The Western political quarterly最新文献

英文中文

Book Reviews : Essential Works of Chinese Communism. Edited by WINBERG CHAI. (New York: Pica Press, 1970. Paperback edition, Bantam Press, 1970. Pp. xv, 464. $7.00.) 书评:中国共产主义的重要著作。由WINBERG CHAI编辑。纽约:异客出版社，1970年。平装本，班塔姆出版社，1970年。第15页，464页。7.00美元)。

The Western political quarterly

Pub Date : 1970-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297002300223

J. Starr

引用次数: 0

Book Reviews : The Latin Americans. By VÍCTOR ALBA. (New York : Frederick A. Praeger, 1969. Pp. viii, 392. $10.00.) 书评:拉丁美洲人。作者:VÍCTOR ALBA(纽约:Frederick A. Praeger, 1969。页8,392。10.00美元)。

The Western political quarterly

Pub Date : 1970-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297002300224

Julio A. Fernández

引用次数: 0

Book Reviews : Democratic Process and Administrative Law. By ROBERT S. LORCH. (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1969. Pp. 255. $8.50.) 书评:民主进程与行政法。罗伯特·s·洛奇著。(底特律:韦恩州立大学出版社，1969年)255页。8.50美元)。

The Western political quarterly

Pub Date : 1970-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297002300228

G. Hopper

引用次数: 0

Prologue To the Study of Justice: Republic 327a-328b 《正义研究序言:理想国327a-328b

The Western political quarterly

Pub Date : 1970-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297002300202

J. R. Kayser

引用次数: 0

Book Reviews : The Story of the Cabinet Office. By R. K. MOSLEY. (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul; New York: Humanities Press, 1969. Pp. 90. $3.00.) 书评:内阁府的故事。r.k.莫斯利著。(伦敦:Routledge & Kegan Paul;纽约:人文出版社，1969。90页。3.00美元)。

The Western political quarterly

Pub Date : 1970-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297002300225

L. Johnston

引用次数: 0

A Reassessment of Alienation in Karl Marx 马克思对异化的再评价

The Western political quarterly

Pub Date : 1970-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297002300203

C. Grimes, Charles E. P. Simmons

HE TWO CATEGORIES of usage of alienation in contemporary writing appear, according to Bell, to be associated with the ideas of "estrangement" and "reification." Fundamentally, "estrangement" in the current writing is seen as a socio-psychological condition in which the individual has a feeling of distance or separateness from community and society. He is or feels, Bell says, that he ".. . cannot belong. He is deracinated." 1 The other category, "reification," is philosophical in nature but has psychological overtones. For Bell this terms implies that the individual is treated as an object or thing and has, therefore, lost his identity he is depersonalized.2 One need not go far in contemporary social, literary, and political discourse to find numerous examples of writing which would fall into Bell's two categories or, at least, cut across them. In an excellent collection of excerpts from writing in this vein, the Josephsons provide a useful compilation of comment. One finds E. Fromm discussing complete alienation as insanity and proposing that man is helpless before the social forces he creates; P. Lasslett laments the loss of the family as a defense against loneliness; H. Swados describes the conditions of modern factory with the workers appearing as trapped animals; R. Maclver finds the leisure of modern industrial society being misused men do not have the cultivation and skill to enjoy leisure; Ernest van den Haag finds man so unhappy with himself that he must find an image to imitate in order to live with himself; C. W. Mills finds the conditions of mass society giving rise to lack of expression by individuals fewer people expressing opinions than receiving them --and correspondingly fewer opportunities for meaningful activities.3 Also, in the art forms one finds expression of alienation, particularly that aspect which suggests that man is separated from his intimates; this seems to be one of the main themes in what has come to be called the "theater of the absurd." Such expression is research of Sociology, Social Psychology, and Political Science.

