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A Different form of Protest: The Life of Bishop Alphaeus Zulu, 1905 - 1960 一种不同形式的抗议:阿勒菲厄斯·祖鲁主教的生活,1905 - 1960
Pub Date : 2005-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2005.11964134
Ian Macqueen
In his lifetime Bishop Alphaeus Zulu visited eleven countries including Nigeria, Ghana, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, the United States of America and Australia. He was awarded three honorary doctorates and had been nominated for election as Archbishop of Cape Town. Elected in 1960 as suffragan Bishop of St. John’s, Transkei, Alphaeus Zulu was the first African Bishop of the (Anglican) Church of the Province of South Africa (CPSA). Alphaeus Zulu was notable by birth too, as a member of the Zulu royal house who regarded Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi as family. His involvement with Buthelezi extended beyond family commitments to his active involvement in the Zulu cultural movement Inkatha Yenkululeko Yesizwe. Buthelezi had been prepared for confirmation by Alphaeus Zulu and attributed the reemergence of Inkatha to the encouragement of Alphaeus Zulu and Kenneth Kaunda.2 Alphaeus Zulu was a member of Inkatha’s central committee from its inception, serving as its first National Chairman. After his retirement as Bishop of Zululand in 1978, he served as Speaker of the KwaZulu Legislative Assembly.
祖鲁主教一生访问了十一个国家,包括尼日利亚、加纳、瑞士、英国、美国和澳大利亚。他被授予三个荣誉博士学位,并被提名为开普敦大主教。阿勒菲斯·祖鲁于1960年当选为特兰斯凯圣约翰的参政权主教,是南非省(圣公会)教会的第一位非洲主教。阿勒菲斯·祖鲁出身于祖鲁王室,他视曼戈苏图·布特莱齐王子为家人。他与布特莱齐的关系超越了对家庭的承诺,还积极参与了祖鲁文化运动Inkatha Yenkululeko Yesizwe。布特莱齐已准备好接受阿勒菲乌斯·祖鲁的确认,并将因卡塔的重新出现归功于阿勒菲乌斯·祖鲁和肯尼斯·卡翁达的鼓励。2阿勒菲乌斯·祖鲁从因卡塔中央委员会成立之初就是其成员,担任其第一任全国主席。1978年从祖鲁兰主教的职位上退休后,他担任夸祖鲁立法议会议长。
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引用次数: 0
Founding and Crushing: Narrative Understandings of Political Violence in Pre-modern and Colonial South Africa 建国与粉碎:对前现代和殖民时期南非政治暴力的叙事理解
Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2004.11964124
Andrea du Toit
The significance of violence in the founding of states and the quest for democracy is a basic concern not only for general and abstract political theory but also at the level of particular political discourses in their historical contexts. South Africa has had a long and varied history of political violence from pre-colonial times, through conquest, slavery and a century of frontier wars to apartheid, the liberation struggle and the violent funding of a post-apartheid democracy. Some, but by no means all, of this proliferating and destructive violence can be accounted for in instrumental or strategic tenns. For the rest, though, this violent history was not understood, either at the time or in retrospect, as simply that of random violence or of endemic strife, a succession of arbitrary and irrational conflicts. Significantly, this often took the form of narratives of political violence whether at the level of oral histories, of popular legends, of J?artisan accounts, of official findings, of stories of nation-building or of academic histories. These diverse narratives may themselves be interrogated for the implicit understandings of the significance of political violence in the founding
暴力在国家建立和民主追求中的重要性不仅是一般和抽象政治理论的基本关注点,也是历史背景下特定政治话语层面的基本关注点。南非有一段漫长而多样的政治暴力历史,从前殖民时代,通过征服、奴役和一个世纪的边境战争,到种族隔离、解放斗争和以暴力资助后种族隔离的民主。一些,但绝不是全部,这种扩散和破坏性的暴力可以从工具或战略的角度来解释。然而,对于其他人来说,这段暴力的历史,无论是在当时还是在回顾过去时,都没有被理解为仅仅是随机暴力或地方性冲突的历史,是一系列武断和非理性冲突的历史。值得注意的是,这通常以政治暴力叙事的形式出现无论是口述历史,通俗传说,还是J?对官方发现、国家建设故事或学术历史的手工记录。这些不同的叙述本身可能会因为对政治暴力在建国过程中的重要性的隐含理解而受到质疑
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引用次数: 1
Fathers without amandla? Gender and Fatherhood among isiZulu speakers 没有阿曼达的父亲?伊祖鲁语使用者的性别和父亲身份
Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2004.11964128
M. Hunter
Given the relative lack of literature on the subject of fathers in South Africa, what follows is tentative and exploratory.' Sketching out the changing context of fathering and fatherhood over the 20th century, the article gives specific attention to fathers in the current period of unemployment and diminishing marital rates. The basic argument is that a disjuncture exists today between many men's relative ease at fathering children (in a biological sense) and their inability to fulfill the roles of fatherhood (in a social sense). This fissure, it tries to show, provides an important entry point for understanding the contradictory contours of male power in past-apartheid South Africa.
