Starting in the morning of July 22, 1938, under the blazing sun, hundreds of women set out into the streets of Tokyo, searching for instances of “waste” (muda). The women— members of women’s groups, such as the League for Women’s Suffrage (Fusen kakutoku dōmei), the Young Women’s Christian Association, and the Women’s Peace Association (Fujin heiwa kyōkai), that together constituted the Japan Federation of Women’s Organizations (Nihon fujin dantai renmei)1—walked through amusement quarters, parks, offices, markets, and eateries, recording on cards any waste they observed. The 883 women who participated in the event discovered 1,257 cases of waste, ranging from uneaten food to unnecessary use of electricity by streetlights (Asahi shinbun 1938e, 2). The occasion was a one-day event called “Finding Waste in the Streets” (Gaitō ni muda o hirou), initiated by the Federation of Women’s Organizations. The women organized the event in support of the government’s official “Week for Emphasis on the Economic Battle” (Keizaisen kyōchō shūkan), a campaign organized by the Central League of the Spiritual Mobilization Movement (Kokumin seishin sōdōin chūō renmei)
{"title":"\"Uncovering the Waste of the World\": Women and the State in Japanese Wartime Waste Campaigns, 1937–1945","authors":"R. Tompkins","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2018.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2018.0001","url":null,"abstract":"Starting in the morning of July 22, 1938, under the blazing sun, hundreds of women set out into the streets of Tokyo, searching for instances of “waste” (muda). The women— members of women’s groups, such as the League for Women’s Suffrage (Fusen kakutoku dōmei), the Young Women’s Christian Association, and the Women’s Peace Association (Fujin heiwa kyōkai), that together constituted the Japan Federation of Women’s Organizations (Nihon fujin dantai renmei)1—walked through amusement quarters, parks, offices, markets, and eateries, recording on cards any waste they observed. The 883 women who participated in the event discovered 1,257 cases of waste, ranging from uneaten food to unnecessary use of electricity by streetlights (Asahi shinbun 1938e, 2). The occasion was a one-day event called “Finding Waste in the Streets” (Gaitō ni muda o hirou), initiated by the Federation of Women’s Organizations. The women organized the event in support of the government’s official “Week for Emphasis on the Economic Battle” (Keizaisen kyōchō shūkan), a campaign organized by the Central League of the Spiritual Mobilization Movement (Kokumin seishin sōdōin chūō renmei)","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"22 1","pages":"27 - 46"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88618568","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As a fixed 31-syllable form of short poetry, Japan’s tanka is one of the world’s oldest forms of still-practiced poetry, with examples perhaps dating back to the fifth century. In the modern periods of Meiji (1868-1912) and Taishō (1912-1926), poets radically reformed the genre, expanding diction beyond millennium-old classical limits, thereby allowing poets to write not only about cherry blossoms and tragic love but also about things like steam trains and baseball games; although today many tanka poets in practicing circles still employ classical Japanese, many modern masters innovated the genre by skillfully blending in colloquial language. Like their modern forebears, poets in the contemporary period (1945-present) continue to experiment with the metrical and time limits of this short form. Hayashi Amari (b. 1963) is one poet who frequently and consistently violated the thirty-one-syllable count when she wrote her unabashedly frank poems about female sexuality in MARS*ANGEL (Maasu-enjeru, 1986), Scent of Nanako (Nanako no nioi, 1988), and X-Rated Couple (Futari etchi, 1999). Viewed early on as a rebel who wrote
作为一种固定的31音节短诗形式，日本的短诗是世界上最古老的仍在使用的诗歌形式之一，其例子可能可以追溯到公元5世纪。在近代的明治(1868-1912)和大成(1912-1926)时期，诗人从根本上改革了这一体裁，将措辞扩展到几千年的古典限制之外，从而使诗人不仅可以写樱花和悲剧爱情，还可以写蒸汽火车和棒球比赛;虽然今天许多实践界的唐卡诗人仍然使用古典日语，但许多现代大师通过巧妙地融入口语语言来创新这一流派。像他们的现代祖先一样，当代诗人(1945年至今)继续尝试这种短形式的格律和时间限制。甘利林(生于1963年)是一位诗人，她在《火星天使》(masu -enjeru, 1986)、《那子的气味》(Nanako no nioi, 1988)和《x级情侣》(Futari etchi, 1999)中毫不掩饰地坦率地写了关于女性性行为的诗，经常并且始终违反31音节数。早期被认为是一个写作的叛逆者
