Pub Date : 1976-09-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900335
R. Moore
{"title":"Soviet Penetration of Latin America. By LEON GOURÉ and MORRIS ROTHENBERG. (Miami: Monographs in International Affairs, Center for Advanced Inter national Studies, 1975. Pp. vii, 204. $6.95.)","authors":"R. Moore","doi":"10.1177/106591297602900335","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297602900335","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"6 1","pages":"494 - 494"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1976-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75379927","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1976-09-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900309
J. Hall, Philip K. Piele
S OUND scientific method requires that any effort toward constructing a "grand theory" of voting be preceded by additional research into relatively neglected domains such as voting in local, nonpartisan elections. Research comparing individual or group correlates to voting in different types of elections' is sparse relative to the number of presidential election studies.2 Both this research and the aggregate of research testing important theoretical assumptions in different local election settings3 contain conflicting conclusions regarding such elemental hypotheses as the effect of social class on voter choice.
{"title":"Selected Determinants of Precinct Voting Decisions in School Budget Elections","authors":"J. Hall, Philip K. Piele","doi":"10.1177/106591297602900309","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297602900309","url":null,"abstract":"S OUND scientific method requires that any effort toward constructing a \"grand theory\" of voting be preceded by additional research into relatively neglected domains such as voting in local, nonpartisan elections. Research comparing individual or group correlates to voting in different types of elections' is sparse relative to the number of presidential election studies.2 Both this research and the aggregate of research testing important theoretical assumptions in different local election settings3 contain conflicting conclusions regarding such elemental hypotheses as the effect of social class on voter choice.","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"48 1","pages":"440 - 456"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1976-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85691045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1976-09-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900314
Lee C. Mcdonald
veloped here is that language is a tool which can have a mutually reinforcing relationship with the thoughts it expresses and the actions it mediates. But the instrument which is shaped for our purposes may, without constant reflection, distort those purposes. For language may become encrusted with atavistic, malicious or evil irrationalities. The specific thesis (borrowed from George Orwell) that provides the central organizing rationale for Max Skidmore’s book is that &dquo;sloppy language makes it easier to have sloppy thoughts, just as sloppy thoughts encour-
{"title":"Book Reviews : Energy and Structure: A Theory of Social Power. By RICHARD NEWBOLD ADAMS. (Austin and London: University of Texas Press, 1975. Pp. 353. $15.00.)","authors":"Lee C. Mcdonald","doi":"10.1177/106591297602900314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297602900314","url":null,"abstract":"veloped here is that language is a tool which can have a mutually reinforcing relationship with the thoughts it expresses and the actions it mediates. But the instrument which is shaped for our purposes may, without constant reflection, distort those purposes. For language may become encrusted with atavistic, malicious or evil irrationalities. The specific thesis (borrowed from George Orwell) that provides the central organizing rationale for Max Skidmore’s book is that &dquo;sloppy language makes it easier to have sloppy thoughts, just as sloppy thoughts encour-","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"19 1","pages":"476 - 478"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1976-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86014644","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1976-09-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900310
Van Coufoudakis
Assembly of Resolution 814 (IX) of December 17, 1954.~ Today, the United Nations is faced with the most critical phase of the Cyprus question, as well as with a serious test of its peacekeeping and peacemaking potential. The origins of this international dispute precede the involvement of the organization in it and can be traced to a complicated set of factors reflecting the island’s strategic location and history. The presence of two distinct ethnic communities on the island; the absence oi national integration; the penetration by and eventual institutionalization of external powers in its political life; and the national security concerns of Britain and the United States in Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean, have affected the evolution of the dispute and the way the United Nations has responded to it.2 Thus the Cyprus question remains a classic example of the interplay of national and international disputes and of the difficulty of delineating between them.
