Pub Date : 1972-12-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500406
J. Jaquette
T HE MILITARY government which took power in Peru in October 1968 is an anomaly among military governments in Latin America. In contrast to Charles Anderson's well-known description of the military coup, which "does not demolish the previous structure of power relationships," but marks the addition of a "new power contender to the "inner circle" of power elites,"' The Peruvian coup is not a holding operation but a watershed event in Peruvian and Latin American history. The government of Juan Velasco Alvarado is committed to, and is implementing, radical changes in the structure of Peruvian society. The regime rejects terms like "reformist" or "modernizing" ;2 rather it sees itself as carrying out a revolution in the name of the people, a revolution without bloodshed, a revolution which will bring economic independence and social harmony to Peru. In the words of the Manifesto, the "Revolutionary Government" is committed to "transform the social, economic and cultural structures," to maintain a "clear, independent position in defense of the national sovereignty" and to achieve these goals in the context of "authority, respect, and observance of the law, and the rule of justice and morality in all areas of national activity." 3 Those responsible for the coup are a small, self-conscious elite, operating within an institution that has important unique features within Peruvian society. The military has been relatively isolated4 from the rest of Peru's elites; the leadership tends to be drawn from the provincial middle classes5 and to have shared common experiences. Data on cabinet members show that many attended Chorillos Military Academy in about the same period (with dates of graduation ranging from 1939 to 1943), and a number attended or taught at the Center for Advanced Military Studies where the fundamental questions of Peru's economic and social development were raised and where the ideology of the current regime is said to have developed. Further, it has been argued that the military leadership was galvanized into action by its experiences with rural guerrilla movements in 1962 and 1965. Although the effort required to suppress these movements seems to have been quite minimal, there is no question that the military took the existence of a rural peasant threat and its link to urban based leftist movements quite seriously, as is evidenced by their own reporting of the repression: "Although it is quite true that the guerrilla focos... have been disbanded, that does not mean that the revolutionary war in Peru is over.
{"title":"Revolution By Fiat: the Context of Policy-Making in Peru","authors":"J. Jaquette","doi":"10.1177/106591297202500406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297202500406","url":null,"abstract":"T HE MILITARY government which took power in Peru in October 1968 is an anomaly among military governments in Latin America. In contrast to Charles Anderson's well-known description of the military coup, which \"does not demolish the previous structure of power relationships,\" but marks the addition of a \"new power contender to the \"inner circle\" of power elites,\"' The Peruvian coup is not a holding operation but a watershed event in Peruvian and Latin American history. The government of Juan Velasco Alvarado is committed to, and is implementing, radical changes in the structure of Peruvian society. The regime rejects terms like \"reformist\" or \"modernizing\" ;2 rather it sees itself as carrying out a revolution in the name of the people, a revolution without bloodshed, a revolution which will bring economic independence and social harmony to Peru. In the words of the Manifesto, the \"Revolutionary Government\" is committed to \"transform the social, economic and cultural structures,\" to maintain a \"clear, independent position in defense of the national sovereignty\" and to achieve these goals in the context of \"authority, respect, and observance of the law, and the rule of justice and morality in all areas of national activity.\" 3 Those responsible for the coup are a small, self-conscious elite, operating within an institution that has important unique features within Peruvian society. The military has been relatively isolated4 from the rest of Peru's elites; the leadership tends to be drawn from the provincial middle classes5 and to have shared common experiences. Data on cabinet members show that many attended Chorillos Military Academy in about the same period (with dates of graduation ranging from 1939 to 1943), and a number attended or taught at the Center for Advanced Military Studies where the fundamental questions of Peru's economic and social development were raised and where the ideology of the current regime is said to have developed. Further, it has been argued that the military leadership was galvanized into action by its experiences with rural guerrilla movements in 1962 and 1965. Although the effort required to suppress these movements seems to have been quite minimal, there is no question that the military took the existence of a rural peasant threat and its link to urban based leftist movements quite seriously, as is evidenced by their own reporting of the repression: \"Although it is quite true that the guerrilla focos... have been disbanded, that does not mean that the revolutionary war in Peru is over.","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"1 1","pages":"648 - 666"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1972-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90170340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1972-12-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500421
Stephen L. Wasby
as &dquo;any organization that requires prospective candidates to acquire a college education in order to be eligible for recruitment ... ,&dquo; do not create confidence: neither the military nor the foreign service requires a college degree. Except for a distrust of communism and of disarmament, it is not made clear in what way the beliefs of the military are more &dquo;hard-line&dquo; than their counterparts in diplomacy. Thus the chapter on &dquo;Foreign Policy Beliefs&dquo; is doubly disappointing: (a) it does not fulfill the promise of the book’s title, and (b) the reader is left totally in the dark as to what a &dquo;hard-line&dquo; policy might be, let us say, toward Japan, or Bangladesh, or Rhodesia.
