the representative's own constituents.2 It also has been argued that this relationship exists even when legislators claim their independence from constituents.3 Thus, a representative's vote on a bill with substantial and clear-cut implications for the economic well-being of his constituents virtually may be dictated by his need to \"please the home-folks\": a congressman from Brooklyn would be expected to support federal loan guarantees for New York City, a legislator from a tobacco-producing area would most likely resist an attempt to reduce federal subsidies for that commodity, a representative from Seattle would be a supporter of any military aircraft to be built by the Boeing Corporation, and so on. The beauty of an omnibus rivers and harbors bill, for example, is that a majority of the nation's congressional districts can be given an economic stake in its passage, thereby greatly enhancing its chances of success. The cue of district interests is strong. It can even override a congressman's basic ideological leanings. Former Rep. Robert Leggett (D., CA), for example, has a well-deserved reputation as one of the members of the Armed Services Committee most eager to cut military spending. He did not, however, allow this to interfere with his need for constituency service. He lobbied hard for such local projects as Mare Island Naval Shipyard and Travis Air Force Base, and has been quoted as saying: \"I've got to be picky and choosy about what I try to terminate, because if I've got a large submarine with 8,000 people working on it in my district, I'm not about to terminate the contract and put 8,000 people out of work.\"4 The query of this investigation is how close the connection between district interests and the vote(s) in question must be before a member's position is influenced. A representative with 8,000 constituents employed on a Defense Department contract will almost assuredly vote to continue that project. But will these same 8,000 DOD paychecks have a more far-reaching impact upon the legislator? Will they influence him to support Department","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"24 1","pages":"438 - 446"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1981-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83004757","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1981-09-01DOI: 10.1177/106591298103400306
T. Marshall
textbooks, newscasts, and political documentaries are openly concerned with politics; these have received the most attention from scholars.1 So far, however, scholars have paid less attention to two other media children's literature and "normal" (non-newscast) television. While these media are seldom overtly political, their omission from socialization studies is both curious and unfortunate. Children's books and television are widely read and viewed by children and adolescents. Studies of television viewing suggest that children watch, on the average, 20 to 25 hours weekly.2 Preschoolers watch even more averaging nearly 30 hours weekly.3 Although television viewing is apparently more common than reading, children's books and stories, too, reach a substantial fraction of America's youth.4
{"title":"The Benevolent Bureaucrat: Political Authority in Children's Literature and Television","authors":"T. Marshall","doi":"10.1177/106591298103400306","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591298103400306","url":null,"abstract":"textbooks, newscasts, and political documentaries are openly concerned with politics; these have received the most attention from scholars.1 So far, however, scholars have paid less attention to two other media children's literature and \"normal\" (non-newscast) television. While these media are seldom overtly political, their omission from socialization studies is both curious and unfortunate. Children's books and television are widely read and viewed by children and adolescents. Studies of television viewing suggest that children watch, on the average, 20 to 25 hours weekly.2 Preschoolers watch even more averaging nearly 30 hours weekly.3 Although television viewing is apparently more common than reading, children's books and stories, too, reach a substantial fraction of America's youth.4","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"9 1","pages":"389 - 398"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1981-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83662547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Supreme Court and social change: the case of abortion.","authors":"K. A. Kemp, R. A. Carp, D. Brady","doi":"10.2307/447304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/447304","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"31 1 1","pages":"19-31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1978-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/447304","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68764773","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1976-09-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900317
J. E. Quistgard
{"title":"Book Reviews : The Power of Nations: The Political Economy of International Relations. By KLAUS KNORR. (New York: Basic Books, Inc.. Publishers, 1975. Pp. 353. $16.95.)","authors":"J. E. Quistgard","doi":"10.1177/106591297602900317","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297602900317","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"39 1","pages":"480 - 480"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1976-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72989016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1976-09-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900312
D. Freeman
{"title":"Book Reviews : Public Good and Political Authority, A Pragmatic Proposal. By WILLIAM J. MEYER. (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press Corp., 1975. Pp. 141. $9.95.)","authors":"D. Freeman","doi":"10.1177/106591297602900312","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297602900312","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"38 1","pages":"475 - 475"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1976-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82457742","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1976-09-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900337
Mark Weisenbloom
In focusing so exclusively on the specifics of the Venezuelan case. Tu~n:ell ignored some interesting problems of comparison between Veneziiela and other underdeveloped but resource-rich nations. Why. for example, did not the Venezuelan government nationalize the oil companies at an earlier point in time, as did !B1exico? To what extent are attitudes toward social reform related to oil politics in developing countries? To what extent is the bargaining model generalizable to other nations and other resources? In ignoring such issues. Tugwell limits the usefulness of his very scholarly and detailed case study.
{"title":"Sectionalism, Politics, and American Diplomacy. By EDWARD W. CHESTER. (Metuchen, N. J.: The Scarecrow Press, 1975. Pp. 348. $12.50.)","authors":"Mark Weisenbloom","doi":"10.1177/106591297602900337","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297602900337","url":null,"abstract":"In focusing so exclusively on the specifics of the Venezuelan case. Tu~n:ell ignored some interesting problems of comparison between Veneziiela and other underdeveloped but resource-rich nations. Why. for example, did not the Venezuelan government nationalize the oil companies at an earlier point in time, as did !B1exico? To what extent are attitudes toward social reform related to oil politics in developing countries? To what extent is the bargaining model generalizable to other nations and other resources? In ignoring such issues. Tugwell limits the usefulness of his very scholarly and detailed case study.","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"99 1","pages":"494 - 495"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1976-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82121680","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1976-09-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900333
B. Kahn
{"title":"The Modern Japanese Military System. Edited by JAMES H. BUCK. (Beverly Hills and London: Sage Publications, Inc., 1975. pp. 253. $7.50.)","authors":"B. Kahn","doi":"10.1177/106591297602900333","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297602900333","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"5 1","pages":"493 - 493"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1976-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78402072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1976-09-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900329
David L. Williams
{"title":"Soviet Works on Korea, 1945-1970. Compiled by GEORGE GINSBURGS. (Los Angeles : University of Southern California Press, 1973. Pp. 179. $9.50; $6.50.)","authors":"David L. Williams","doi":"10.1177/106591297602900329","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297602900329","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"9 1","pages":"492 - 492"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1976-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74286507","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1976-09-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900328
J. Lange
{"title":"Chinese Treaties: The Post-Revolutionary Restoration of International Law and Order. By GARY L. SCOTT. (Dobbs Ferry, N.Y.: Oceana Publications, 1975. Pp. 312. $22.50.)","authors":"J. Lange","doi":"10.1177/106591297602900328","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297602900328","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"113 1","pages":"491 - 492"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1976-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80603444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：