{"title":"United Nations Peacekeeping and Peacemaking and the Cyprus Question","authors":"Van Coufoudakis","doi":"10.1177/106591297602900310","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297602900310","url":null,"abstract":"Assembly of Resolution 814 (IX) of December 17, 1954.~ Today, the United Nations is faced with the most critical phase of the Cyprus question, as well as with a serious test of its peacekeeping and peacemaking potential. The origins of this international dispute precede the involvement of the organization in it and can be traced to a complicated set of factors reflecting the island’s strategic location and history. The presence of two distinct ethnic communities on the island; the absence oi national integration; the penetration by and eventual institutionalization of external powers in its political life; and the national security concerns of Britain and the United States in Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean, have affected the evolution of the dispute and the way the United Nations has responded to it.2 Thus the Cyprus question remains a classic example of the interplay of national and international disputes and of the difficulty of delineating between them.","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"1 1","pages":"457 - 473"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1976-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84020868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1976-06-01DOI: 10.1017/S0022050700082024
K. Hill
to discuss the economics of several important issues in banking history. For example, Klebaner does not examine the economics of bank attempts to slow note redemption or the possible growth-retarding effects of legal reserve requirements. Two additional problems limit the book's usefulness. First, it is not clear for what audience Klebaner was aiming. While the preface states that the book is intended for "the reader without any special background in economics or finance," it does assume some familiarity with terms such as note redemption, bills of exchange, deposit creation, and elasticity. Readers with background in banking history will find the book's usefulness reduced by the limited footnotes, which make it difficult to evaluate much of the material. The brief bibliography of 56 entries offers little help. A second drawback is the use of only two tables and no graphs or charts to present a sometimes overwhelming amount of quantitative information. This is especially distracting in the chapters dealing with the post-1914 period where bank sources and uses of funds are discussed in detail. Summary tables would have aided digestion of the figures and permitted comparative analysis. Despite these drawbacks, the book manages to cover in a short space the main outlines of banking history in the United States. In the process, it presents considerable useful information on banks, bankers and banking. The book deserves the attention of those interested in banking history and could serve as supplemental reading in courses in money and banking and American economic history. RICHARD H. KEEHN, University of Wisconsin, Parkside
{"title":"State and Society in the Politics of Turkey's Development. By ILKAY SUNAR. (Ankara University Faculty of Political Science Publication No. 377, 1974. Pp. ix, 196.)","authors":"K. Hill","doi":"10.1017/S0022050700082024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022050700082024","url":null,"abstract":"to discuss the economics of several important issues in banking history. For example, Klebaner does not examine the economics of bank attempts to slow note redemption or the possible growth-retarding effects of legal reserve requirements. Two additional problems limit the book's usefulness. First, it is not clear for what audience Klebaner was aiming. While the preface states that the book is intended for \"the reader without any special background in economics or finance,\" it does assume some familiarity with terms such as note redemption, bills of exchange, deposit creation, and elasticity. Readers with background in banking history will find the book's usefulness reduced by the limited footnotes, which make it difficult to evaluate much of the material. The brief bibliography of 56 entries offers little help. A second drawback is the use of only two tables and no graphs or charts to present a sometimes overwhelming amount of quantitative information. This is especially distracting in the chapters dealing with the post-1914 period where bank sources and uses of funds are discussed in detail. Summary tables would have aided digestion of the figures and permitted comparative analysis. Despite these drawbacks, the book manages to cover in a short space the main outlines of banking history in the United States. In the process, it presents considerable useful information on banks, bankers and banking. The book deserves the attention of those interested in banking history and could serve as supplemental reading in courses in money and banking and American economic history. RICHARD H. KEEHN, University of Wisconsin, Parkside","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"52 1","pages":"492 - 492"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1976-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80370800","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1972-12-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500413
P. Gluck