{"title":"Book Reviews : The Superfluous Anarchist: Albert Jay Nock. By MICHAEL WRESZIN. (Providence: Brown University Press, 1972. PP. xi, 196. $8.50.)","authors":"Stephen L. Wasby","doi":"10.1177/106591297202500421","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297202500421","url":null,"abstract":"as &dquo;any organization that requires prospective candidates to acquire a college education in order to be eligible for recruitment ... ,&dquo; do not create confidence: neither the military nor the foreign service requires a college degree. Except for a distrust of communism and of disarmament, it is not made clear in what way the beliefs of the military are more &dquo;hard-line&dquo; than their counterparts in diplomacy. Thus the chapter on &dquo;Foreign Policy Beliefs&dquo; is doubly disappointing: (a) it does not fulfill the promise of the book’s title, and (b) the reader is left totally in the dark as to what a &dquo;hard-line&dquo; policy might be, let us say, toward Japan, or Bangladesh, or Rhodesia.","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"4 1","pages":"796 - 798"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1972-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85651733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1972-12-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500424
C. Micaud
{"title":"Book Reviews : The French Democratic Left 1963-1969: Toward a Modern Party System. By FRANK L. WILSON. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1971. Pp. 258. $8.95.)","authors":"C. Micaud","doi":"10.1177/106591297202500424","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297202500424","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"15 1","pages":"802 - 803"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1972-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90284559","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1972-12-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500429
John W. Schwada
{"title":"Book Reviews : Amereican Policy and the Division of Germany. By BRUCE KUKLICK. (Ithaca: Comell University Press, 1972. Pp. viii, 286. $8.75.)","authors":"John W. Schwada","doi":"10.1177/106591297202500429","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297202500429","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"67 1","pages":"808 - 809"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1972-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83455998","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1972-12-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500404
B. Atkins
HE COMBINED use by the courts of appeals of a three-member rotating panel procedure with an en banc system provides a provocative context for testing hypotheses which relate the strategic options available to policyoriented judges with institutional decision-making rules.' One question of particular interest concerns the extent to which the dual decision-making procedures of the intermediate appellate courts facilitate a minority's ability to circumvent a majority's policy preference. Superficially, a system of rotating panels appears to facilitate a proportionate expression of minority views on a court of appeals. To grasp this proposition, the policy outcomes on the United States Supreme Court as determined by the decisionmaking rules operative there may be compared with a hypothetical instance in which the decisions of the high court are determined by three-judge panels. Two assumptions are made: (1) that the court is composed of two opposing blocs on civil liberty issues, a liberal majority of six and a conservative minority of three; and (2) that defection from a bloc is not permissible. Under these conditions, the liberal segment of the court could determine the gamut of civil liberty policy to be formulated by the court. The conservative minority must be content with either: (1) complete minority status, that is, the status quo; (2) joining the majority in order to parake in the available power to be distributed; (3) capturing votes from the majority in order to form a new coalition; or (4) awaiting shifts in the court's personnel that would be conducive to their conceptions of civil liberty policy. However, if the Supreme Court changed its decision-making procedures so as to permit the formation of threemember panels, the contours of majority-minority conflict would alter dramatically. Incorporating the additional assumptions (1) that all panels may appear with equal probability and (2) that empirically, all panels do in fact contribute equally to decision-making, then a minority of three would clearly contribute to policy-making in those instances when two members of the minority coalition combine to form a panel with a member of the majority or when the three minority members meet simultaneously to form a panel. An implicit assumption of the first eventually is
