Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2008.11964145
K. Breckenridge
Over the last three decades, scholars of empire have established a very intimate connection between archival knowledge and colonial rule. The works of Franz Fanon on the psychological effects of colonial rule, Michel Foucault on discursive regimes of truth in the making of modernity, and Edward Said on the politics of European scholarly engagement with colonial cultures have underwritten a vast new literature on the intellectual motives of empire. As James Scott observed twenty-five years ago, modern colonialism exercised power as much “in paperwork as in rifles”. The connections here between western knowledge, writing, record-keeping and racist over-rule are intimate. Humble grammarians, philologists and historians have been accorded new imperial significance in these accounts, many of which are preoccupied with the direct links between the politics of writing (and archiving) itself and European colonial supremacy. The great scope and power of these studies has tended to obscure a question that I would like to consider in this article: Was colonial over-rule possible without knowledge? Here my question is not simply whether colonial governments could function with faulty or uncomprehending informational systems, which the British in India evidently managed in the decades leading up to the Rebellion. Rather it is whether the acts of archival government—of gathering and preserving knowledge about the colony and its peoples, and documenting the practice of government—were a necessary part of imperialism in the nineteenth century. I want to make the case here that the nineteenth century history of south Africa shows that imperialism could function quite well without knowledge—at least of the kinds of knowledge regimes that Foucault and Said have studied so productively. In the Transvaal and in the Colony of Natal in the second half of the nineteenth century two explicitly illiberal, anti-utilitarian, undocumented governments were at work. I think, although I do not show it here, that in the making of the Union and Apartheid in the next century, each of these probably held more local influence over individuals (whites and blacks) than the rump of utilitarianism that remained in the Cape Colony.
{"title":"Power Without Knowledge: Three Nineteenth Century Colonialisms in South Africa","authors":"K. Breckenridge","doi":"10.1080/02590123.2008.11964145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02590123.2008.11964145","url":null,"abstract":"Over the last three decades, scholars of empire have established a very intimate connection between archival knowledge and colonial rule. The works of Franz Fanon on the psychological effects of colonial rule, Michel Foucault on discursive regimes of truth in the making of modernity, and Edward Said on the politics of European scholarly engagement with colonial cultures have underwritten a vast new literature on the intellectual motives of empire. As James Scott observed twenty-five years ago, modern colonialism exercised power as much “in paperwork as in rifles”. The connections here between western knowledge, writing, record-keeping and racist over-rule are intimate. Humble grammarians, philologists and historians have been accorded new imperial significance in these accounts, many of which are preoccupied with the direct links between the politics of writing (and archiving) itself and European colonial supremacy. \u0000The great scope and power of these studies has tended to obscure a question that I would like to consider in this article: Was colonial over-rule possible without knowledge? Here my question is not simply whether colonial governments could function with faulty or uncomprehending informational systems, which the British in India evidently managed in the decades leading up to the Rebellion. Rather it is whether the acts of archival government—of gathering and preserving knowledge about the colony and its peoples, and documenting the practice of government—were a necessary part of imperialism in the nineteenth century. I want to make the case here that the nineteenth century history of south Africa shows that imperialism could function quite well without knowledge—at least of the kinds of knowledge regimes that Foucault and Said have studied so productively. In the Transvaal and in the Colony of Natal in the second half of the nineteenth century two explicitly illiberal, anti-utilitarian, undocumented governments were at work. I think, although I do not show it here, that in the making of the Union and Apartheid in the next century, each of these probably held more local influence over individuals (whites and blacks) than the rump of utilitarianism that remained in the Cape Colony.","PeriodicalId":88545,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Natal and Zulu history","volume":"1 1","pages":"3 - 30"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02590123.2008.11964145","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59311480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2008.11964147
B. Guest
The limited but expanding literature on the history of scientific research and the conquest of livestock and crop diseases in South Africa has hitherto been characterised by a pronounced emphasis on developments in the Cape. Notable exceptions have been some studies focusing on aspects of agricultural activity in the Transvaal, including veterinary training and research undertaken at Onderstepoort. Relatively little attention has been given to what is today the KwaZulu-Natal region, apart from a longstanding interest in the fortunes of the sugar industry, the expansion of wattle production and the conservation of indigenous game. The establishment of faculties of agriculture was an important further step towards the institutionalisation and sophistication of scientific research in that sector of the national economy. The first three of South Africa’s university faculties of agriculture experienced long gestation periods. The oldest, at Stellenbosch, had its origins in the Agriculture Department which started in 1887 with five students at the Victoria College. It was removed in 1898 to Elsenburg and formally established in 1918 as a full faculty at the new University of Stellenbosch. The second, in Pretoria, began with the agricultural science courses taught from 1907/08 at the Frankenwald estate north of Johannesburg as part of the Transvaal University College. It began to take shape from 1916 at what, in 1930, formally became the University of Pretoria. The third agricultural faculty, established in 1949 in Pietermaritzburg, was the outcome of a prolonged campaign on the part of educational and other public figures in the Natal-Zululand region.