and politics is the belief that there is a considerable difference in the life styles and politics of rural and urban America. With the great migration from the cities to the suburbs, it has now become a question of whether the life style and politics of suburban communities will approximate the urban life style and politics more closely than the rural one. Of particular interest to the student of politics is the question of the impact of a community's life style upon its political style. Banfield and Wilson, for example, contrast small-town politics with city politics by noting that the former emphasizes personal, face-to-face contacts, while the latter impersonalizes politics by placing a variety of organizations between the individual and the political system. Furthermore, town politics is seen as largely consensus-oriented, while city politics is regarded as conflict-oriented.1 The importance of the distinction between these two styles of politics is that they have considerable consequences for a variety of functions performed in the political system. One of the primary community variables believed to affect the style of politics is the local party organization. The style of politics said to prevail in urban communities has been labeled the "professional style" and coincides with a model of local party organization based upon the research of Forthal, Gosnell, Kent, and Salter.2 In this model the emphasis of the organization is upon the appeal of a variety of self-oriented incentives, including tangible ones such as jobs, patronage, and business contacts, and intangible ones such as social status and prestige, social mobility, and community recognition. Activists and voters in urban party organizations appear to be unconcerned with the variety of other-oriented incentives, either tangible or intangible, which politics offers to its partisans and participants." Rather,
{"title":"Research Note: Incentives and the Maintenance of Political Styles in Different Locales","authors":"P. Gluck","doi":"10.1177/106591297202500413","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297202500413","url":null,"abstract":"and politics is the belief that there is a considerable difference in the life styles and politics of rural and urban America. With the great migration from the cities to the suburbs, it has now become a question of whether the life style and politics of suburban communities will approximate the urban life style and politics more closely than the rural one. Of particular interest to the student of politics is the question of the impact of a community's life style upon its political style. Banfield and Wilson, for example, contrast small-town politics with city politics by noting that the former emphasizes personal, face-to-face contacts, while the latter impersonalizes politics by placing a variety of organizations between the individual and the political system. Furthermore, town politics is seen as largely consensus-oriented, while city politics is regarded as conflict-oriented.1 The importance of the distinction between these two styles of politics is that they have considerable consequences for a variety of functions performed in the political system. One of the primary community variables believed to affect the style of politics is the local party organization. The style of politics said to prevail in urban communities has been labeled the \"professional style\" and coincides with a model of local party organization based upon the research of Forthal, Gosnell, Kent, and Salter.2 In this model the emphasis of the organization is upon the appeal of a variety of self-oriented incentives, including tangible ones such as jobs, patronage, and business contacts, and intangible ones such as social status and prestige, social mobility, and community recognition. Activists and voters in urban party organizations appear to be unconcerned with the variety of other-oriented incentives, either tangible or intangible, which politics offers to its partisans and participants.\" Rather,","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"13 1","pages":"753 - 760"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1972-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74747061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1972-12-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500401
Edgar S. Efrat
emulated about eighty years later with the passage of the British North America Act, 1867, which created the Dominion of Canada as a federal union within the British Empire. Since then, the federal idea caught on and has spread to all continents, adapting itself to local circumstances and to the experiences of history with varying degrees of success. The mortality rate among federations was and remains high, witness the recent demise of the West Indian Federation, Ghana-Guinea, Mali-Senegal, the Central African Federation of Rhodesia-Nyasaland, and the 1958-61 United Arab Republic. Although never considered perfect, only lately have serious cracks appeared in the federal structure of the two older federations, the American and the Canadian. In 1939 Harold Laski observed that the assumption that "a creative America must be a federal America," and that "the wider the powers exercised from Washington, the more ineffective will be the capacity for creative administration," was more than any philosophic pattern responsible for the malaise of American democracy.' His plea was for the recognition that the federal form of state is, or was at that time, unsuitable to the stage of economic and social development that America has reached. Laski expanded his argument to include Canada, among others, exemplifying the need for drastic constitutional revision, since the historic division of powers impairs the need for social and economic reconstruction. He argued, first, that there were certain objects of administrative control left to the constituent units, that is, states or provinces, for which they were no longer suitable instruments of regulation. The areas of health, education, unemployment compensation, labor conditions, railroad rates, and electric power should be centralized, that is, placed under complete federal control. Second, that the proper objects of federal supervision cannot any longer be dependent upon constituent unit consent. Laski's thesis was based on the assumption that large capitalist enterprises, such as du Pont in Delaware or Anaconda Copper in Montana, out-class, in terms of power, the power of the state in which they operate; as he put it ". .. the formal powers of the states are rarely commensurate with the actual authority they may venture to exercise. And it is the common citizen of the United States who pays the price of that margin
