Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2006.11964135
J. Wright
The notion of the “mfecane” was one that existed virtually unchallenged in the imaginations of large numbers of people, including virtually all academic historians of southern Africa, from the late 1960s to the late 1980s. It had three main components: first, that a chain reaction of wars and population movements had swept over much of the eastern half of southern Africa in the 1820s and 1830s; second, that the chain reaction had originally been set in motion by the supposedly explosive expansion of the Zulu kingdom under Shaka; and third, that from these upheavals had emerged a number of new, enlarged states which played a central role in the history of the subcontinent through the rest of the nineteenth century. These ideas had a history that went back to the times of Shaka himself and they had long since achieved the status of unquestioned fact, but they were not elaborated into a coherent book-length account until as recently as 1966. This was in John Omer-Cooper’s well-known The Zulu Aftermath: A Nineteenth-Century Revolution in Bantu Africa, in which, among other things, the plural “wars of Shaka” were relabelled as the singular “mfecane”, and so were rendered into the kind of named “event” that could the more easily be fitted into grand narratives by historians of South Africa. Over the next twenty years The Zulu Aftermath became a very widely influential work of reference. Its basic tenets remained virtually unchallenged until they were confronted head-on in a critique mounted by Rhodes University historian Julian Cobbing.1 The often fierce “mfecane debates” touched off by Cobbing’s intervention are well known and will not be rehearsed here: their main upshot was that the second of the three components identified above – that the upheavals of the 1820s and 1830s had been caused primarily by the expansion of the Zulu kingdom – came to be queried by many historians, including most of those working in the field of Zulu history. Critical engagement with the notion of the mfecane was facilitated by the publication (from 1976 onward) of a series of volumes containing the rich body of historical testimony relating to Zulu history collected by James Stuart in the period 1897 to 1922.3 Debate was further stimulated by the publication of path-breaking studies in the iconography of Shaka by Carolyn Hamilton and Dan Wylie.4 Most recently, Wylie has produced a massive study, based on a critical reading of the evidence in the James Stuart Archive, of what is known of the life and reign of Shaka.5 His findings provide firm support for the view that there is little by way of empirical evidence to support the stereotype that the upheavals of the 1820s and 1830s were caused primarily by the aggressions of Shaka and his armies. In its place is emerging the argument that the deep causes of the upheavals, and of the processes of “state-formation” which they set in train, needed to be looked for in the interactions, from at least the mid-eighteenth century
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Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2006.11964137
P. Denis
Twelve thousand people lost their lives between 1985 and 1996 in the Natal province and the KwaZulu homeland as a result of the conflict between the United Democratic Front (UDF) and the African National Congress (ANC), on the one hand, and the Zulu traditional movement Inkatha (renamed Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) in 1990), on the other hand. This is a conservative figure. Deaths from political violence are notoriously difficult to establish and the real numbers are probably higher. In addition, many people were wounded, injured, tortured, raped and abducted. Extensive damage was inflicted on private and public property. According to one source, arson and petrol bomb attacks destroyed or damaged 1,103 houses between 1987 and 1989 in the Natal Midlands alone. During the same period 291 vehicles, 126 of them buses, were damaged or destroyed through arson or stoning.4 It is estimated thatbetween 200,000 and 500,000 refugees fled the conflict in the province between 1984 and 1994.
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Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2006.11964138
Vanessa Noble
Unlike earlier scholarship that has explored the important histories of “traditional” African and Indian healers, as well as “non-European” nurses and doctors in South Africa, this article is centrally concerned with analysing a far less researched subject. It will examine the experiences of professionally subordinate “non-European”, but particularly African, auxiliary health personnel – such as missionary medical assistants, and state employed medical aids and community health workers – who were trained and worked within the western biomedical system in South Africa.
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Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2006.11964139
Marcia Wright
You feel you want to be equal with any other colony in efficiency, and in having a department that can shew excellent results on paper and in returns, and in actual work? Are we not a little bit ahead for Natal's capacity at the present time?