{"title":"The Establishment of A Faculty of Agriculture in Pietermaritzburg, 1934–1949","authors":"B. Guest","doi":"10.1080/02590123.2008.11964147","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02590123.2008.11964147","url":null,"abstract":"The limited but expanding literature on the history of scientific research and the conquest of livestock and crop diseases in South Africa has hitherto been characterised by a pronounced emphasis on developments in the Cape. Notable exceptions have been some studies focusing on aspects of agricultural activity in the Transvaal, including veterinary training and research undertaken at Onderstepoort. Relatively little attention has been given to what is today the KwaZulu-Natal region, apart from a longstanding interest in the fortunes of the sugar industry, the expansion of wattle production and the conservation of indigenous game. The establishment of faculties of agriculture was an important further step towards the institutionalisation and sophistication of scientific research in that sector of the national economy. The first three of South Africa’s university faculties of agriculture experienced long gestation periods. The oldest, at Stellenbosch, had its origins in the Agriculture Department which started in 1887 with five students at the Victoria College. It was removed in 1898 to Elsenburg and formally established in 1918 as a full faculty at the new University of Stellenbosch. The second, in Pretoria, began with the agricultural science courses taught from 1907/08 at the Frankenwald estate north of Johannesburg as part of the Transvaal University College. It began to take shape from 1916 at what, in 1930, formally became the University of Pretoria. The third agricultural faculty, established in 1949 in Pietermaritzburg, was the outcome of a prolonged campaign on the part of educational and other public figures in the Natal-Zululand region.","PeriodicalId":88545,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Natal and Zulu history","volume":"26 1","pages":"59 - 79"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02590123.2008.11964147","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59311915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2008.11964148
Glen L. Thompson
The 1966 Natal and South African Surfriding Championships was a founding moment in the history of the sport of surfing in South Africa and shaped the future trajectory of South African surfing culture. It did so by prioritising the masculine surfing styles of white men who surfed competitively. The championships were held over the first weekend in July in Durban – South Africa’s “Surf City” – during the peak winter swell season. It was the first ever national surf contest organised under the auspices of the newly formed national surfing association, the South African Surfriders’ Association. It was at these national surfing championships that a judging system was created to allow amateur South African surfers to compete for a place in the national Springbok team that travelled to the Third World Surfing Titles held two months later at Ocean Beach in San Diego, California, USA. The introduction of this judging system during the 1966 Surfriding Championships throws light on the development of three trends in the history of (stand-up board) surfing in South Africa : firstly, how local surfing sought out international acceptance as a sport; secondly, why surfing came to be seen as a largely white sporting and leisure activity; and thirdly, why women’s surfing has not receive the same attention as that of men’s. This article explores how the emergence of a competitive surfing culture, typified by the codification of judging competitive surfriding on boards of between nine and eleven feet in length, infused local surf culture with a need for global recognition as a surfing “nation” and, at the same time, accommodated racial segregation and a male-dominated gender order. The contention of this article is that the cultural logic embedded in the 1966 judging criteria has left a legacy for future generations of South African surfers; one that privileged a hegemonic white masculinity located in competitive surfing. Today, though an understanding of the making of surfing’s past and that exemplar masculinity, it becomes possible to promote new cultural configurations in South African surfing that are racially inclusive, gender equitable, and not determined by competitive prowess alone.
