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Partisan Differences On Environmental Issues: a Congressional Roll-Call Analysis 环境问题上的党派分歧:国会唱名分析
Pub Date : 1976-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900305
R. Dunlap, M. Allen
HE ISSUE of environmental quality has often been viewed as a consensus issue which transcends the partisan differences characteristic of most political issues. This consensus and nonpartisan view of environmental politics is challenged in a recent study by Dunlap and Gale.l In contrast to many observers, Dunlap and Gale argue that there are important reasons for expecting significant partisan differences to emerge on environmental issues. On the one hand, "proenvironmental" measures generally are opposed by business and industry, entail an extension of governmental regulation and intervention, and imply the need for "radical" rather than "incremental" policies. On the other hand, traditionally the Republican party, relative to the Democratic, has maintained a more pro-business orientation, a greater opposition to the extension of governmental power, and a less innovative posture toward the use of governmental action to solve societal problems. For these reasons, Dunlap and Gale hypothesized that Republicans would give significantly less support to measures designed to protect the quality of the environment than would Democrats. They tested the hypothesis in the 1970 session of the Oregon legislature, where it received considerable support. Republican legislators were found to rank significantly lower than their Democratic counterparts in terms of "pro-environment" voting on relevant roll calls. Although the hypothesis presented by Dunlap and Gale is supported by their study of Oregon legislators, as well as recent studies of California2 and Utah legislators,3 it is by no means clear that similar partisan differences on the issue of environmental quality exist at the national level. It seems possible, for example, that partisan differences may not emerge at the congressional level because labor unions. which are extremely influential among the Democratic members of Congress, often oppose environmental measures which purportedly threaten to eliminate jobs for their members.4 Given the critical role of the U.S. Congress in providing federal funds and establishing national standards for preserving the quality of the environ-
环境质量问题经常被视为一个共识问题,超越了大多数政治问题所特有的党派分歧。邓拉普和盖尔最近的一项研究对这种共识和无党派的环境政治观点提出了挑战。l与许多观察家不同,邓拉普和盖尔认为,在环境问题上预期会出现重大的党派分歧是有重要原因的。一方面,“亲环境”措施通常受到工商界的反对,需要政府扩大管制和干预,意味着需要“激进”而不是“渐进”的政策。另一方面,与民主党相比,共和党传统上一直保持着更亲商的倾向,更反对政府权力的扩张,对利用政府行动来解决社会问题的态度缺乏创新。由于这些原因,邓拉普和盖尔假设共和党人对旨在保护环境质量的措施的支持明显少于民主党人。他们在1970年的俄勒冈州议会会议上验证了这一假设,并得到了相当大的支持。调查发现,在相关点名中,共和党议员在“支持环境”投票方面的排名明显低于民主党议员。尽管邓拉普和盖尔提出的假设得到了他们对俄勒冈州立法者的研究,以及最近对加利福尼亚州和犹他州立法者的研究的支持,但在国家层面上,在环境质量问题上是否存在类似的党派差异,这一点也不清楚。例如,由于工会的原因,党派分歧可能不会在国会层面出现。在国会民主党议员中极具影响力的,经常反对环境措施,据称这些措施会威胁到他们的成员的工作鉴于美国国会在提供联邦资金和建立保护环境质量的国家标准方面的关键作用
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引用次数: 66
Book Reviews : Corporate Power in an African State: The Political Impact of Multinational Mining Companies in Zambia. By RICHARD L. SKLAR. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975. Pp. 245. $12.00.) 书评:《非洲国家的企业权力:跨国矿业公司在赞比亚的政治影响》。理查德·斯克拉著。伯克利:加州大学出版社,1975年。245页。12.00美元)。
Pub Date : 1976-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900320
M. Nziramasanga