{"title":"X-Rated and Excessively Long: Ji-Amari in Hayashi Amari's Tanka","authors":"Jon Holt","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2018.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2018.0003","url":null,"abstract":"As a fixed 31-syllable form of short poetry, Japan’s tanka is one of the world’s oldest forms of still-practiced poetry, with examples perhaps dating back to the fifth century. In the modern periods of Meiji (1868-1912) and Taishō (1912-1926), poets radically reformed the genre, expanding diction beyond millennium-old classical limits, thereby allowing poets to write not only about cherry blossoms and tragic love but also about things like steam trains and baseball games; although today many tanka poets in practicing circles still employ classical Japanese, many modern masters innovated the genre by skillfully blending in colloquial language. Like their modern forebears, poets in the contemporary period (1945-present) continue to experiment with the metrical and time limits of this short form. Hayashi Amari (b. 1963) is one poet who frequently and consistently violated the thirty-one-syllable count when she wrote her unabashedly frank poems about female sexuality in MARS*ANGEL (Maasu-enjeru, 1986), Scent of Nanako (Nanako no nioi, 1988), and X-Rated Couple (Futari etchi, 1999). Viewed early on as a rebel who wrote","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"30 1","pages":"72 - 95"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80555019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Japan, in economic terms, is possibly the most gender-unequal of post-industrial democracies. Over half of female salaried workers are relegated to non-regular status, suffering large differentials in wages and benefits, and the ratios of women holding management level positions in corporations or the civil service remain exceptionally low.1 Yet that very situation provides the government of Abe Shinzō, prime minister since 2012, an excellent opportunity to sponsor reforms that might not only reduce workplace inequality but also stimulate economic growth (Shibata 2017) and strengthen political support for the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) by bolstering its faltering support among women.2 Indeed, the Abe government has made women’s workplace advancement a pillar of its economic agenda. Under the rubric of Womenomics, the government has launched campaigns to reduce the country’s large pay differentials and expand the childcare and elder care systems, policies that could greatly benefit women and childrearing couples (Dalton 2017a). Moreover, the timing is fortuitous. Japanese employers have long resisted equalityenhancing measures that could raise costs or weaken managerial control over workers, but steady economic growth has created a margin for additional spending and increasingly severe labor shortages have forced many companies to improve their treatment of nonregular employees and to introduce work-life balance (WLB) measures to attract workers.3
{"title":"The Contradictions of the Womenomics Campaign: Abe Shinzō's Employment Reforms and Japan's Public Service Workers","authors":"C. Weathers","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2018.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2018.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Japan, in economic terms, is possibly the most gender-unequal of post-industrial democracies. Over half of female salaried workers are relegated to non-regular status, suffering large differentials in wages and benefits, and the ratios of women holding management level positions in corporations or the civil service remain exceptionally low.1 Yet that very situation provides the government of Abe Shinzō, prime minister since 2012, an excellent opportunity to sponsor reforms that might not only reduce workplace inequality but also stimulate economic growth (Shibata 2017) and strengthen political support for the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) by bolstering its faltering support among women.2 Indeed, the Abe government has made women’s workplace advancement a pillar of its economic agenda. Under the rubric of Womenomics, the government has launched campaigns to reduce the country’s large pay differentials and expand the childcare and elder care systems, policies that could greatly benefit women and childrearing couples (Dalton 2017a). Moreover, the timing is fortuitous. Japanese employers have long resisted equalityenhancing measures that could raise costs or weaken managerial control over workers, but steady economic growth has created a margin for additional spending and increasingly severe labor shortages have forced many companies to improve their treatment of nonregular employees and to introduce work-life balance (WLB) measures to attract workers.3","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"99 1","pages":"47 - 71"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85802511","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
“I’m a monkey.” “I’m a salmon.” “No, I’m a mermaid.” This is what it said. “Yes, that last bit is correct,” prompted Sukeroku. “Now, try saying it once again. What is it that you are?” “I’m a monkey.” “I’m a salmon.” “No, I’m a mermaid,” it repeated. Three states of consciousness, three statements, all uttered by the same mouth. For there was but one mouth, which had originally belonged to a monkey. “Oh, no, no. You’re a mermaid, you understand?” “All of you are a mermaid,” it corrected.