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Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2006.11964136
Preben Kaarsholm
Colonialist segregation and, subsequently, apartheid in South Africa were centrally focused on the control of population movement, and a central prerogative of the state was the authority to delimit the boundaries between populations and to codify the characteristics of their difference. Against this power of the colonial and the apartheid state were poised the energies of people depending for their livelihoods on movement and capacity to circumvent and demobilise the obstacles placed in their way by geographical restrictions and state authorised definitions of identity. At the same time, the groups of population subjected to such forms of power also sought the recognition of the state, and interacted with it around attempts to fixate boundaries and identities in order to consolidate their own strategic position and situation within the hegemony of cultures, on which the legitimation of state power depended. Following the demise of apartheid and its deconstruction into constitutional democracy after 1994, such confrontations, struggles and manoeuvres have continued, and new types of battles around citizenship and entitlements have emerged in the context of both immigration and affirmative action for greater social justice. This article sets out to examine some of the institutional frameworks and discourses through which African and Indian identities have been articulated, confronted and negotiated in South Africa – and in what is now KwaZulu-Natal in particular – from colonialism and the apartheid era to the “New South Africa.” It discusses some of the ambiguities inherent in Islamic identity formation, and looks at ways in which it has interacted with other strands of identification, with Indian as well as African nationalism in South Africa. In what is now KwaZulu-Natal, Islam has quite predominantly belonged to people of Indian origin– though from very different backgrounds – and has provided an important register of discourse and organisation for both the unification and delimitation of Indian identities against others as well as for the articulation and debate of cultural and political differences within the Indian “community.” African Islam in KwaZulu-Natal has been of much more limited dimensions and – until recently – has been kept carefully apart and segregated from the world of Indian Islam. With the onset of new programmes and mobilisations for dawah among Africans (starting with the work of Achmet Deedat and the Islamic Propagation Centre International from 1957 onwards), with a new political playing field opening up after 1994, and the waves of transnational migration following it, the relationship between Indian and African Islam has begun to change, and new varieties of Islamic discourse and institution building have come about. The paper argues that the impact of these new energies of islamisation is in itself ambivalent: On the one hand it offers possibilities for new dialogue and elaboration of ideas of citizenship across
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Pub Date : 2005-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2005.11964131
Prinisha Badassy
In The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, Karl Marx said that “They cannot represent themselves; they must be represented.” Marx was of course referring to small-holding peasants, but the phrase is used here to describe the way in which this study represents the beginning of an attempt to bring to life the stories of domestic servants who existed within the inner sanctum of colonial life. Interesting in their behaviour and actions and enigmatic in their thoughts and ideologies, for them, domesticity arrested their sense of individuality and they strived to exist outside the bounds of their contract with their masters and mistresses. Presented here are micro-histories of Indian domestic servants, who lived and worked in Natal during the years 1880 and 1920, a period marked by great turbulence. This paper analyses the crimes committed by these servants against their masters and mistresses and through this offers a portrait of their, at times very intimate, but also very violent relationships with their masters, mistresses and children in the Colonial settler homes for which they cared.
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Pub Date : 2005-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2005.11964132
A. Macdonald
The motivations of colonial health regimes have undergone a number of sustained critiques in recent years, each charting the complex part played by bio-medicine, public health policies and medical professionals as intermediaries in the larger project of empire. Taking its cue from these studies, this article begins in the middle of 1904, a month before the first group of Chinese indentured miners were due to arrive in Durban’s well-policed port on chartered steamship. The Chinese were en-route to the Transvaal goldfields at the behest of the Chamber of Mines (COM) and Lord Alfred Milner’s self-consciously modernist administration, in a meticulously planned scheme to salvage an acute labour crisis in the Transvaal. Natal’s settler population, well-versed in an exclusionary politics of race, labour and immigration, took a keen interest as the COM officials prepared the passage of the Chinese across the Indian Ocean and through the self-governing colony. The impending arrival of the Chinese miners was of no small interest to those in Natal, given the social and political implications of Indian indenture to the sugarcane fields which had begun in Natal four decades before. It is to the social history of Indian-ocean indentured labour that this paper seeks to contribute, by making an exploratory investigation of the nexus of labour-discipline with colonial medical preoccupations. In so doing I highlight precocious state intervention in the lived spaces of migration. The spatial focus will, however, shift from Natal itself to the high seas of the Indian Ocean into which Durban’s Bluff extends an admonishing finger.