根据贝尔的说法，异化在当代写作中的两种用法似乎与“异化”和“具体化”的概念有关。从根本上说，当前写作中的“隔阂”被视为一种社会心理状态，在这种状态下，个人与社区和社会有一种距离感或分离感。贝尔说，他是或感觉他“……不属于。他被开除了。”另一个范畴，“物化”，本质上是哲学的，但有心理学的含义。对贝尔来说，这一术语意味着个人被视为一个对象或事物，因此失去了他的身份——他被去人格化了在当代社会、文学和政治话语中，我们不需要走得太远，就能找到许多属于贝尔的两类作品的例子，或者至少是跨越这两类的。在一本优秀的节选集中，约瑟夫森夫妇提供了一个有用的评论汇编。e·弗洛姆把完全的异化视为精神错乱，并提出人在自己创造的社会力量面前是无助的;P. Lasslett哀叹失去家庭是对抗孤独的一种防御;H.斯瓦多斯描述了现代工厂的条件，工人们就像被困住的动物;r.m aclver发现现代工业社会的闲暇被滥用了，人们不具备享受闲暇的修养和技巧;欧内斯特·范登·哈格发现，人对自己如此不满意，以至于为了与自己和睦相处，他必须找到一个可以模仿的形象;米尔斯发现，大众社会的条件导致个人缺乏表达，表达意见的人比接受意见的人少，相应地，进行有意义的活动的机会也少此外，在艺术形式中，人们发现异化的表达，特别是表明人与他的密友分离的方面;这似乎是被称为“荒谬戏剧”的主题之一。这种表现是社会学、社会心理学和政治学的研究。

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引用次数: 3

Book Reviews : Politics in Modern Greece. By KEITH R. LEGG. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1969. Pp. vii, 367. $10.00.) 书评:现代希腊的政治。基思·r·莱格著。(斯坦福:斯坦福大学出版社，1969。第七页，367页。10.00美元)。

The Western political quarterly

Pub Date : 1970-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297002300220

T. P. Trombetas

引用次数: 0

Political Change in the Chilean Electorate 1952-1964 1952-1964年智利选民的政治变化

The Western political quarterly

Pub Date : 1970-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297002300210

Sandra Powell

ANY THEORIES of development hypothesize interactive effects of economic, social, and political change. Most empirical analyses of such theories have used nation states as units of analysis. From such studies we have acquired much useful information concerning long-range trends. However, predictions concerning within-nation change over shorter time periods cannot be derived easily from statistical generalizations accounting for political differences between nation states at varying levels of economic development. In this study of Chile, first an attempt was made to relate systemic theories of change to behavioral differences within one nation state; and, second, on the basis of the findings, to make some inferences about change in the Chilean electorate and its probable beheavior in the next presidential election of 1970.

任何发展理论都假设经济、社会和政治变化的相互影响。这些理论的大多数实证分析都使用民族国家作为分析单位。从这些研究中，我们获得了许多有关长期趋势的有用信息。然而，关于较短时间内民族内部变化的预测不能轻易地从统计概括中得出，这些统计概括说明了不同经济发展水平的民族国家之间的政治差异。在对智利的研究中，首先尝试将变革的系统理论与一个民族国家内的行为差异联系起来;第二，根据调查结果，对智利选民的变化及其在1970年下届总统选举中的可能行为作出一些推论。

引用次数: 6

The Role of British Backbenchers in the Modification of Government Policy 英国后座议员在政府政策修改中的作用

The Western political quarterly

Pub Date : 1970-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297002300208

James J. Lynskey

ARLIAMENT no longer exists."' This charge, angrily thrown forth in the House of Commons by Dame Irene Ward, exemplifies the concern of politicians and scholars alike in recent years over the role of the British legislature. The problem, by no means limited to Great Britain, is that if legislators fail to contribute meaningfully to the decision-making process in a representative democracy, if they are unable to check and modify the decisions of the executive, then the existing political arrangements are clearly inconsistent with the concept of representative government. The British have been especially sensitive to the issue. Many writers claim that Britain's representative chamber, the House of Commons, is involved in the rule-making process in only the most peripheral manner. Such critics argue that the development of a stable two-party system, capable of sending a well-disciplined majority to the House of Commons, has led to a system of government in which the cabinet rules with largely unchecked decision-making powers. The backbenchers, the individual members of Parliament who are part of neither the establishment nor the opposition's shadow government, have, in the view of such critics, lost their raison d'etre. Indeed, backbenchers have been likened to a flock of mindless sheep, ready to be driven routinely through the division lobbies whenever the House is asked to put some matter to a vote.2 The purpose of this paper is to suggest that although there may be some question about the effectiveness of opposition backbenchers in the House of Commons, government backbenchers have influenced government policy more than most observers seem willing to admit. By tradition members of the opposition are granted the role of government critic, but criticism and pressure from the opposition is routine, and the government accepts it as simply a necessary ingredient in the parliamentary game. This is particularly true since the opposition, no matter how intense their feelings on an issue, cannot change the fact that the government with rare exceptions remains secure behind its majority support in the House, and accordingly is little moved by criticism from across the aisle. When the government is confident that its policy is correct, it is indeed unlikely that threats or pleas from the opposition will cause the government to amend that policy. Criticism from backbenchers of the government party, on the other hand, commands special attention in spite of the much discussed party discipline in