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Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2008.11964149
A. Macdonald
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Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2008.11964146
P. Thompson
In 1906 there occurred a rebellion among a part of the indigenous people against the settler government of the British colony of Natal, ostensibly against the collection of a poll (capitation) tax on adult males. It is very often called the Zulu Rebellion, but it has many names, and it is commonly called “Bhambatha’s rebellion” or “the Bhambatha rebellion”, after the most famous of its leaders. The centenary of the rebellion was marked by public celebrations of a political character which however shed very little light on the actual historic events. These celebrations were sponsored by the provincial government, usually in collaboration with ad hoc local bodies. They commenced when the provincial premier announced that Bhambatha would be posthumously reinstalled as a chief. There followed the laying of wreaths at memorials at Mpanza, near Greytown on 8 April 2006, followed by a cleansing ceremony and the dedication of a memorial wall to the “Richmond Twelve” on 22 April. They culminated in the laying of more wreaths and the reinstatement of Bhambatha to his chieftaincy at Mpanza on 11 June. The latter affair also engaged the national government, and the crowded programme included speeches by the president and deputy president, as well as provincial premier, the chairperson of the House of Traditional Leaders and the king of the Zulu nation. A special postage stamp was issued to mark the occasion. Almost a week later, on 16 June or Youth Day, a Bhambatha Memorial Concert took place at Lake Merthley, also near Greytown. On 27 September Bhambatha was awarded the national Order of Mendi in Gold for Bravery. Outside the government sphere there was very little to mark the centenary. Two plays, which did not enjoy government support, hardly got off the ground. A third, which did, was the musical 1906 Bhambada–The Freedom Fighter, which ran for a fortnight in Pietermaritzburg, and was touted to go on to Pretoria, but did not, probably for political as well as aesthetic reasons. A government-funded Indigenous Knowledge Systems project by local university academics produced a book entitled Freedom Sown in Blood: Memories of the Impi Yamakhanda, which contained practically nothing about the rebellion itself. Another book, Remembering the Rebellion: The Zulu Uprising of 1906, comprised a series of twelve commemorative supplements previously published in the The Witness and related newspapers in partnership with the provincial department of education. Beautifully illustrated and pitched at schools, it necessarily simplified scholarship on the rebellion for its readers.
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Pub Date : 2007-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2006.11964141
Uma Dhupelia-Mesthrie
Manilal Gandhi was the second son of Mohandas (later Mahatma) and Kasturba Gandhi. Unlike his father who spent just over two decades in South Africa, Manilal spent close to five decades of a life (which spanned sixty-four years) in South Africa. Most of these years, in particular, were lived at Phoenix Settlement in the Inanda countryside on the communal farm that Gandhi had started in 1904. For thirty-six years of his life (1920-1956) Manilal was editor of the newspaper Indian Opinion which his father had had a crucial hand in establishing in 1903. This Gandhi, however, is relatively unknown in South Africa. To remedy that I wrote his biography, published in 2004.1 Sufficient time has passed for me to reflect on the writing of the book, its objectives, the sources used, the reception of the book and especially its portrayal in the media in South Africa and in India. This reflection provides an opportunity for the historian to examine the practices of biographical writing but also to cast some understanding on what Judith Brown referred to as the “Gandhi phenomenon” that hit India in the 1920s but which continues to manifest itself world-wide despite the fact that the Mahatma died almost six decades ago.
{"title":"Writing the Life of Manilal Mohandas Gandhi","authors":"Uma Dhupelia-Mesthrie","doi":"10.1080/02590123.2006.11964141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02590123.2006.11964141","url":null,"abstract":"Manilal Gandhi was the second son of Mohandas (later Mahatma) and Kasturba Gandhi. Unlike his father who spent just over two decades in South Africa, Manilal spent close to five decades of a life (which spanned sixty-four years) in South Africa. Most of these years, in particular, were lived at Phoenix Settlement in the Inanda countryside on the communal farm that Gandhi had started in 1904. For thirty-six years of his life (1920-1956) Manilal was editor of the newspaper Indian Opinion which his father had had a crucial hand in establishing in 1903. This Gandhi, however, is relatively unknown in South Africa. To remedy that I wrote his biography, published in 2004.1 Sufficient time has passed for me to reflect on the writing of the book, its objectives, the sources used, the reception of the book and especially its portrayal in the media in South Africa and in India. This reflection provides an opportunity for the historian to examine the practices of biographical writing but also to cast some understanding on what Judith Brown referred to as the “Gandhi phenomenon” that hit India in the 1920s but which continues to manifest itself world-wide despite the fact that the Mahatma died almost six decades ago.","PeriodicalId":88545,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Natal and Zulu history","volume":"25 1","pages":"188 - 213"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02590123.2006.11964141","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59311503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2006.11964142
J. Wassermann, Annette Wohlberg
This article is in part motivated by the lack of knowledge and understanding of the Umbilo POW Camp, deficiencies it will attempt to address by presenting a concise institutional biography of the establishment. It was also motivated by the fact that the institutional culture of the Umbilo Camp was atypical of all the other Boer POW camps, and dissimilar, too, from POW camps of more contemporary conflicts. Furthermore, the Umbilo Camp formed part of an extensive camp system created in and around Durban during the Anglo-Boer War. Approximately 25,000 Boer civilians were incarcerated in concentration camps at Merebank, Wentworth, Jacobs and Pinetown, while refugees, especially from the Transvaal, were housed in camps at Lord’s Ground and Victoria Park.10 While the concentration camps are underpinned by a rich and diverse historiography,11 this is not the case with POW camps, which are completely overshadowed by what has been written about the former.