鉴于南非关于父亲这一主题的文献相对缺乏,下面的内容是尝试性和探索性的。”这篇文章概述了20世纪父亲和父亲身份的变化背景,特别关注了当前失业和结婚率下降时期的父亲。基本的论点是,今天许多男性在养育孩子方面相对轻松(从生物学意义上说),而在履行父亲角色方面却无能(从社会意义上说),这两者之间存在着脱节。它试图表明,这种裂痕为理解过去种族隔离时期的南非男性权力的矛盾轮廓提供了一个重要的切入点。
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引用次数: 5
Non-combatants and war: Unexplored factors in the conquest of the Zulu kingdom 非战斗人员和战争:征服祖鲁王国的未开发因素
Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2004.11964125
J. Guy
In 1879 British imperial and colonial forces invaded the Zulu kingdom and the two armies fought a number of pitched battles, amongst them Isandlwana and Rorke's drift, which have become for millions around the world emblematic representations of two fundamental aspects of imperial warfare - the superior weaponry and unflinching discipline of European troops confronting superior numbers and reckless African savagery. Ever since the 1879 invasion a voracious and uncritical reading public has consumed a vast accumulation of accounts of courageous redcoats meeting the massed Zulu charge with ranked volley-firing. Even attempts at serious analysis have failed, to my mind, to break with the imperial narrative largely because the authors are so mesmerised by the idea of men killing men that they fail to contextualise the conflict effectively. And, more recently, the imperial nostalgia which underlies conventional, histories of the invasion has seeped into the world of heritage and tourism with the result that colonial dispossession through warfare is presented as a heroic clash between the noble representatives of different military traditions, savage and civilised , which obscures with a sentimental veneer not just the brutality and injustice of the 1879 war but the fact that the invasion is a key to an understanding of contemporary misery and poverty in rural KwaZulu-Natal.
1879年,英帝国和殖民地军队入侵祖鲁王国,两国军队进行了多次激战,其中包括Isandlwana和Rorke的漂移,对全世界数百万人来说,这已经成为帝国战争两个基本方面的象征-欧洲军队的优势武器和不屈不挠的纪律面对优势人数和鲁莽的非洲野蛮人。自1879年入侵以来,贪婪而不加批判的读者已经阅读了大量关于勇敢的英国士兵用排位齐射对抗祖鲁人冲锋的报道。在我看来,即使是严肃的分析也未能与帝国叙事决裂,这主要是因为作者们被男人互相残杀的想法所迷惑,以至于未能有效地将冲突置于背景中。最近,作为传统侵略历史基础的帝国怀旧情绪已经渗透到遗产和旅游业中,其结果是,通过战争进行的殖民剥夺被呈现为不同军事传统(野蛮和文明)的高贵代表之间的英雄冲突,它不仅掩盖了1879年战争的残酷和不公正,而且掩盖了这样一个事实:这场入侵是理解当代夸祖鲁-纳塔尔省农村苦难和贫困的关键。
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引用次数: 1
Political Rights, Land Ownership and Contending forms of representation in Colonial Natal 1860–1900 1860-1900年纳塔尔殖民地的政治权利、土地所有权和代表形式之争
Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2004.11964127
V. Khumalo
In the days leading to July 18, 1891, Nozingqwazi, a widow of Nkunga, worked on a petition that she finally sent to the Secretary for Native Affairs (henceforth SNA), S.O. Samuelson. In her petition, Nozingqwazi drew the attention of the SNA to Reverend H.D. Goodenough's action of selling the land she occupied and cultivated to Sick Msomi, a resident of Groutville. Her petition elicited reactions not only from various individuals (all of them men) within the small community of Groutville, but also from local colonial authorities and ultimately the Natal colonial government itself. Community leaders and colonial authorities engaged the petition for seven months (between July 1891 and January 1892) without coming to a conclusion. While the outcome of the discussion about the petition is important, this article focuses on the collective production of petitions, and on their writers, readers, and intended onlookers. These remarkable activities attracted the attention of those who wielded power. The activities of the participants in these events demonstrate how far they had travelled in political terms. They had come to occupy a new space, one characterized by evening meetings and social gatherings where people who wanted to discuss grievances turned their ideas into intelligible petition. These gatherings ushered in a new form of responding to state power. Indeed, Nozingqwazi's petition belongs to this new culture of mission station life.
