On the surface, Itō Hiromi (b. 1955) and Theresa Hak Kyung Cha (1951–1982) are writers who do not belong in the same category. Although Itō now lives in the United States, she writes in Japanese. Cha was a Korean American writing in English. Both women, however, are experimental poets who defy categorization and who can be seen as “borderline artists” who, in the words of Homi K. Bhabha, “perform . . . a poetics of the open border between cultures . . . display[ing] the ‘interstices’ . . . that [are] part of the history of those peoples whose identities are crafted from the experience of social displacement.”1 Inhabiting personal and poetic spaces outside of the national boundaries within which they were born and initially claimed citizenship, Itō and Cha also trouble the boundaries of their respective national feminisms by traversing and going beyond the realms of “universal, feminist humanitarianism” and “ethnic nationalism” in their works. They refuse any single voice through which to explore the transformation of colonized subjects, making use of multi-vocal narrators instead. In this essay I analyze one such work by each writer. In her 1993 work “Watashi wa anjuhimeko de aru” (I am Anjuhimeko), Itō uses the voice of the miko, or spiritual medium. In Cha’s 1982 Dictée, the female narrator, or diseuse, is taken from French drama.
表面上看，itithiromi(生于1955年)和Theresa Hak Kyung Cha(1951-1982年)是不属于同一类别的作家。虽然伊藤现在住在美国，但她用日语写作。车维德是用英语写作的韩裔美国人。然而，这两位女性都是不被归类的实验诗人，她们可以被视为“边缘艺术家”，用霍米·k·巴巴的话来说，“表演……一种文化之间开放边界的诗学……显示“间隙”…这是这些民族历史的一部分，他们的身份是在社会流离失所的经历中形成的。1在她们出生和最初宣称为公民的国家边界之外，她们居住着个人的和诗意的空间，在她们的作品中穿越和超越了“普遍的、女性主义的人道主义”和“种族民族主义”的领域，从而困扰着各自国家女性主义的边界。他们拒绝任何单一的声音来探索被殖民主体的转变，而是使用多声音叙述者。在这篇文章中，我分析了每个作家的一部这样的作品。在她1993年的作品“Watashi wa anjuhimeko de aru”(我是anjuhimeko)中，伊藤使用了miko的声音，或精神媒介。在金庸1982年的《独裁》中，女性叙述者，或疾病，取材于法国戏剧。
{"title":"On the Enunciative Boundary of Decolonizing Language: The Imagined Camaraderie of Poets Itō Hiromi and Theresa Hak Kyung Cha","authors":"L. Friederich","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2014.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2014.0001","url":null,"abstract":"On the surface, Itō Hiromi (b. 1955) and Theresa Hak Kyung Cha (1951–1982) are writers who do not belong in the same category. Although Itō now lives in the United States, she writes in Japanese. Cha was a Korean American writing in English. Both women, however, are experimental poets who defy categorization and who can be seen as “borderline artists” who, in the words of Homi K. Bhabha, “perform . . . a poetics of the open border between cultures . . . display[ing] the ‘interstices’ . . . that [are] part of the history of those peoples whose identities are crafted from the experience of social displacement.”1 Inhabiting personal and poetic spaces outside of the national boundaries within which they were born and initially claimed citizenship, Itō and Cha also trouble the boundaries of their respective national feminisms by traversing and going beyond the realms of “universal, feminist humanitarianism” and “ethnic nationalism” in their works. They refuse any single voice through which to explore the transformation of colonized subjects, making use of multi-vocal narrators instead. In this essay I analyze one such work by each writer. In her 1993 work “Watashi wa anjuhimeko de aru” (I am Anjuhimeko), Itō uses the voice of the miko, or spiritual medium. In Cha’s 1982 Dictée, the female narrator, or diseuse, is taken from French drama.","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"123 1","pages":"24 - 50"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84950106","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One mid-winter morning in 1913, some six months after the death of the Meiji Emperor on July 30, 1912, newspapers across Japan announced that “an unprecedented manuscript” had arrived in bookstores everywhere. The book, Yūjo monogatari: kukai 4nen no jikken kokuhaku (A prostitute’s tale: Experimental confessions of a four-year abyss), was a detailed memoir written by Wada Yoshiko, a sex worker from one of Tokyo’s largest pleasure quarters in the district of Naitō-Shinjuku.1 Newspapers nationwide publicized the book with overwhelmingly positive ads