近年来，殖民卫生制度的动机受到了一系列持续的批评，每一次批评都表明生物医学、公共卫生政策和医疗专业人员在更大的帝国项目中作为中介所起的复杂作用。以这些研究为线索，本文从1904年中期开始，一个月后，第一批中国契约矿工将乘坐租来的轮船抵达德班戒备森严的港口。在矿业商会(COM)和阿尔弗雷德·米尔纳勋爵(Lord Alfred Milner)自觉的现代主义政府的命令下，中国人正在前往德兰士瓦金矿的途中，这是一个精心策划的计划，旨在挽救德兰士瓦严重的劳工危机。纳塔尔的移民人口精通种族、劳工和移民的排他性政治，当中央委员会官员准备让中国人穿越印度洋，穿过这个自治的殖民地时，他们表现出了浓厚的兴趣。考虑到四十年前在纳塔尔开始的印度甘蔗契约的社会和政治影响，即将到来的中国矿工对纳塔尔的人来说是不小的兴趣。这是印度洋契约劳工的社会历史，这篇论文试图作出贡献，通过对劳动纪律与殖民医学关注的关系进行探索性调查。在这样做的过程中，我强调了国家对移民生活空间的过早干预。然而，空间焦点将从纳塔尔本身转移到印度洋的公海，德班的悬崖向印度洋伸出了一个警告的手指。
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Pub Date : 2005-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2005.11964130
Nafisa Essop Sheik
2 The contemporary legal meaning of personal law is ‘the system of law which applies to a person and his (sic) transactions determined by the law of his (sic) tribe, religious group, caste, or other personal factor, as distinct from the territorial law of the country to which he belongs, in which he finds himself, or in which the transaction takes place.’ See D.M Walker, Oxford Companion to Law. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980. Historically, however, the creation and definition of Personal Law was more complicated. Under the British administration of India (East India Company) and sovereignty (British Charter for India), the Westminster and Common Law models were introduced. However, the imported Rule of Law was rendered almost unworkable by the existence in India of a great diversity of customs, cultural traditions, regional legal systems, group identities and community memberships. Initially colonialists tended to ignore traditional cultural practices, ritual legalism, textual records of moral thinking (Arthashastras, Dharmashastras, Yanjavalkyasmriti, nibandhas, Manusmirti, and so on). By the late 1700s, the British administration would attempt to accommodate aspects of the personal or an artificially separated private area of morality from the public civil and criminal codes under the newlyevolved jurisdiction of Personal Law. See http://www.law.emory.edu/IFL/cases/India.htm for more on this.
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Pub Date : 2005-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2005.11964133
Stephen Sparks
This article explores the politics of disease in Natal in the context of the escalating fears and traumatic experiences associated with the Great Flu Pandemic of 1918-19. I focus on local African experiences and responses to the epidemic, relating them to official and popular white discourses about the imagined and actual manifestations of the disease. My focus is the areas administered by the Native Affairs Department and I draw on correspondence between the Chief Native Commissioner (CNC) and rural magistrates in Natal from the period of 1918 to 1919. This correspondence took the form of letters, statistical reports and telegrams addressing the subject of epidemic influenza. There are obviously some problems entailed with this reliance on documentation overwhelmingly containing the voices and views of almost exclusively white administrators less than a decade since the end of British colonial rule. Thankfully, the material I use is generally very rich, and I believe that a critical awareness of the limitations of the ethnocentric nature of such records allows us to make carefully considered arguments productive to historical analysis. I hope to convey a sense of the complexity and variety of African experiences and responses during the epidemic.