在1891年7月18日之前的日子里,诺津奇瓦兹,恩孔加的遗孀,写了一份请愿书,她最终把它寄给了土著事务秘书(后来的索民族同盟)S.O.萨缪尔森。在她的请愿书中,Nozingqwazi提请SNA注意H.D. Goodenough牧师将她占有和耕种的土地出售给Groutville居民Sick Msomi的行为。她的请愿不仅引起了格劳特维尔小社区内各种个人(全都是男性)的反应,而且引起了当地殖民当局的反应,最终引起了纳塔尔殖民政府本身的反应。社区领袖和殖民当局将请愿书进行了七个月(1891年7月至1892年1月),但没有得出结论。虽然关于请愿的讨论结果很重要,但本文关注的是请愿的集体生产,以及请愿的作者、读者和预期的旁观者。这些引人注目的活动引起了掌权者的注意。这些事件参与者的活动表明,他们在政治上走了多远。他们来到了一个新的空间,一个以晚间会议和社交聚会为特色的空间,在那里,想要讨论不满的人会把自己的想法变成可以理解的请愿。这些集会开创了一种回应国家权力的新形式。的确,Nozingqwazi的请愿属于这种传教站生活的新文化。
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引用次数: 3
National Parks for Natal? Zululand's Game Reserves and the Shaping of Conservation Management Policy in Natal 1920s to 1940s 纳塔尔国家公园?20世纪20年代至40年代纳塔尔祖鲁兰野生动物保护区与保护管理政策的形成
Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2004.11964126
S. Brooks
This article sets out to explore the question of why conservation management in Natal took the particular form it did by 1947 - a form largely retained in the region today. The Act which brought into being the Union of South Africa in 1910 made wildlife preservation a provincial competency. However over the next century three of the four original provinces in the Union gradually brought their most important parks and game reserves under the 1926 National Parks Act. Natal did not: it retained provincial control of all its conservation resources. Tourists to the province of KwaZulu-Natal today may not realise that the main reserves in the Zululand region - for example what is now the combined Hluhluwe-Umfolozi park, for many years the province's flagship game reserves - are not in fact national parks. At least for the present, they continue to fall under the provincial conservation board (currently called the KwaZulu-Natal Nature Conservation Services or Ezemvelo-KZN Wildlife) rather than under the South African National Parks Board.