Since the changes in national patterns of authority have been so extensive in recent years, Prescott’s book is a timely one. As well, it is an imaginative attempt to measure the impact of geographical factors on the process of national claims. By concentrating on national zones of authority, Prescott’s approach is a statecentric one. He implies that the political geography of the seas is the study of ocean areas claimed by nation-states. Because of this bias, he does not examine existing patterns of intergovernmental and transnational authority in the oceans. For example, the regional fishery commissions and IMCO (the Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization) are not discussed. The chapter on the high seas lacks the coherence of earlier chapters. Similarly, the politically vital questions associated with islets, islands, and straits are not fully treated. Nor does Prescott examine the common geographical problems of groups of states such as the archi-
由于近年来国家权力模式的变化如此广泛,普雷斯科特的书是及时的。此外,它是衡量地理因素对国家要求过程的影响的一种富有想象力的尝试。通过集中于国家权力区域,普雷斯科特的方法是一种以国家为中心的方法。他暗示,海洋的政治地理学是对民族国家声称拥有主权的海洋区域的研究。由于这种偏见,他没有研究政府间和跨国海洋权威的现有模式。例如,没有讨论区域渔业委员会和海事组织(政府间海事协商组织)。关于公海的那一章缺乏前几章的连贯性。同样,与小岛、岛屿和海峡有关的重要政治问题也没有得到充分处理。普雷斯科特也没有研究像美国这样的国家集团的共同地理问题
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引用次数: 0
The Fiscal Limits of the Warfare-Welfare State: Defense and Welfare Spending in the United States Since 1900 战争-福利国家的财政限制:1900年以来美国的国防和福利支出
Pub Date : 1976-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900304
J. Clayton
TT IS widely believed among scholars that defense spending in A-merica is excessively high and has gained an undue influence in setting national priorities which adversely affect our welfare programs. Some writers maintain defense expenditures are excessive because our defense effort has required a reduction in more desirable social welfare programs.' Others argue that in recent years our military system has become "economically non-productive" and causes stagnation and therefore rising welfare costs in the civilian sector.2 Still others believe that excessive and "wasteful" defense expenditures are deliberately planned and necessary for a capitalist system to survive.3 Finally, a substantial number of analysts simply believe that the fear of an external threat upon which defense budgets are based is grossly exaggerated, and, conversely, that welfare needs have been underestimated. Both our pacifistic and Judaeo-Christian t-raditions support this position. Those who argue for these propositions usually do so on the basis of a single and quite broad definition of defense spending and a fairly narrow definition of welfare spending. Moreover, the basis of funding is almost always limited to the federal budget. This method, of course, includes virtually all defense-related expenditures, but excludes much of the thrust of state and local welfare-related programs which have been rising almost as fast as federal outlays. These studies also focus on recent years and do not examine long-term trends in either defense or welfare spending. This essay will attempt to expand the number of working definitions of both defense and welfare spending, and compare the spending patterns derived by those different methods since these data first became available. In addition, a method of measurement common to both welfare and defense spending will be developed for purposes of better comparison. It is hoped that, by using a variety of definitions and methods of measurement and a more extensive longitudinal focus, the reader may gain a much more comprehensive picture of the interrelationship between defense spending and welfare spending in the United States and thereby be better able to determine whether either or both are excessive. Finally, I shall argue that our rapidly rising social welfare expenditure trends are far more unsettling than our shrinking defense commitments.