and reviews. Leading the way was Tokyo’s bestselling journal, the Hōchi Shimbun, which carried a front-page advertisement heralding Wada’s tale as an extraordinary yet reliable behind-the-scenes narrative by a prostitute.2 News about her book traveled far and wide, resulting in a long procession of visitors to her brothel in the ensuing weeks. As Wada observed in her sequel, the Yūjo monogatari, zoku-hen: kukai 4nen no kinen (A prostitute’s tale, part II: Commemorating a four-year abyss), journalists lined up to interview her, patrons came to congratulate her, and aspiring customers came to set eyes upon her.3 Wada’s books open a unique window onto the lived experiences of a licensed sex worker in the heart of early twentieth-century Tokyo. Although readers do not learn all her true thoughts or feelings, her books do contain her personal observations and experiences, and also reveal the consequences of the choices she made in conveying her story to the public. Moreover, the success of her two volumes provides rare insights into the changing figure of the prostitute in Japanese print culture. The media fanfare over
1913年仲冬的一个早晨，也就是明治天皇于1912年7月30日去世大约六个月后，日本各地的报纸都宣布，“一份前所未有的手稿”已经到达各地的书店。这本名为Yūjo monogatari: kukai 4nen no jikken kokuhaku(妓女的故事:四年深渊的实验性忏悔)的书是和田芳子(Wada Yoshiko)撰写的详细回忆录，她是东京Naitō-Shinjuku.1区最大的娱乐场所之一的性工作者全国各地的报纸以压倒性的积极广告和评论来宣传这本书。引领这一潮流的是东京最畅销的杂志Hōchi Shimbun，它在头版刊登了一则广告，称赞和田的故事是一个妓女讲述的非凡而可靠的幕后故事关于她的书的消息四处传播，在接下来的几周里，她的妓院接待了大批游客。正如和田在她的续集《Yūjo一夫一女》(zokuu -hen: kukai 4nen no kinen，妓女的故事，第二部分:纪念四年的深渊)中所观察到的那样，记者们排着队采访她，顾客们来祝贺她，有愿望的顾客来见她和田的书为我们打开了一扇独特的窗户，让我们得以一窥20世纪初东京一位持证性工作者的生活经历。虽然读者无法了解她所有的真实想法和感受，但她的书确实包含了她个人的观察和经历，也揭示了她在向公众讲述自己的故事时所做的选择所带来的后果。此外，她的两卷书的成功提供了对日本印刷文化中妓女形象变化的罕见见解。媒体的大吹大擂结束了
{"title":"The Unprecedented Views of Wada Yoshiko: Reconfiguring Pleasure Work in Yūjo monogatari (1913)","authors":"A. Davis","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2014.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2014.0003","url":null,"abstract":"One mid-winter morning in 1913, some six months after the death of the Meiji Emperor on July 30, 1912, newspapers across Japan announced that “an unprecedented manuscript” had arrived in bookstores everywhere. The book, Yūjo monogatari: kukai 4nen no jikken kokuhaku (A prostitute’s tale: Experimental confessions of a four-year abyss), was a detailed memoir written by Wada Yoshiko, a sex worker from one of Tokyo’s largest pleasure quarters in the district of Naitō-Shinjuku.1 Newspapers nationwide publicized the book with overwhelmingly positive ads and reviews. Leading the way was Tokyo’s bestselling journal, the Hōchi Shimbun, which carried a front-page advertisement heralding Wada’s tale as an extraordinary yet reliable behind-the-scenes narrative by a prostitute.2 News about her book traveled far and wide, resulting in a long procession of visitors to her brothel in the ensuing weeks. As Wada observed in her sequel, the Yūjo monogatari, zoku-hen: kukai 4nen no kinen (A prostitute’s tale, part II: Commemorating a four-year abyss), journalists lined up to interview her, patrons came to congratulate her, and aspiring customers came to set eyes upon her.3 Wada’s books open a unique window onto the lived experiences of a licensed sex worker in the heart of early twentieth-century Tokyo. Although readers do not learn all her true thoughts or feelings, her books do contain her personal observations and experiences, and also reveal the consequences of the choices she made in conveying her story to the public. Moreover, the success of her two volumes provides rare insights into the changing figure of the prostitute in Japanese print culture. The media fanfare over","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"60 1","pages":"100 - 79"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85860097","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In both Japan and North America, “Japanese women’s literature” has by now become a recognized part of the field of modern and contemporary Japanese literature. By this I mean that there are numerous scholarly articles and books about Japanese women writers and their writing, and these studies reflect the great diversity of the literature itself, presenting