这篇文章开始探讨为什么纳塔尔的保护管理在1947年采取了特殊的形式——这种形式在今天很大程度上保留了下来。该法案于1910年成立南非联邦,使野生动物保护成为一项省级职能。然而,在接下来的一个世纪里,联邦最初的四个省中的三个逐渐将他们最重要的公园和野生动物保护区纳入了1926年的国家公园法。纳塔尔省没有这样做:它保留了对所有自然资源的省级控制。今天到夸祖鲁-纳塔尔省的游客可能没有意识到,祖鲁兰地区的主要保护区——例如现在的Hluhluwe-Umfolozi联合公园,多年来一直是该省的旗舰野生动物保护区——实际上并不是国家公园。至少就目前而言,它们继续隶属于省保护委员会(目前称为夸祖鲁-纳塔尔省自然保护服务或Ezemvelo-KZN野生动物),而不是南非国家公园委员会。
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引用次数: 8
A Medical History ‘From Below’: A Critical Review of New literature on Changes in African Culture in South Africa and STD and AIDS epidemics “自下而上”的医学史:对南非非洲文化变化以及性病和艾滋病流行新文献的评述
Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2003.11964122
Mandísa Mbalí
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引用次数: 0
“A Diabolical Conspiracy”: The life and world of Henry Louis Paul (1862 - 1935) “邪恶的阴谋”:亨利·路易斯·保罗的生活和世界(1862 - 1935)
Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2003.11964121
Prinisha Badassy
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引用次数: 1
Fragmenting Contexts and Contextualizing Fragments 片段化语境和语境化片段
Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2003.11964123
Nafisa Essop Sheik
Most of the contributions to this edited volume were first presented at the conference "Contexts of Gender in Africa" organized by the Nordic Africa Institute's Sexuality, Gender and Society in Africa research programme in February 2002. In themselves, many of the studies are interesting and well-written, and in some instances offer new lines of inquiry into ethnographic studies. Nonetheless. problems inevitably arise when these disparate works are grouped into such a broad volume. Signe Amfred makes it abundantly clear in her introduction that postmodem writing on sexuality in Africa involves a transformation not merely of cognitive boundaries, but also of the ways in which these boundaries are constituted in the first place. Lest one accuse this particular postmodem cnt1que of representation of indicating the end of meaning. Amfred assures us that the point of this volume, separated into. three parts, is to raise the possibility of different modalities of meaning, or "alternative lines of thinking" as she puts it. 1 However; as this review attempts to illustrate, the production of alternative ways of thinking about sexuality in Africa appears to be a rather fraught project. Rethinking Sexualities in Africa offers so much contextual diversity that we are left with barely enough commonality to think about
在2002年2月由北欧非洲研究所的非洲性、性别和社会研究项目组织的“非洲性别背景”会议上,对这一编辑卷的大部分贡献首次发表。就其本身而言,许多研究都很有趣,写得很好,在某些情况下,为民族志研究提供了新的研究思路。尽管如此。当这些完全不同的作品被归入这么大的一卷时,不可避免地会出现问题。Signe Amfred在她的引言中非常清楚地指出,非洲关于性的后现代写作不仅涉及认知界限的转变,还涉及这些界限最初构成的方式的转变。以免有人指责这种特殊的后现代表征方式表明了意义的终结。阿姆弗雷德向我们保证,这一卷的要点,分为。第三部分是提高意义的不同形式的可能性,或者如她所说的“替代思路”。1然而;正如这篇综述试图说明的那样,在非洲,思考性的替代方式的产生似乎是一个相当令人担忧的项目。反思非洲的性行为提供了如此多的背景多样性,以至于我们几乎没有足够的共同点来思考
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引用次数: 0
Muslim Marriages in South Africa: The Limitations and Legacy of the Indian Relief Act of 1914 南非的穆斯林婚姻:1914年印度救济法案的限制和遗产
Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2003.11964120
G. Vahed
Many Muslims in post-apartheid South Africa have been seeking to use the new freedoms of a democratic state and its liberal constitution to pursue distinctive rights as part of a broader project to construct new and tighter Islamic codes in public and private domains. One example is the call for shariah-based Muslim Personal Law (MPL) in accordance with the South African Constitution which allows for the recognition of 'personal or family law' provided it is not in conflict with the Constitution. A South African Law Commission (SALC) committee headed by Supreme Court Judge Mohamed Navsa released a draft Bill on MPL in December 2001. Muslim journalist Khadija Magardie considered it "a progressive step" towards resolving the mismatch between Muslim personal law and the Bill of Rights, but warned that while it was "good news for some, its contents are likely to have some quarters sighing into their three fists long beards."
在后种族隔离时代的南非,许多穆斯林一直在寻求利用一个民主国家的新自由及其自由宪法来追求独特的权利,作为在公共和私人领域建立新的、更严格的伊斯兰法典的更广泛计划的一部分。一个例子是呼吁根据南非宪法制定基于伊斯兰教法的穆斯林属人法(MPL),该宪法允许承认“属人或家庭法”,前提是它与宪法不冲突。由最高法院法官Mohamed Navsa领导的南非法律委员会(SALC)委员会于2001年12月发布了MPL法案草案。穆斯林记者Khadija Magardie认为这是解决穆斯林个人法和人权法案之间不匹配的“进步的一步”,但他警告说,虽然这“对一些人来说是个好消息,但它的内容可能会让一些人对他们的三拳长胡子叹气”。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of Natal and Zulu history
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