{"title":"\"Identity\"","authors":"Fujino Kaori, Kendra Strand","doi":"10.1353/jwj.2018.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jwj.2018.0006","url":null,"abstract":"“I’m a monkey.” “I’m a salmon.” “No, I’m a mermaid.” This is what it said. “Yes, that last bit is correct,” prompted Sukeroku. “Now, try saying it once again. What is it that you are?” “I’m a monkey.” “I’m a salmon.” “No, I’m a mermaid,” it repeated. Three states of consciousness, three statements, all uttered by the same mouth. For there was but one mouth, which had originally belonged to a monkey. “Oh, no, no. You’re a mermaid, you understand?” “All of you are a mermaid,” it corrected.","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"104 1","pages":"114 - 128"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73737672","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The first time the woman later known to the world as micapon17 revealed her rare gift, she was only two years and ten months old. The day is also worthy of commemoration as the very first day she even held a camera. At the time, digital cameras had not come into widespread use, nor for that matter had cellphones, let alone cellphones with builtin cameras. What her parents handed her, just for the fun of it, was a thirty-six-exposure disposable camera. And since it was a film camera, the first time her parents came into contact with their daughter’s frightening talent was exactly one week later, after they picked up the developed film and prints from the photo developer. It was her father who showed up at the counter to pick them up. He noticed the developer was acting strangely as he rang up the purchase. The man seemed about to say something over and over again, biting his tongue each time.
{"title":"\"Today's Modern Spirits\"","authors":"Fujino Kaori, Kendall Heitzman","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2018.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2018.0005","url":null,"abstract":"The first time the woman later known to the world as micapon17 revealed her rare gift, she was only two years and ten months old. The day is also worthy of commemoration as the very first day she even held a camera. At the time, digital cameras had not come into widespread use, nor for that matter had cellphones, let alone cellphones with builtin cameras. What her parents handed her, just for the fun of it, was a thirty-six-exposure disposable camera. And since it was a film camera, the first time her parents came into contact with their daughter’s frightening talent was exactly one week later, after they picked up the developed film and prints from the photo developer. It was her father who showed up at the counter to pick them up. He noticed the developer was acting strangely as he rang up the purchase. The man seemed about to say something over and over again, biting his tongue each time.","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"474 1","pages":"102 - 113"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73809117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article aims to capture a discrete historical moment—the emergence of “hygienic facial culture” or eisei biganjutsu (hereafter referred to as biganjutsu, the art or technique of the beautiful face)—in early modern Japan.1 Hygienic facial culture was an important feature of middleand upper-class Japanese women’s lives from 1905 to the late 1920s, and it was both a professional career option for the upwardly mobile and a form of cosmopolitan leisure for the wealthy. Originally denoting a method of facial massage performed with electrovibratory machines, the term biganjutsu eventually came to include cosmetic surgery, care of the hair, nails, and other extensions of the skin, as well as makeup application and fashion advice. Imported from the United States and practiced throughout Europe, hygienic facial culture marks Japan’s early participation in an international beauty dialogue whose boundaries were set by the physiological discourse of modern biomedicine.2 The present exploration of biganjutsu contributes to the larger history of early twentieth-century Japan by providing critical insight into how middle and upper-class women shaped and were shaped by changing beauty practices in a rapidly transforming society. An understanding of biganjutsu is particularly useful for exploring the connections between women and consumption in modern Japan. In the early twentieth century, the media sensationalized biganjutsu—presenting it both as ultra-modern and questionably