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Pub Date : 2007-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2006.11964144
G. Vahed
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Pub Date : 2007-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2006.11964140
J. Parle
These documents and letters – which I have placed in chronological order, and taken excerpts from, but have not otherwise edited or changed in any way – can be found at the Pietermaritzburg Archives Repository.2 They comprise, in the main, correspondence between various officials from the offices of the Colonial Secretary, the Attorney General, the Minister of Justice and Public Works, and Dr James Hyslop, Medical Superintendent of the Natal Government Asylum from 1882 to 1913. The file concerning Mrs Emma L also contains depositions, statements, correspondence to and from the legal firm appointed by the family of Mrs L, and a number of petitions, affidavits, and letters by several members of the family, most notably by Mr Henry Debney L and by Emma L herself.
{"title":"The Voice of History? Patients, Privacy and Archival Research Ethics in Histories of Insanity","authors":"J. Parle","doi":"10.1080/02590123.2006.11964140","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02590123.2006.11964140","url":null,"abstract":"These documents and letters – which I have placed in chronological order, and taken excerpts from, but have not otherwise edited or changed in any way – can be found at the Pietermaritzburg Archives Repository.2 They comprise, in the main, correspondence between various officials from the offices of the Colonial Secretary, the Attorney General, the Minister of Justice and Public Works, and Dr James Hyslop, Medical Superintendent of the Natal Government Asylum from 1882 to 1913. The file concerning Mrs Emma L also contains depositions, statements, correspondence to and from the legal firm appointed by the family of Mrs L, and a number of petitions, affidavits, and letters by several members of the family, most notably by Mr Henry Debney L and by Emma L herself.","PeriodicalId":88545,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Natal and Zulu history","volume":"25 1","pages":"164 - 187"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02590123.2006.11964140","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59311464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-01-01DOI: 10.1080/02590123.2006.11964143
S. Couper
Within the African National Congress (ANC), various political personalities claim to be the ideological heirs of Luthuli. However, the debates over Luthuli’s legacy also transcend personalities and political parties to influence broader philosophical debates. The politicisation of culture over the last decade has dramatically altered the context in which “traditional leadership” is viewed. Luthuli stands on the fault line of any debate concerning Zulu nationalism or traditional leadership because Luthuli was an anomaly: a democratically elected, local traditional leader of international stature. As such, he is claimed both by traditionalists and modernists. An example of the former, Nkosi Phathekile Holomisa, President of the Congress of Traditional Leaders of South Africa, invoked Luthuli’s legacy to criticise the ANC’s continued faltering “on the question of traditional leadership”, arguing that ubukhosi (the institution of traditional leadership) “is here to stay”. There are obvious historiographical dangers in such claim-making. Holomisa’s statements could be perceived as a claim that Luthuli was a traditionalist who envisioned a retrograde action to Shakan and Shepstonian times rather than a modern democrat who struggled for a contemporary and progressive South Africa that was free from racial and ethnic divisions. Buthelezi’s repeated claims that Luthuli supported his leadership of the KwaZulu homeland government can be interpreted as an assertion that Luthuli believed that Apartheid could be fought by collaborating with or participating within white supremacist structures. In the context of this claim-making, how can we determine Luthuli’s position on traditional leadership and the bantustans under apartheid? In my view, a more accurate understanding of Luthuli’s political thought comes with recognising that his Christian faith influenced all other ingredients. More specifically, I would argue that it was Luthuli’s specific brand of Christian faith – Congregationalism – that represented values of egalitarianism, democracy, and unity, and determined his political philosophy – values which are antithetical to a world of ethnic bantustans. My starting point for investigating Luthuli’s relationship to traditional leadership is the eulogy Buthelezi delivered at Mthyiane’s funeral. This investigation relies on primary sources to document Luthuli’s views on the homelands framework. These sources reveal Luthuli’s views on chieftaincy, democracy, multiracialism, and available modes of resistance against the Apartheid regime.
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