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Pub Date : 2005-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2005.11964129
Hlonipha Mokoena
What is religious conversion? Can one write about religious conversion without implicitly affirming its theological content? More critically, can one write about conversion as a historical, social, political and economic rather than a religious and theological transformation? This conversion problem becomes more acute in a context where canonised religious doctrine is introduced into a society that was previously illiterate. In such a situation the convert is required not only to master the tenets of their new-found faith but they are also expected to acquire a new skill, namely literacy. On the latter point, it should be noted that even within the history of Christianity, the notion that each believer was entitled to direct access, through literacy, to the Scriptures was a hard-won right; it was not an essential feature of the early expansion of the faith. Thus, by the time missionary expansion reached Africa, southern Africa to be more specific, literacy and Christianity were an inseparable, and as yet uncomplicated pair. The objective of this paper is not to describe or define the conversion experience. Rather the aim is to examine how the act of conversion, by being open to disparate interpretations and misunderstandings, defined the convert’s identity and social position. Although the paper begins with a review of the debates on conversion and mission literacy, the review is intended as a preface to the more specific and central problem of explaining and understanding why a Natal Christian convert by the name of Magema Magwaza Fuze, used his literacy to compose historical accounts or histories of both the Zulu people and kingdom and the colony of Natal. In general the tendency has been to assume that because missionaries introduced literacy into pre-literate societies, then the main complication in the convert’s education and life was this transition from orality to literacy. Although there have been many studies of the orality-literacy problem in and outside Africa,1 the present objective is to move away from such a perspective towards a more biographical examination of the impact and effects of the introduction of the twin forces of literacy and Christianity into the Zulu-speaking groups of South Africa. For this reason, Fuze’s work is an exemplar of the intellectual impact of conversion and literacy.
{"title":"Christian Converts and the Production of Kholwa Histories in Nineteenth-Century Colonial Natal: The Case of Magema Magwaza Fuze and his Writings","authors":"Hlonipha Mokoena","doi":"10.1080/02590123.2005.11964129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02590123.2005.11964129","url":null,"abstract":"What is religious conversion? Can one write about religious \u0000conversion without implicitly affirming its theological content? \u0000More critically, can one write about conversion as a historical, \u0000social, political and economic rather than a religious and \u0000theological transformation? This conversion problem becomes \u0000more acute in a context where canonised religious doctrine is \u0000introduced into a society that was previously illiterate. In such a \u0000situation the convert is required not only to master the tenets of \u0000their new-found faith but they are also expected to acquire a new \u0000skill, namely literacy. On the latter point, it should be noted that \u0000even within the history of Christianity, the notion that each \u0000believer was entitled to direct access, through literacy, to the \u0000Scriptures was a hard-won right; it was not an essential feature of \u0000the early expansion of the faith. Thus, by the time missionary \u0000expansion reached Africa, southern Africa to be more specific, \u0000literacy and Christianity were an inseparable, and as yet \u0000uncomplicated pair. The objective of this paper is not to describe \u0000or define the conversion experience. Rather the aim is to examine \u0000how the act of conversion, by being open to disparate \u0000interpretations and misunderstandings, defined the convert’s \u0000identity and social position. Although the paper begins with a \u0000review of the debates on conversion and mission literacy, the \u0000review is intended as a preface to the more specific and central \u0000problem of explaining and understanding why a Natal Christian \u0000convert by the name of Magema Magwaza Fuze, used his literacy \u0000to compose historical accounts or histories of both the Zulu people \u0000and kingdom and the colony of Natal. In general the tendency has \u0000been to assume that because missionaries introduced literacy into \u0000pre-literate societies, then the main complication in the convert’s \u0000education and life was this transition from orality to literacy. \u0000Although there have been many studies of the orality-literacy \u0000problem in and outside Africa,1 the present objective is to move \u0000away from such a perspective towards a more biographical \u0000examination of the impact and effects of the introduction of the \u0000twin forces of literacy and Christianity into the Zulu-speaking \u0000groups of South Africa. For this reason, Fuze’s work is an \u0000exemplar of the intellectual impact of conversion and literacy.","PeriodicalId":88545,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Natal and Zulu history","volume":"23 1","pages":"1 - 42"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02590123.2005.11964129","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59311208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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