{"title":"Facing Modernity: Japanese Women and Hygienic Facial Culture (Biganjutsu) in the Early Twentieth Century","authors":"Jennifer Evans","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2018.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2018.0000","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to capture a discrete historical moment—the emergence of “hygienic facial culture” or eisei biganjutsu (hereafter referred to as biganjutsu, the art or technique of the beautiful face)—in early modern Japan.1 Hygienic facial culture was an important feature of middleand upper-class Japanese women’s lives from 1905 to the late 1920s, and it was both a professional career option for the upwardly mobile and a form of cosmopolitan leisure for the wealthy. Originally denoting a method of facial massage performed with electrovibratory machines, the term biganjutsu eventually came to include cosmetic surgery, care of the hair, nails, and other extensions of the skin, as well as makeup application and fashion advice. Imported from the United States and practiced throughout Europe, hygienic facial culture marks Japan’s early participation in an international beauty dialogue whose boundaries were set by the physiological discourse of modern biomedicine.2 The present exploration of biganjutsu contributes to the larger history of early twentieth-century Japan by providing critical insight into how middle and upper-class women shaped and were shaped by changing beauty practices in a rapidly transforming society. An understanding of biganjutsu is particularly useful for exploring the connections between women and consumption in modern Japan. In the early twentieth century, the media sensationalized biganjutsu—presenting it both as ultra-modern and questionably","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"72 1","pages":"26 - 3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79204162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Fujino Kaori was awarded the Akutagawa Prize in 2013 for her novella Nails and Eyes (Tsume to me), and in the publicity and press that followed, she was frequently referred to as a writer of literary horror. In the judges’ remarks in the September 2013 issue of the journal Bungei shunjū, Ogawa Yōko refers to Nails and Eyes as “frightening” (398), while Miyamoto Teru and Yamada Eimi both used the word “horror” in discussing the work (402, 405). Fujino (2017d) has claimed not to understand where this impression of her work as horror fiction could possibly have come from, but with tongue firmly in cheek. Her previous works had been of a kind: In her Kafkaesque novella The Greedy Bird (Iyashii tori, 2008), a pet cockatiel grows to gargantuan size. In Negative Space (Patorone, literally named for the cartridge that holds a spool of 35mm photography film, 2012), the protagonist finds herself in a mental fog that isolates her from her sister, her friends, and reality itself. Many of Fujino’s stories are bloody; people are killed by various creatures and contraptions, and commit random acts of violence without themselves knowing why they are doing it. Her knowledge of horror cinema is encyclopedic; she draws from a deep well of images and devices.
{"title":"Stories by Fujino Kaori: Fujino Kaori: Fear in the Form","authors":"Kendall Heitzman","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2018.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2018.0004","url":null,"abstract":"Fujino Kaori was awarded the Akutagawa Prize in 2013 for her novella Nails and Eyes (Tsume to me), and in the publicity and press that followed, she was frequently referred to as a writer of literary horror. In the judges’ remarks in the September 2013 issue of the journal Bungei shunjū, Ogawa Yōko refers to Nails and Eyes as “frightening” (398), while Miyamoto Teru and Yamada Eimi both used the word “horror” in discussing the work (402, 405). Fujino (2017d) has claimed not to understand where this impression of her work as horror fiction could possibly have come from, but with tongue firmly in cheek. Her previous works had been of a kind: In her Kafkaesque novella The Greedy Bird (Iyashii tori, 2008), a pet cockatiel grows to gargantuan size. In Negative Space (Patorone, literally named for the cartridge that holds a spool of 35mm photography film, 2012), the protagonist finds herself in a mental fog that isolates her from her sister, her friends, and reality itself. Many of Fujino’s stories are bloody; people are killed by various creatures and contraptions, and commit random acts of violence without themselves knowing why they are doing it. Her knowledge of horror cinema is encyclopedic; she draws from a deep well of images and devices.","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"24 1 1","pages":"101 - 96"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88672466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Introduction The threat was real and had to be taken seriously. She had received and read hundreds of similar messages and posts on the internet and social media, but this one included her home address. With the