different approaches to authorship, narrative, social context, genre, period, and so on. However, in both Japan and North America there is still a lot more to be learned about Japanese women and their works during the so-called Fifteen Year War (1931–45). Thanks to an increase in scholarship on 1930s women’s literature, we do have a better understanding of this decade in general, but we still need more exploration of works written from the late 1930s through the years of the Pacific War (1941–45). Indeed, there are fewer studies of “wartime” literature overall, not just of women’s literature, when compared with the number of studies of “prewar” literature and “postwar” literature. Having said that, research into wartime literature has been increasing, along with new ideas of what “wartime” means, more historical and film studies on the period, and a
{"title":"Women’s Voices, Bodies, and the Nation in 1930s–40s Wartime Literature","authors":"Michiko Suzuki","doi":"10.1353/jwj.2013.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jwj.2013.0014","url":null,"abstract":"In both Japan and North America, “Japanese women’s literature” has by now become a recognized part of the field of modern and contemporary Japanese literature. By this I mean that there are numerous scholarly articles and books about Japanese women writers and their writing, and these studies reflect the great diversity of the literature itself, presenting different approaches to authorship, narrative, social context, genre, period, and so on. However, in both Japan and North America there is still a lot more to be learned about Japanese women and their works during the so-called Fifteen Year War (1931–45). Thanks to an increase in scholarship on 1930s women’s literature, we do have a better understanding of this decade in general, but we still need more exploration of works written from the late 1930s through the years of the Pacific War (1941–45). Indeed, there are fewer studies of “wartime” literature overall, not just of women’s literature, when compared with the number of studies of “prewar” literature and “postwar” literature. Having said that, research into wartime literature has been increasing, along with new ideas of what “wartime” means, more historical and film studies on the period, and a","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"40 1","pages":"3 - 5"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90486236","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In late 1930s and early 1940s Japan, the maternal body played an important role in nationalist discourse, both as a symbol of the nation and as a vessel for future national subjects. The slogan umeyo fuyaseyo urged Japanese women to “bear children and multiply” for the sake of the nation, underscoring the official expectation of women fulfilling their reproductive responsibilities as mothers.1 Popular women’s magazines of the time, such as Shufu no tomo (Housewife’s companion), contained images of young mothers breastfeeding babies or taking their children to shrines—portrayals that explicitly situated such maternal duties within the context of the war effort and the imperial project.2 Similar representations of motherhood also appeared in the colonies, where officials urged Japanese women in Korea, Manchuria, and Taiwan to contribute to empire-building as imperialist mothers.3 However, despite the shared focus on motherhood, the translation of domestic discourses of maternity into the colonial context served different purposes and often yielded varying results. One of the distinctions between maternalist discourse in the metropole and in the colonies consisted of the object of mothering. In Japan proper,4 the government and the mass media urged Japanese women to take care of their biological children and, later, the “sons of the nation,” namely, soldiers.5 Japanese mothers in the colonies were exhorted to fulfill similar responsibilities as well as to support imperial expansion by “taking care of”