{"title":"Decision-Making Rules and Judicial Strategy On the United States Courts of Appeals","authors":"B. Atkins","doi":"10.1177/106591297202500404","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297202500404","url":null,"abstract":"HE COMBINED use by the courts of appeals of a three-member rotating panel procedure with an en banc system provides a provocative context for testing hypotheses which relate the strategic options available to policyoriented judges with institutional decision-making rules.' One question of particular interest concerns the extent to which the dual decision-making procedures of the intermediate appellate courts facilitate a minority's ability to circumvent a majority's policy preference. Superficially, a system of rotating panels appears to facilitate a proportionate expression of minority views on a court of appeals. To grasp this proposition, the policy outcomes on the United States Supreme Court as determined by the decisionmaking rules operative there may be compared with a hypothetical instance in which the decisions of the high court are determined by three-judge panels. Two assumptions are made: (1) that the court is composed of two opposing blocs on civil liberty issues, a liberal majority of six and a conservative minority of three; and (2) that defection from a bloc is not permissible. Under these conditions, the liberal segment of the court could determine the gamut of civil liberty policy to be formulated by the court. The conservative minority must be content with either: (1) complete minority status, that is, the status quo; (2) joining the majority in order to parake in the available power to be distributed; (3) capturing votes from the majority in order to form a new coalition; or (4) awaiting shifts in the court's personnel that would be conducive to their conceptions of civil liberty policy. However, if the Supreme Court changed its decision-making procedures so as to permit the formation of threemember panels, the contours of majority-minority conflict would alter dramatically. Incorporating the additional assumptions (1) that all panels may appear with equal probability and (2) that empirically, all panels do in fact contribute equally to decision-making, then a minority of three would clearly contribute to policy-making in those instances when two members of the minority coalition combine to form a panel with a member of the majority or when the three minority members meet simultaneously to form a panel. An implicit assumption of the first eventually is","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"77 1","pages":"626 - 642"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1972-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81350461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1972-12-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500412
R. Fowler
'Some works in English used in this study with which a serious examination of nineteenth century anarchist thought might begin: W. Godwin, Enquiry Concerning Political Justice, 2 vols. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1946); M. Stirner, The Ego and His Own (London: A. C. Fifield, 1912) ; P. Proudhon, General Idea of the Revolution in the Nineteenth Century (London: Freedom House, n.d.) and S. Edwards, ed., Selected Writings of Pierre Joseph Proudhon (Garden City: Doubleday, 1969) ; A. Herzen, From the Other Shore (New York: George Braziller, 1966) ; G. P. Maximoff, ed., The Political Philosophy of Bakunin (New York: Free Press, 1964); L. Tolstoy, The Kingdom of God Is Within You (Noonday, 1966); P. Kropotkin, Memoirs of a Revolutionist (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1899), Mutual Aid (New York: McClure, 1907), and Conquest of Bread (New York: Putnam, 1907); also see M. Miller, ed., P. Kropotkin, Selected Writings on Anarchism and Revolution (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1970). Some general secondary sources include G. Woodcock, Anarchism (Cleveland: Meridian Books, 1962); J. Joll, The Anarchists (New York: Universal Publishing Co., 1966); I. L. Horowitz, ed., The Anarchists (New York: Dell, 1964); A. Carter, The Political Theory of Anarchism (New York: Harper & Row, 1971); A. Rittex, "Anarchism and Liberal Theory in the Nineteenth Century," paper delivered at the 1970 meeting of the American Political Science Association. More specific secondary sources worth examining include: P. Avrich, The Russian Anarchists (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967); E. H. Carr, The Romantic Exiles (New York: F. A. Stokes, 1933); G. Woodcock and 1. Avakumovic. The Anarchist Prince (New York: Schoken Books, 1971); M. Nomad, Apostles of Revolution (New York: Collier Books, 1962); I. Kramnick, "On Anarchism and the Real World," American Political Science Review, 66 (March 1972), 114-28; A. Ritter, The Political Thought of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969). But all these are only the beginning of a vast literature. These works will be cited hereafter only by author's name, with brief title where necessary.