address redacted, it read: “I’m going to go to your apartment at **** and rape you to death. After I’m done, I’ll ram a tire iron up your cunt.”1 The sender also promised to harm family and friends but reserved an especially imaginative and graphic brutality for her. So it was that Anita Sarkeesian, a feminist critic of sexism in computer/console gaming in North America, was forced to call the police and leave her home in August 2014. Sarkeesian was neither the first nor the last victim of backlash from gamers to perceived attacks on their community and culture, which began with organized campaigns against female game developers Zoë Quinn and Brianna Wu and came to a head with threats to bomb and shoot up venues hosting advocates of change in computer/ console gaming. Having risen to prominence with her crowdfunded video series “Tropes vs. Women in Video Games,” Sarkeesian was a high-profile target, and news of attacks such as the one in August 2014 served to galvanize a counter movement against the gamers harassing her and others. Events were such that the moment was deemed “Gamergate,” a
威胁是真实存在的，必须认真对待。她在互联网和社交媒体上收到并阅读了数百条类似的信息和帖子，但这条包括了她的家庭住址。上面写着:“我要去你的公寓****，把你强奸致死。等我搞定了，我就把轮胎铁塞进你的屄里。寄件人还承诺要伤害家人和朋友，但对她保留了一种特别富有想象力和生动的残忍。2014年8月，批评北美电脑/主机游戏性别歧视的女权主义者Anita Sarkeesian被迫报警并离开了家。Sarkeesian并不是玩家对其社区和文化的攻击的第一个受害者，也不是最后一个受害者，这种攻击开始于针对女性游戏开发者Zoë Quinn和Brianna Wu的有组织的活动，最后发展到威胁要炸毁和射击那些支持改变电脑/主机游戏的场所。Sarkeesian因其众筹视频系列“Tropes vs. Women in video Games”而声名鹊起，成为备受瞩目的攻击目标，2014年8月的攻击事件等新闻激发了针对骚扰她和其他人的玩家的反击运动。当时的情况被称为“玩家门”(Gamergate)
{"title":"Adult Computer Games and the Ethics of Imaginary Violence: Responding to Gamergate from Japan","authors":"Patrick W. Galbraith","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2017.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2017.0012","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction The threat was real and had to be taken seriously. She had received and read hundreds of similar messages and posts on the internet and social media, but this one included her home address. With the address redacted, it read: “I’m going to go to your apartment at **** and rape you to death. After I’m done, I’ll ram a tire iron up your cunt.”1 The sender also promised to harm family and friends but reserved an especially imaginative and graphic brutality for her. So it was that Anita Sarkeesian, a feminist critic of sexism in computer/console gaming in North America, was forced to call the police and leave her home in August 2014. Sarkeesian was neither the first nor the last victim of backlash from gamers to perceived attacks on their community and culture, which began with organized campaigns against female game developers Zoë Quinn and Brianna Wu and came to a head with threats to bomb and shoot up venues hosting advocates of change in computer/ console gaming. Having risen to prominence with her crowdfunded video series “Tropes vs. Women in Video Games,” Sarkeesian was a high-profile target, and news of attacks such as the one in August 2014 served to galvanize a counter movement against the gamers harassing her and others. Events were such that the moment was deemed “Gamergate,” a","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"12 1","pages":"67 - 88"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-02-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89412155","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Japan, when women have entered elections in large numbers, the tendency has been to label them. For example, in 1987, as the Japanese Socialist Party (JSP) began supporting women activists, wives of labor union leaders, and daughters of former assembly members for office in the local unified election, it was labeled the “Madonna Strategy” (sakusen). Then when Doi Takako, the first female party head, led ten Socialist women candidates to victory in the 1989 Upper House election, it was dubbed the “Madonna Boom” (būmu). As we shall see, Madonna is most commonly interpreted as meaning “maternal,” while “boom” indicates a temporary fad that bursts onto the scene. Similarly, in 2005, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Prime Minister Koizumi Junichirō (2001-2006) hand-picked several glamorous, successful career women to act as so-called “assassins” (shikaku) in districts where “postal rebels” were running.1 These women were not the only “assassins,” but they received a large amount of media attention. “Assassin” indicates a sneak attack reflecting Koizumi’s electoral strategy. Finally, in the 2009 Lower House election, the twenty-six first-term Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) women politicians were called Ozawa’s “girls” (gāruzu) referencing the President of the DPJ who supported their nomination. The label “girls” clearly casts these female candidates as dependent, if not subservient.