{"title":"From the Nikutai to the Kokutai: Nationalizing the Maternal Body in Ushijima Haruko’s “Woman”","authors":"K. Kono","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2013.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2013.0013","url":null,"abstract":"In late 1930s and early 1940s Japan, the maternal body played an important role in nationalist discourse, both as a symbol of the nation and as a vessel for future national subjects. The slogan umeyo fuyaseyo urged Japanese women to “bear children and multiply” for the sake of the nation, underscoring the official expectation of women fulfilling their reproductive responsibilities as mothers.1 Popular women’s magazines of the time, such as Shufu no tomo (Housewife’s companion), contained images of young mothers breastfeeding babies or taking their children to shrines—portrayals that explicitly situated such maternal duties within the context of the war effort and the imperial project.2 Similar representations of motherhood also appeared in the colonies, where officials urged Japanese women in Korea, Manchuria, and Taiwan to contribute to empire-building as imperialist mothers.3 However, despite the shared focus on motherhood, the translation of domestic discourses of maternity into the colonial context served different purposes and often yielded varying results. One of the distinctions between maternalist discourse in the metropole and in the colonies consisted of the object of mothering. In Japan proper,4 the government and the mass media urged Japanese women to take care of their biological children and, later, the “sons of the nation,” namely, soldiers.5 Japanese mothers in the colonies were exhorted to fulfill similar responsibilities as well as to support imperial expansion by “taking care of”","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"14 1","pages":"69 - 88"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83883275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
“Nikutai no shinkyoku” (The divine comedy of the body, 1937) tells the story of Shigeko, an overweight young woman who leaves her home in Tokyo to undergo a rigorous diet and exercise regimen in a remote mountain village. Although she does not achieve significant results, she attains self-acceptance, and the positive resignification of her body is endorsed by her family, friends, and a marriage proposal from a man in love with her physique.1 Serialized in Mita bungaku (Mita literature) in seven installments between January and December 1937, this text has largely been ignored or described as a “failure.”2 When discussed, it is often read biographically as Okamoto Kanoko’s (1889–1939) affirmation of her own famously plump figure.3 Because Okamoto has been characterized as a narcissist and was known for her elaborate clothes, makeup, and lifestyle, she is often still trivialized despite being a successful and important pure literature (junbungaku) writer.4 To be sure, Okamoto certainly promoted her unique author-image, often by creating powerful female characters reminiscent of herself. Yet her works are more than simple expressions of self-affirmation; they create complex, unexpected meaning by dynamically engaging with the literary and cultural context of the times.
《身体的神曲》(Nikutai no shinkyoku, 1937年)讲述了一个超重的年轻女子重子的故事，她离开东京的家，到一个偏远的山村接受严格的饮食和锻炼。虽然她没有取得显著的成果，但她获得了自我接纳，她对自己身体的积极认可度得到了家人、朋友的认可，也得到了一个爱上她身材的男人的求婚这本书在1937年1月至12月间在三田文学(Mita bungaku)上连载了七期，在很大程度上被忽视或被描述为“失败”。在讨论的时候，它通常被解读为冈本香子(1889-1939)对自己著名的丰满身材的肯定由于冈本被描述为一个自恋者，并以其精致的服装、化妆和生活方式而闻名，尽管她是一位成功而重要的纯文学作家，但她仍然经常被轻视可以肯定的是，冈本确实提升了她独特的作家形象，经常通过创造让人想起她自己的强大女性角色。然而，她的作品不仅仅是自我肯定的简单表达;他们通过动态地融入时代的文学和文化背景，创造出复杂的、意想不到的意义。
{"title":"Fat, Disease, and Health: Female Body and Nation in Okamoto Kanoko’s “Nikutai no shinkyoku”","authors":"Michiko Suzuki","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2013.