学者们普遍认为,美国的国防开支过高,并在制定国家优先事项方面产生了不应有的影响,这对我们的福利计划产生了不利影响。一些作者认为,国防开支过高,因为我们的国防努力要求削减更令人满意的社会福利项目。另一些人则认为,近年来,我们的军事体系在经济上已经变得“非生产性”,导致了民用部门的停滞,从而导致了福利成本的上升还有一些人认为,过度和“浪费”的国防开支是刻意计划的,是资本主义制度生存所必需的最后,相当数量的分析人士只是认为,国防预算所依据的对外部威胁的恐惧被严重夸大了,相反,福利需求被低估了。我们的和平主义和犹太-基督教传统都支持这一立场。那些支持这些主张的人通常是基于一个单一的、相当宽泛的国防开支定义和一个相当狭隘的福利开支定义。此外,资金的基础几乎总是限于联邦预算。当然,这种方法实际上包括了所有与国防有关的支出,但不包括州和地方福利相关项目的大部分支出,这些项目的增长速度几乎与联邦支出一样快。这些研究也只关注最近几年,没有考察国防或福利支出的长期趋势。本文将尝试扩大国防和福利支出的工作定义的数量,并比较自这些数据首次可用以来,由这些不同方法得出的支出模式。此外,为了更好地进行比较,将制定一种衡量福利和国防开支的共同方法。希望通过使用各种定义和测量方法以及更广泛的纵向关注,读者可以更全面地了解美国国防开支和福利开支之间的相互关系,从而能够更好地确定其中一方或两者是否过度。最后,我要指出,我们迅速增加的社会福利支出趋势远比我们不断缩减的国防承诺更令人不安。
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引用次数: 36
More Power Than We Know: The People's Movement Toward Democracy. By DAVE DELLINGER. (New York: Anchor Press, Doubleday, 1975. Pp. 336. $3.95.) 比我们知道的更强大:人民走向民主的运动。戴夫·德林杰著。纽约:锚出版社,双日出版社,1975年。336页。3.95美元)。
Pub Date : 1976-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900326
J. Gerson
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引用次数: 0
Subjective Environments of Bureaucracy: Accuracies and Inaccuracies in Role-Taking Among Administrators, Legislators, and Citizens 科层制的主观环境:管理者、立法者和公民角色扮演的准确性与不准确性
Pub Date : 1976-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900302
D. Yarwood, D. Nimmo
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引用次数: 3
The Civic Awareness of Five and Six Year Olds 五、六岁儿童的公民意识
Pub Date : 1976-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900307
S. Moore, K. Wagner, J. Lare, D. S. McHargue
IT is generally accepted in the behavioral sciences that "reality" is perceived individualistically, that behavior is to a large extent based on the individual's perception of and interaction with his environment, and that adult affective and cognitive mental structures are the outgrowth of the child's development.1 Consequently, students of political socialization have in the last decade and a half given much attention to the political awareness of school children. However, most of this attention has been concentrated on children old enough to respond to the researcher's most efficient data-gathering instrument the written questionnaire. This has been true in spite of the seminal observation of Easton and Hess in 1962:
在行为科学中,人们普遍认为“现实”是个体感知的,行为在很大程度上是基于个体对环境的感知和与环境的相互作用,成人的情感和认知心理结构是儿童发展的产物因此,政治社会化的学生在过去的15年里对在校儿童的政治意识给予了很大的关注。然而,大部分注意力都集中在大到足以对研究者最有效的数据收集工具——书面问卷做出反应的儿童身上。这是事实,尽管伊斯顿和赫斯在1962年的开创性观察:
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引用次数: 3
Book Reviews : From Encroachment to Involvement, A Documentary Study of Soviet Policy in the Middle East, 1145-1973. Edited by YAACOV RO'I. (New York : Halstead Press. 1975. Pp. 592. $26.75.) 书评:从入侵到介入,苏联在中东政策的文献研究,1145-1973。编辑:YAACOV RO'I。纽约:霍尔斯特德出版社,1975年。592页。26.75美元)。
Pub Date : 1976-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900322
G. Schiff
while the impact of early socialization may be overstated with regard to developing loyalties to the political system, it may be critical with respect to the inculcation of procedural modes for political participation. Cornelius’ contrast between rather fluid loyalties and rigid patron-client behavioral modes might indicate that the former should be viewed as contextually sensitive and the latter as more firmly rooted in both rural village life and the rural family structure. With regard to the implications of Cornelius’ findings for the future of the Mexican political system, his studv suggests that the urban migrant poor in Mexico City have. to this point served as a base of political support for the PRI. This