大约80年后，1867年通过的《英属北美法案》(British North America Act)效仿了这一做法，该法案在大英帝国内部建立了加拿大自治领，成为一个联邦联盟。从那时起，联邦制的理念开始流行并传播到各大洲，并根据当地情况和历史经验进行调整，取得了不同程度的成功。联邦之间的死亡率过去很高，现在仍然很高，西印度联邦、加纳-几内亚、马里-塞内加尔、中非罗得西亚-尼亚萨兰联邦和1958-61年阿拉伯联合共和国最近的灭亡就是例证。尽管从未被认为是完美的，但直到最近，美国和加拿大这两个老牌联盟的联邦结构才出现了严重的裂痕。1939年，哈罗德·拉斯基(Harold Laski)观察到，“一个有创造力的美国必须是一个联邦制的美国”，以及“华盛顿行使的权力越广，创造性管理的能力就越无效”的假设，比任何哲学模式都要为美国民主的萎靡负责。他的请求是让人们认识到，联邦形式的国家现在是，或者在当时是，不适合美国已经达到的经济和社会发展阶段。拉斯基将他的论点扩大到包括加拿大在内的其他国家，因为历史上的权力划分损害了社会和经济重建的需要，因此加拿大证明需要进行激烈的宪法修改。他认为，首先，行政控制的某些对象留给了组成单位，即州或省，对它们来说，它们不再是合适的管理工具。卫生、教育、失业补偿、劳动条件、铁路费率和电力等领域应该集中管理，即完全置于联邦政府的控制之下。其次，联邦监管的适当对象不能再依赖于组成单位的同意。拉斯基的理论是基于这样一个假设，即大型资本主义企业，比如特拉华州的杜邦公司或蒙大拿州的阿纳康达铜业公司，在权力方面，在其经营所在国家的权力方面，都处于阶级之外;正如他所说的那样“……各州的正式权力很少与其冒险行使的实际权力相称。为这一差距付出代价的是美国的普通公民
{"title":"Federations in Crisis — the Failure of the Old Order","authors":"Edgar S. Efrat","doi":"10.1177/106591297202500401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297202500401","url":null,"abstract":"emulated about eighty years later with the passage of the British North America Act, 1867, which created the Dominion of Canada as a federal union within the British Empire. Since then, the federal idea caught on and has spread to all continents, adapting itself to local circumstances and to the experiences of history with varying degrees of success. The mortality rate among federations was and remains high, witness the recent demise of the West Indian Federation, Ghana-Guinea, Mali-Senegal, the Central African Federation of Rhodesia-Nyasaland, and the 1958-61 United Arab Republic. Although never considered perfect, only lately have serious cracks appeared in the federal structure of the two older federations, the American and the Canadian. In 1939 Harold Laski observed that the assumption that \"a creative America must be a federal America,\" and that \"the wider the powers exercised from Washington, the more ineffective will be the capacity for creative administration,\" was more than any philosophic pattern responsible for the malaise of American democracy.' His plea was for the recognition that the federal form of state is, or was at that time, unsuitable to the stage of economic and social development that America has reached. Laski expanded his argument to include Canada, among others, exemplifying the need for drastic constitutional revision, since the historic division of powers impairs the need for social and economic reconstruction. He argued, first, that there were certain objects of administrative control left to the constituent units, that is, states or provinces, for which they were no longer suitable instruments of regulation. The areas of health, education, unemployment compensation, labor conditions, railroad rates, and electric power should be centralized, that is, placed under complete federal control. Second, that the proper objects of federal supervision cannot any longer be dependent upon constituent unit consent. Laski's thesis was based on the assumption that large capitalist enterprises, such as du Pont in Delaware or Anaconda Copper in Montana, out-class, in terms of power, the power of the state in which they operate; as he put it \". .. the formal powers of the states are rarely commensurate with the actual authority they may venture to exercise. And it is the common citizen of the United States who pays the price of that margin","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"52 1","pages":"589 - 599"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1972-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85878035","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1972-12-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500405
John Fraser
{"title":"Orientations Toward Parents and Political Efficacy","authors":"John Fraser","doi":"10.1177/106591297202500405","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297202500405","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"15 1","pages":"643 - 647"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1972-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90269386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1972-12-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500403
Charles M. Tidmarch, Charles M. Sabatt
pute the assertion that most of the major decisions in this area of policy have been executive decisions. Yet, although the President and the foreign affairs bureaucracy have assumed preeminent leadership in managing the relations of the United States with the rest of the world, formal control over foreign policy remains fragmented and congressional participation in a variety of activities has continued.' Control over appropriations in particular remains a major instrument of congressional influence upon the executive.2 If a President is to be an effective foreign policy leader vis-a-vis Congress, he must depend heavily upon the members of his own party for core support. Should the President's party be in the minority in one or both houses, a strictly partisan leadership strategy would of course be tantamount to inviting failure. Furthermore, even if his party is in the majority, he will find it advantageous to cultivate bipartisan support, if for no other reason than to present the face of consensus to allies and enemies alike in the community of nations. It is a fact that members of the President's party in Congress tend to give him somewhat more support than members of the opposition party in roll-call voting on foreign policy issues. For example, in the Senate in 1969 (91st Congress, 1st Session), the average Presidential Foreign Policy Support Score (a Congressional Quarterly measure) of the Republicans was 71.3 percent, while the average Democratic score was 65.1 percent.3 Although this is not a strikingly large difference, it is significant (not in a statistical sense) if one considers that the roll calls upon which the scores are based were among the most important in the session. Under such conditions various other strong pressures (e.g., constituency, interest groups, committees) are more likely to be exerted on senatorial voting. In other words, it is