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2013.0016","url":null,"abstract":"“Nikutai no shinkyoku” (The divine comedy of the body, 1937) tells the story of Shigeko, an overweight young woman who leaves her home in Tokyo to undergo a rigorous diet and exercise regimen in a remote mountain village. Although she does not achieve significant results, she attains self-acceptance, and the positive resignification of her body is endorsed by her family, friends, and a marriage proposal from a man in love with her physique.1 Serialized in Mita bungaku (Mita literature) in seven installments between January and December 1937, this text has largely been ignored or described as a “failure.”2 When discussed, it is often read biographically as Okamoto Kanoko’s (1889–1939) affirmation of her own famously plump figure.3 Because Okamoto has been characterized as a narcissist and was known for her elaborate clothes, makeup, and lifestyle, she is often still trivialized despite being a successful and important pure literature (junbungaku) writer.4 To be sure, Okamoto certainly promoted her unique author-image, often by creating powerful female characters reminiscent of herself. Yet her works are more than simple expressions of self-affirmation; they create complex, unexpected meaning by dynamically engaging with the literary and cultural context of the times.","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"56 1","pages":"33 - 49"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84759413","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sharalyn Orbaugh is Professor of modern Japanese literature and popular culture in the Department of Asian Studies, University of British Columbia, Vancouver. In addition to her ongoing study of kamishibai and World War II propaganda, she has an essay on the intersection of critical feminism and cyborg anime, “Who Does the Feeling When There’s No Body There? Cyborgs and Companion Species in Oshii Mamoru’s Films,” in Sarah Wells and Jennifer Feeley, eds., Simultaneous Worlds: Global SF Cinema (University of Minnesota Press, 2014). The Properly Feminine Nationalist Body in the Propaganda Kamishibai of Suzuki Noriko
{"title":"The Properly Feminine Nationalist Body in the Propaganda Kamishibai of Suzuki Noriko","authors":"S. Orbaugh","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2013.0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2013.0017","url":null,"abstract":"Sharalyn Orbaugh is Professor of modern Japanese literature and popular culture in the Department of Asian Studies, University of British Columbia, Vancouver. In addition to her ongoing study of kamishibai and World War II propaganda, she has an essay on the intersection of critical feminism and cyborg anime, “Who Does the Feeling When There’s No Body There? Cyborgs and Companion Species in Oshii Mamoru’s Films,” in Sarah Wells and Jennifer Feeley, eds., Simultaneous Worlds: Global SF Cinema (University of Minnesota Press, 2014). The Properly Feminine Nationalist Body in the Propaganda Kamishibai of Suzuki Noriko","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"101 3 1","pages":"50 - 68"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77263387","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the opening years of the Shōwa period (1925–1940), Japan embarked upon a mission to expand not only its sphere of influence but the bounds of its national territory, which eventually encompassed what came to be called the Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere (Daitōa kyōeiken). The attempt to remake or reconfigure national boundaries had implications for all aspects of Japanese society and culture, not the least of which was the reimagining of the female body. Such a process had been underway since the early Meiji period, when the emperor was restored as head of state after more than two centuries of rule by military government. Adhering to the notion that the emperor was the “father” of the realm, officials of the modernized Japanese nation placed new demands on imperial subjects, including the designation of women as “mothers of the empire.”1 Thus Japanese female bodies were implicated, at least symbolically, in a kind of polygynous relationship with the emperor or, as one scholar puts it, “women’s [maternal] bodies were expected to function in unison with the body of the emperor.”2 Despite being enlisted in the modern nationalist project in terms of their ability to bear, nurture, and care for children, women engaged in a variety of other activities as well. Throughout the early twentieth century and into the 1930s and 1940s, women not only performed various kinds of domestic labor but also undertook work outside the home, in factories and in numerous other industries, and also entered or were sold into prostitution.