{"title":"The Anarchist Tradition of Political Thought","authors":"R. Fowler","doi":"10.1177/106591297202500412","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297202500412","url":null,"abstract":"'Some works in English used in this study with which a serious examination of nineteenth century anarchist thought might begin: W. Godwin, Enquiry Concerning Political Justice, 2 vols. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1946); M. Stirner, The Ego and His Own (London: A. C. Fifield, 1912) ; P. Proudhon, General Idea of the Revolution in the Nineteenth Century (London: Freedom House, n.d.) and S. Edwards, ed., Selected Writings of Pierre Joseph Proudhon (Garden City: Doubleday, 1969) ; A. Herzen, From the Other Shore (New York: George Braziller, 1966) ; G. P. Maximoff, ed., The Political Philosophy of Bakunin (New York: Free Press, 1964); L. Tolstoy, The Kingdom of God Is Within You (Noonday, 1966); P. Kropotkin, Memoirs of a Revolutionist (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1899), Mutual Aid (New York: McClure, 1907), and Conquest of Bread (New York: Putnam, 1907); also see M. Miller, ed., P. Kropotkin, Selected Writings on Anarchism and Revolution (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1970). Some general secondary sources include G. Woodcock, Anarchism (Cleveland: Meridian Books, 1962); J. Joll, The Anarchists (New York: Universal Publishing Co., 1966); I. L. Horowitz, ed., The Anarchists (New York: Dell, 1964); A. Carter, The Political Theory of Anarchism (New York: Harper & Row, 1971); A. Rittex, \"Anarchism and Liberal Theory in the Nineteenth Century,\" paper delivered at the 1970 meeting of the American Political Science Association. More specific secondary sources worth examining include: P. Avrich, The Russian Anarchists (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967); E. H. Carr, The Romantic Exiles (New York: F. A. Stokes, 1933); G. Woodcock and 1. Avakumovic. The Anarchist Prince (New York: Schoken Books, 1971); M. Nomad, Apostles of Revolution (New York: Collier Books, 1962); I. Kramnick, \"On Anarchism and the Real World,\" American Political Science Review, 66 (March 1972), 114-28; A. Ritter, The Political Thought of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969). But all these are only the beginning of a vast literature. These works will be cited hereafter only by author's name, with brief title where necessary.","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"2 1","pages":"738 - 752"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1972-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78477641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1972-12-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500426
R. Dale
{"title":"Book Reviews : A Federation of Southern Africa. By LEOPOLD MARQUARD. (London : Oxford Uni versity Press, 1971. Pp. 142. £2.)","authors":"R. Dale","doi":"10.1177/106591297202500426","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297202500426","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"50 1","pages":"804 - 805"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1972-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91260702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1972-12-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500408
Michael L. Mezey
are formally guaranteed by the nation’s constitution, these institutions are, in the final analysis, ultimately subordinate to other elements in the political system in whose hands actual rule-making power resides. In such a system, the Government rarely loses an important vote in the legislature and such a defeat, in the event that it does occur, can provoke a serious constitutional crisis. The Government initiates
{"title":"The Functions of a Minimal Legislature: Role Perceptions of Thai Legislators","authors":"Michael L. Mezey","doi":"10.1177/106591297202500408","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297202500408","url":null,"abstract":"are formally guaranteed by the nation’s constitution, these institutions are, in the final analysis, ultimately subordinate to other elements in the political system in whose hands actual rule-making power resides. In such a system, the Government rarely loses an important vote in the legislature and such a defeat, in the event that it does occur, can provoke a serious constitutional crisis. The Government initiates","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"41 1","pages":"686 - 701"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1972-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74928278","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1972-12-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500419
P. Grothe
{"title":"Book Reviews : The New Totalitarians. By ROLAND HUNTFORD. (New York: Stein and Day, 1972. Pp. 354. $10.00.)","authors":"P. Grothe","doi":"10.1177/106591297202500419","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297202500419","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"62 1","pages":"794 - 795"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1972-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81071543","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1972-12-01DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500418
Gordon Lloyd
{"title":"Book Reviews : Poltical Hysteria in America: The Democratic Gapacity for Repression. By MUR- RAY B. LEVIN. (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 197 1. Pp. 312. $8.50.)","authors":"Gordon Lloyd","doi":"10.1177/106591297202500418","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591297202500418","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"10 1","pages":"792 - 793"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1972-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84358810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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