虽然在培养对政治制度的忠诚方面,早期社会化的影响可能被夸大了,但在灌输政治参与的程序模式方面,它可能是至关重要的。科尼利厄斯对相当流动的忠诚和僵化的庇护-客户行为模式的对比可能表明,前者应被视为情境敏感,后者则更牢固地植根于农村乡村生活和农村家庭结构。关于科尼利厄斯的研究结果对墨西哥政治制度未来的影响,他的研究表明,墨西哥城的城市贫困移民已经。作为革命制度党政治支持的基础
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引用次数: 0
Book Reviews : Human Jurisprudence: Public Law as Political Science. By GLENDON SCHUBERT (Honolulu: The University Press of Hawaii, 1975. Pp. 347. $15.00.) 书评:《人类法理学:作为政治科学的公法》。格伦登·舒伯特著(檀香山:夏威夷大学出版社,1975年)。347页。15.00美元)。
Pub Date : 1976-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900315
John H. Culver
to adapt can probably not be argued to be superior to that of many viruses and insects.&dquo; Again: &dquo;... constant expansion is inherent in man’s energy-using role within the thermodynamic system.&dquo; Happily for readers tired of the abstractions, but unhappily for the human race, the book ends with a look at the physical really physical energy crisis: the consumption of fossil fuels, the heating up of the earth’s atmosphere, the need to get to a steady-state econcmy. Adams sketches the solutions proposed by others and says they all break down into invocations of will, education or religion, which are &dquo;errors&dquo; or &dquo;magic,&dquo; and will not solve the problem. It is barely possible that we could go back to agrarian or nomadic existence, but, in any case, there is nowhere to go but down, as his final diagram symbolizes. Political scientists will be interested to note that while there is extended discussion of information-processing, there is no discussion at all in the book of speech, language, or human communication, those elements without which politics does not come into existence. No wonder Adams despairingly believes there is nowhere to go but down.
适应能力大概不能被认为比许多病毒和昆虫的适应能力强。再次:&dquo;…在热力学系统中,人类利用能量的角色固有地不断膨胀。对于厌倦了抽象概念的读者来说,这是件好事,但对于人类来说,这是件不幸的事。这本书以一种真正的物理能源危机作为结尾:化石燃料的消耗,地球大气的升温,以及达到稳定经济状态的需要。亚当斯概述了其他人提出的解决方案,并表示这些解决方案都归结为对意志、教育或宗教的求助,而这些都是错误的。或&dquo;魔法,&dquo;并不能解决问题。我们几乎不可能回到农耕或游牧的生活,但是,无论如何,除了向下,无处可去,正如他最后的图表所象征的那样。政治学家会很感兴趣地注意到,虽然对信息处理进行了广泛的讨论,但在这本书中根本没有讨论言语、语言或人类交流,没有这些因素,政治就不会存在。难怪亚当斯绝望地认为除了往下走别无出路。
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引用次数: 0
The Politics of Oil in Venezuela. By FRANKLIN TUGWELL. (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1975. Pp. xii, 210. $8.95.) 委内瑞拉的石油政治。富兰克林·塔格韦尔著。(加利福尼亚州斯坦福:斯坦福大学出版社,1975年)第十二页,210页。8.95美元)。
Pub Date : 1976-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900334
E. Eagle
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引用次数: 0
Political Alienation Among Vietnam Veterans 越战老兵的政治疏离
Pub Date : 1976-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297602900306
Loch k. Johnson
ETWEEN January 1965 and January 1972, 45,929 American servicemen lost their lives in the Republic of Vietnam through action by hostile forces.2 In the same period, U.S. military forces suffered 303,598 injuries from enemy action. A little over half of these men (153,291) required hospital care. Army personnel, mainly infantrymen, accounted for the majority of the killed and wounded. This paper examines the political attitudes of Army veterans hospitalized from wounds incurred while serving in Vietnam.
1965年1月至1972年1月期间,45929名美国军人在越南共和国因敌对势力的行动而丧生在同一时期,美军在敌方行动中受伤303598人。其中略多于一半的人(153 291人)需要住院治疗。军队人员,主要是步兵,在伤亡人数中占大多数。本文考察了在越南服役期间受伤住院的陆军退伍军人的政治态度。
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引用次数: 9
期刊
The Western political quarterly
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