{"title":"Japanese Women’s Poetry from Interwar to Pacific War: Navigating Heterogeneous Borderspace","authors":"Janice Brown","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2013.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2013.0015","url":null,"abstract":"During the opening years of the Shōwa period (1925–1940), Japan embarked upon a mission to expand not only its sphere of influence but the bounds of its national territory, which eventually encompassed what came to be called the Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere (Daitōa kyōeiken). The attempt to remake or reconfigure national boundaries had implications for all aspects of Japanese society and culture, not the least of which was the reimagining of the female body. Such a process had been underway since the early Meiji period, when the emperor was restored as head of state after more than two centuries of rule by military government. Adhering to the notion that the emperor was the “father” of the realm, officials of the modernized Japanese nation placed new demands on imperial subjects, including the designation of women as “mothers of the empire.”1 Thus Japanese female bodies were implicated, at least symbolically, in a kind of polygynous relationship with the emperor or, as one scholar puts it, “women’s [maternal] bodies were expected to function in unison with the body of the emperor.”2 Despite being enlisted in the modern nationalist project in terms of their ability to bear, nurture, and care for children, women engaged in a variety of other activities as well. Throughout the early twentieth century and into the 1930s and 1940s, women not only performed various kinds of domestic labor but also undertook work outside the home, in factories and in numerous other industries, and also entered or were sold into prostitution.","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"5 1","pages":"32 - 6"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88225705","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Introduction In a recent survey conducted by the Ministry of Education and Sciences that evaluated Japanese schoolchildren’s knowledge of historical figures, Himiko 卑弥呼, a female ruler who governed a federation of kingdoms in the Japanese archipelago in the third century C.E., was recognized by 99 percent, the highest rate.1 Who was this famous woman? Himiko is historically significant for three reasons. First, she is the earliest documented chief, male or female, who exercised political authority over a large region of the Japanese archipelago before it was organized as a centralized state. Second, she was the earliest ruler whose ruling activities were described in detail. Third, Himiko’s rule marks the beginning of a strong legacy of female rule, despite the hiatus of several centuries separating her rule from that of later female sovereigns. Despite her indisputable fame, Himiko as a historical figure is deeply misunderstood. While the fact of her rule has never been questioned, Himiko and later female rulers
{"title":"Gendered Interpretations of Female Rule: The Case of Himiko, Ruler of Yamatai","authors":"Akiko Yoshie, H. Tonomura, Azumi Ann Takata","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2013.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2013.0009","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction In a recent survey conducted by the Ministry of Education and Sciences that evaluated Japanese schoolchildren’s knowledge of historical figures, Himiko 卑弥呼, a female ruler who governed a federation of kingdoms in the Japanese archipelago in the third century C.E., was recognized by 99 percent, the highest rate.1 Who was this famous woman? Himiko is historically significant for three reasons. First, she is the earliest documented chief, male or female, who exercised political authority over a large region of the Japanese archipelago before it was organized as a centralized state. Second, she was the earliest ruler whose ruling activities were described in detail. Third, Himiko’s rule marks the beginning of a strong legacy of female rule, despite the hiatus of several centuries separating her rule from that of later female sovereigns. Despite her indisputable fame, Himiko as a historical figure is deeply misunderstood. While the fact of her rule has never been questioned, Himiko and later female rulers","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"255 1","pages":"23 - 3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77486214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Mara Patessio is Lecturer in Japanese Studies at the University of Manchester. She is the author of Women and Public Life in Early Meiji Japan: The Development of the Feminist Movement (Center for Japanese Studies, University of Michigan, 2011), and with Peter Kornicki and Gaye Rowley has edited The Female as Subject. Reading and Writing in Early Modern Japan (Center for Japanese Studies, University of Michigan, 2010). She is working on a manuscript on women during the late Meiji period, addressing the questions of modernity, lesbianism, employment opportunities, education at home and abroad, love–marriage–divorce, the wars of the late Meiji years, Japanese women working in East Asia, and the New Woman. Opportunities and Constraints for Late Meiji Women: The Cases of Hasegawa Kitako and Hasegawa Shigure