{"title":"Presidential Leadership Change and Foreign Policy Roll-Call Voting in the U.S. Senate","authors":"Charles M. Tidmarch, Charles M. Sabatt","doi":"10.1177/106591297202500403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297202500403","url":null,"abstract":"pute the assertion that most of the major decisions in this area of policy have been executive decisions. Yet, although the President and the foreign affairs bureaucracy have assumed preeminent leadership in managing the relations of the United States with the rest of the world, formal control over foreign policy remains fragmented and congressional participation in a variety of activities has continued.' Control over appropriations in particular remains a major instrument of congressional influence upon the executive.2 If a President is to be an effective foreign policy leader vis-a-vis Congress, he must depend heavily upon the members of his own party for core support. Should the President's party be in the minority in one or both houses, a strictly partisan leadership strategy would of course be tantamount to inviting failure. Furthermore, even if his party is in the majority, he will find it advantageous to cultivate bipartisan support, if for no other reason than to present the face of consensus to allies and enemies alike in the community of nations. It is a fact that members of the President's party in Congress tend to give him somewhat more support than members of the opposition party in roll-call voting on foreign policy issues. For example, in the Senate in 1969 (91st Congress, 1st Session), the average Presidential Foreign Policy Support Score (a Congressional Quarterly measure) of the Republicans was 71.3 percent, while the average Democratic score was 65.1 percent.3 Although this is not a strikingly large difference, it is significant (not in a statistical sense) if one considers that the roll calls upon which the scores are based were among the most important in the session. Under such conditions various other strong pressures (e.g., constituency, interest groups, committees) are more likely to be exerted on senatorial voting. In other words, it is","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"10 1","pages":"613 - 625"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1972-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76064959","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1972-12-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500410
F. L. Grieves
HIS STUDY concerns the whale as an object of international conservation and the ability of international legal mechanisms, not only to protect the whale, but more broadly to deal with international conservation. Although presented as a case study, the following material is intended to accomplish three general goals. First, in light of the growing public interest in the status of whales (expressed for example at the recent United Nations Stockholm Convention on the Environment'), it is essential that social scientists have some familiarity with the substance of the issue in order to face more effectively the interdisciplinary aspects of whales as a policy problem. Second, the example of the International Whaling Commission, which has the responsibility of managing whaling, suggests some of the legal and political dimensions of trying to cope with an international conservation problem. Finally, the case of the whales is intended to draw attention to the fact that, as a facet of the overall apparent "environmental crisis," conservation has not received the attention it deserves. As several types of whales appear to be verging on extinction, their situation thus focuses most poignantly on the conservation aspect of ecological concern.
{"title":"Leviathan, the International Whaling Commission and Conservation as Environmental Aspects of International Law","authors":"F. L. Grieves","doi":"10.1177/106591297202500410","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297202500410","url":null,"abstract":"HIS STUDY concerns the whale as an object of international conservation and the ability of international legal mechanisms, not only to protect the whale, but more broadly to deal with international conservation. Although presented as a case study, the following material is intended to accomplish three general goals. First, in light of the growing public interest in the status of whales (expressed for example at the recent United Nations Stockholm Convention on the Environment'), it is essential that social scientists have some familiarity with the substance of the issue in order to face more effectively the interdisciplinary aspects of whales as a policy problem. Second, the example of the International Whaling Commission, which has the responsibility of managing whaling, suggests some of the legal and political dimensions of trying to cope with an international conservation problem. Finally, the case of the whales is intended to draw attention to the fact that, as a facet of the overall apparent \"environmental crisis,\" conservation has not received the attention it deserves. As several types of whales appear to be verging on extinction, their situation thus focuses most poignantly on the conservation aspect of ecological concern.","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"38 1","pages":"711 - 725"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1972-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74637615","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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