{"title":"\"Madonnas,\" \"Assassins,\" and \"Girls\": How Female Politicians Respond to Media Labels Reflecting Party Leader Strategy","authors":"Alisa Gaunder","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2017.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2017.0010","url":null,"abstract":"In Japan, when women have entered elections in large numbers, the tendency has been to label them. For example, in 1987, as the Japanese Socialist Party (JSP) began supporting women activists, wives of labor union leaders, and daughters of former assembly members for office in the local unified election, it was labeled the “Madonna Strategy” (sakusen). Then when Doi Takako, the first female party head, led ten Socialist women candidates to victory in the 1989 Upper House election, it was dubbed the “Madonna Boom” (būmu). As we shall see, Madonna is most commonly interpreted as meaning “maternal,” while “boom” indicates a temporary fad that bursts onto the scene. Similarly, in 2005, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Prime Minister Koizumi Junichirō (2001-2006) hand-picked several glamorous, successful career women to act as so-called “assassins” (shikaku) in districts where “postal rebels” were running.1 These women were not the only “assassins,” but they received a large amount of media attention. “Assassin” indicates a sneak attack reflecting Koizumi’s electoral strategy. Finally, in the 2009 Lower House election, the twenty-six first-term Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) women politicians were called Ozawa’s “girls” (gāruzu) referencing the President of the DPJ who supported their nomination. The label “girls” clearly casts these female candidates as dependent, if not subservient.","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"1 1","pages":"23 - 45"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-02-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72987206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Multiple Definitions of “Voluntary Motherhood” in Interwar Japan In March and April 1922, American birth control activist Margaret Sanger (1879-1966) visited Japan to promote the concept and techniques of birth control. In her first lecture, held at the Tokyo Y.M.C.A. on March 14, Sanger addressed an audience of over five hundred people on the subject of “War and Population” (Japan Times 1922). Sanger attributed colonization and militarism to an overflowing population, as typified in Germany before the outbreak of World War I, and urged Japanese audiences to address similar issues facing Japan. Sanger’s accounts of overpopulation were anchored in Neo-Malthusianism—the advocacy of birth control to ensure the balance between population size and resource supply; she believed that Japan’s rising population would lead to domestic problems as well as international conflicts.1 Thus the debate on birth control heralded by Sanger’s visit to Japan went far beyond medical debates over the use of contraceptives: the introduction of birth control into interwar discussions about population growth provided a chance for Japanese intellectuals, activists, and bureaucrats to tackle a variety of pressing social issues, including poverty, employment, migration, and maternal and child health. As I will argue, despite their differing views on the primary purpose of birth control, Japanese birth control advocates reconfigured sexual reproduction and motherhood as central politico-economic problems.
1922年3月至4月，美国计划生育活动家玛格丽特·桑格(Margaret Sanger, 1879-1966)访问日本，宣传计划生育的概念和技术。3月14日，桑格在东京青年会(Tokyo ymca)举行了她的第一次演讲，演讲的主题是“战争与人口”(Japan Times 1922)，听众超过500人。桑格将殖民主义和军国主义归因于人口过剩，就像第一次世界大战爆发前的德国一样，并敦促日本观众关注日本面临的类似问题。桑格对人口过剩的描述根植于新马尔萨斯主义——倡导控制生育以确保人口规模和资源供应之间的平衡;她认为日本不断增长的人口不仅会导致国际冲突，也会导致国内问题因此，桑格对日本的访问所引发的关于生育控制的辩论远远超出了关于使用避孕药的医学辩论:在两次世界大战之间关于人口增长的讨论中引入生育控制，为日本知识分子、活动家和官僚提供了一个机会，使他们能够解决各种紧迫的社会问题，包括贫困、就业、移民和妇幼保健。正如我将要论证的，尽管他们对计划生育的主要目的有不同的看法，但日本的计划生育倡导者将有性生殖和母性重新配置为核心的政治经济问题。
{"title":"Differing Conceptions of \"Voluntary Motherhood\": Yamakawa Kikue's Birth Strike and Ishimoto Shizue's Eugenic Feminism","authors":"Sujin Lee","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2017.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2017.0009","url":null,"abstract":"The Multiple Definitions of “Voluntary Motherhood” in Interwar Japan In March and April 1922, American birth control activist Margaret Sanger (1879-1966) visited Japan to promote the concept and techniques of birth control. In her first lecture, held at the Tokyo Y.M.C.A. on March 14, Sanger addressed an audience of over five hundred people on the subject of “War and Population” (Japan Times 1922). Sanger attributed colonization and militarism to an overflowing population, as typified in Germany before the outbreak of World War I, and urged Japanese audiences to address similar issues facing Japan. Sanger’s accounts of overpopulation were anchored in Neo-Malthusianism—the advocacy of birth control to ensure the balance between population size and resource supply; she believed that Japan’s rising population would lead to domestic problems as well as international conflicts.1 Thus the debate on birth control heralded by Sanger’s visit to Japan went far beyond medical debates over the use of contraceptives: the introduction of birth control into interwar discussions about population growth provided a chance for Japanese intellectuals, activists, and bureaucrats to tackle a variety of pressing social issues, including poverty, employment, migration, and maternal and child health. As I will argue, despite their differing views on the primary purpose of birth control, Japanese birth control advocates reconfigured sexual reproduction and motherhood as central politico-economic problems.","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"48 1","pages":"22 - 3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-02-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90658341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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