议会已不复存在。这一指控是艾琳·沃德夫人(Dame Irene Ward)在下议院愤怒地提出的，它体现了近年来政治家和学者对英国立法机构角色的担忧。这个问题绝不仅限于英国，如果立法者不能在代议制民主的决策过程中做出有意义的贡献，如果他们不能检查和修改行政部门的决定，那么现有的政治安排显然与代议制政府的概念不一致。英国人对这个问题尤其敏感。许多作家声称，英国的代表议院下院(House of Commons)只以最次要的方式参与了规则制定过程。这些批评人士认为，稳定的两党制的发展，能够使下议院获得纪律严明的多数席位，导致了一种内阁统治的政府体制，其决策权在很大程度上不受制约。在这些批评者看来，后座议员，即既不属于建制派也不属于反对派影子政府的国会成员，已经失去了存在的理由。事实上，后座议员们被比作一群没有头脑的绵羊，只要众议院要求对某些问题进行投票，他们就会被例行公事地赶着穿过各区的游说大厅本文的目的是表明，尽管在下议院反对党后座议员的有效性可能存在一些问题，但政府后座议员对政府政策的影响比大多数观察家似乎愿意承认的要大。按照传统，反对派成员被授予政府批评者的角色，但来自反对派的批评和压力是家常便饭，政府认为这只是议会游戏中的必要组成部分。这一点尤其正确，因为无论反对党在一个问题上的情绪多么强烈，都无法改变这样一个事实:除了极少数例外，政府在众议院的多数支持下仍然是安全的，因此对来自两党的批评几乎无动于衷。当政府确信其政策是正确的时候，反对派的威胁或请求确实不太可能导致政府修改该政策。另一方面，来自执政党后座议员的批评值得特别关注，尽管该党在党纪问题上讨论了很多

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引用次数: 10

Book Reviews : Israel and the Arabs By MAXIME RODINSON. (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1969. Pp. 239. 95¢.) 书评:《以色列和阿拉伯人》，作者:马克西姆·罗丁森。(巴尔的摩:企鹅出版社，1969年)239页。95¢)。

The Western political quarterly

Pub Date : 1970-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297002300218

J. Bertelsen

Israel and the Arabs by Maxime Rodinson (translated from the French by Michael Perl) provides an informed account of Arab-Zionist and Arab-Israeli relations, with emphasis on the Arab view of Israel as an illegitimate colonial occupier of Palestine. Rodinson, himself a Jew who has lived in the Middle East and served in the Syrian army, offers a rationale and elaboration of Arab positions on Israel in a low-key, non-polemical style. The book is cogent and well written; the reader sorely misses an index and bibliography. Rodinson presents a history of conflicting ambitions and claims in which the potential for Arab-Jewish cooperation against Turkish supremacy and later West European domination was dissipated, as mutually antagonistic Arab and Jewish nationalist claims became evident. The conflict during the mandate years centered on who should governPalestine, not whether or not Jews and Arabs could live together as neighbors. Increased Jewish immigration threatened the Arab majority, thus threatening Arab national hopes for political domination. Rodinson, in his effort to explain Arab claims, sometimes appears to ignore the unwillingness of Arab leaders to share political control with Jews. He declares that the Jews rejected the 1937 Peel Commission proposal of partition. But Walter

马克西姆·罗丁森的《以色列和阿拉伯人》(由迈克尔·珀尔从法文翻译)提供了阿拉伯-犹太复国主义者和阿拉伯-以色列关系的见多识广的叙述，强调阿拉伯人认为以色列是巴勒斯坦的非法殖民占领者。罗丁森本人是一名犹太人，曾在中东生活，并在叙利亚军队服役。他以一种低调、无争议的风格，阐述了阿拉伯对以色列的立场，并给出了理由。这本书很有说服力，写得很好;读者非常想念索引和参考书目。罗丁森呈现了一个充满冲突的野心和主张的历史，在这个历史中，阿拉伯-犹太人合作对抗土耳其霸权和后来的西欧统治的潜力被消散了，因为相互敌对的阿拉伯和犹太民族主义主张变得明显。委任统治时期的冲突集中在谁应该治理巴勒斯坦，而不是犹太人和阿拉伯人是否可以作为邻居共同生活。增加的犹太移民威胁到占多数的阿拉伯人，从而威胁到阿拉伯民族对政治统治的希望。罗丁森在努力解释阿拉伯人的主张时，有时似乎忽略了阿拉伯领导人不愿意与犹太人分享政治控制权。他宣称犹太人拒绝了1937年皮尔委员会提出的分治建议。但是沃尔特

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引用次数: 0

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