{"title":"Opportunities and Constraints for Late Meiji Women: The Cases of Hasegawa Kitako and Hasegawa Shigure","authors":"M. Patessio","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2013.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2013.0007","url":null,"abstract":"Mara Patessio is Lecturer in Japanese Studies at the University of Manchester. She is the author of Women and Public Life in Early Meiji Japan: The Development of the Feminist Movement (Center for Japanese Studies, University of Michigan, 2011), and with Peter Kornicki and Gaye Rowley has edited The Female as Subject. Reading and Writing in Early Modern Japan (Center for Japanese Studies, University of Michigan, 2010). She is working on a manuscript on women during the late Meiji period, addressing the questions of modernity, lesbianism, employment opportunities, education at home and abroad, love–marriage–divorce, the wars of the late Meiji years, Japanese women working in East Asia, and the New Woman. Opportunities and Constraints for Late Meiji Women: The Cases of Hasegawa Kitako and Hasegawa Shigure","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"105 1","pages":"118 - 93"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74341119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Formation of Women’s Groups in Meiji Japan In 1882, one Murasame Nobu, a woman from Aichi prefecture, sent a letter to Itagaki Taisuke, the leader of the Liberal Party, and included 5 yen from her home employment (naishoku), which was making fireworks, to support the Party. Murasame would go on to become one of the founding members of a local women’s organization, the Toyohashi Fujo Kyōkai (Toyohashi Women’s Cooperative Association), about which most information has been lost. She later met famous liberal male activists and was even arrested for her involvement—along with her husband and other activists—in a failed uprising against the government (the Iida Incident), although she was eventually released due to a lack of evidence. Years later, she wrote a preface for the activist Ueki Emori’s Tōyō no fujo (Women of the East), revealing her commitment to raising women’s status, her high level of education, and her deep knowledge of famous women in Japanese history.1 What is surprising about Murasame’s story is that it happened at all, for the links between politics and masculinity in Japan have deep roots, and women’s political involvement has largely been cast as a twentieth-century tale focused on the quest for suffrage.2 Even in contemporary Japan, women can and do play a political role, but as Robin LeBlanc has demonstrated, female politicians and activists tend to highlight their femininity and “mak[e] creative use of the widely accepted stereotype that women are closer to the home than men are.”3 Obscured in the emphasis on the masculinity of
明治时期日本妇女团体的形成1882年，爱知县的村名信给自由党党魁板垣大介寄了一封信，并从她制作烟花的家业中拿出5日元作为支持自由党的经费。村上后来成为当地妇女组织“丰桥妇女合作协会Kyōkai”(Toyohashi Fujo Kyōkai，即丰桥妇女合作协会)的创始成员之一，该组织的大部分信息已经丢失。后来，她遇到了著名的自由派男性活动家，甚至因为与丈夫和其他活动家一起参与了一场失败的反政府起义(饭田事件)而被捕，尽管她最终因缺乏证据而被释放。多年后，她为活动家emeki Emori的Tōyō no fujo(东方女性)写了序言，表明了她对提高女性地位的承诺，她的高教育水平，以及她对日本历史上著名女性的深刻了解令人惊讶的是，村上的故事竟然发生了，因为在日本，政治与男子气概之间的联系有着深厚的根基，而女性的政治参与在很大程度上被塑造成一个专注于追求选举权的20世纪故事即使是在当代日本，女性也可以而且确实发挥了政治作用，但正如罗宾·勒布朗(Robin LeBlanc)所展示的那样，女性政治家和活动人士倾向于突出自己的女性气质，并“创造性地利用人们普遍接受的刻板印象，即女性比男性更接近家庭。”3 .在强调男子气概时显得模糊不清
{"title":"Women and Political Life in Early Meiji Japan: The Case of the Okayama Joshi Konshinkai (Okayama Women's Friendship Society)","authors":"M. Anderson","doi":"10.1353/JWJ.2013.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JWJ.2013.0011","url":null,"abstract":"The Formation of Women’s Groups in Meiji Japan In 1882, one Murasame Nobu, a woman from Aichi prefecture, sent a letter to Itagaki Taisuke, the leader of the Liberal Party, and included 5 yen from her home employment (naishoku), which was making fireworks, to support the Party. Murasame would go on to become one of the founding members of a local women’s organization, the Toyohashi Fujo Kyōkai (Toyohashi Women’s Cooperative Association), about which most information has been lost. She later met famous liberal male activists and was even arrested for her involvement—along with her husband and other activists—in a failed uprising against the government (the Iida Incident), although she was eventually released due to a lack of evidence. Years later, she wrote a preface for the activist Ueki Emori’s Tōyō no fujo (Women of the East), revealing her commitment to raising women’s status, her high level of education, and her deep knowledge of famous women in Japanese history.1 What is surprising about Murasame’s story is that it happened at all, for the links between politics and masculinity in Japan have deep roots, and women’s political involvement has largely been cast as a twentieth-century tale focused on the quest for suffrage.2 Even in contemporary Japan, women can and do play a political role, but as Robin LeBlanc has demonstrated, female politicians and activists tend to highlight their femininity and “mak[e] creative use of the widely accepted stereotype that women are closer to the home than men are.”3 Obscured in the emphasis on the masculinity of","PeriodicalId":88338,"journal":{"name":"U.S.-Japan women's journal. English supplement = Nichi-Bei josei janaru. English supplement","volume":"20 1","pages":"43 - 66"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78194569","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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