Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-2-41-59
C. Bang, B. Misischia, M. Ussher, M. M. Bottinelli, M. Nabergoi, G. Granja
In March 2020, the first case of coronavirus was registered in Argentina and care measures were adopted. From different spaces, research initiatives emerged addressing various problems related to this pandemic. In this framework, a working group was formed to develop a network research project: “COVID-19, Health and social protection: contributions from territorial care practices for the strengthening of comprehensive community mental health policies in the new postpandemic scenarios.” Its main objective is to describe the practices and experiences of health/mental health care developed by territorial actors, analyzing their articulation with government measures during the year 2020. The methodology used is exploratory descriptive, founded on the triangulation of sources, instruments and qualitative quantitative indicators, based on the systematization of practices and experiences of territorial actors and the analysis of their relationship with national, provincial and local public policies.Various publications indicate that populations in situation of vulnerability are more exposed in relation to their health/mental health and it has also been analyzed that social participation is a central component in Community Health and constitutes, in cases of greater vulnerability, a condition to ensure survival.This article characterizes the national government measures related to COVID-19 in Argentina, with respect to these populations, and analyzes those that make explicit reference to social participation.
{"title":"National government measures related to COVID-19 in Argentina: vulnerable populations, participation and mental health","authors":"C. Bang, B. Misischia, M. Ussher, M. M. Bottinelli, M. Nabergoi, G. Granja","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-2-41-59","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-2-41-59","url":null,"abstract":"In March 2020, the first case of coronavirus was registered in Argentina and care measures were adopted. From different spaces, research initiatives emerged addressing various problems related to this pandemic. In this framework, a working group was formed to develop a network research project: “COVID-19, Health and social protection: contributions from territorial care practices for the strengthening of comprehensive community mental health policies in the new postpandemic scenarios.” Its main objective is to describe the practices and experiences of health/mental health care developed by territorial actors, analyzing their articulation with government measures during the year 2020. The methodology used is exploratory descriptive, founded on the triangulation of sources, instruments and qualitative quantitative indicators, based on the systematization of practices and experiences of territorial actors and the analysis of their relationship with national, provincial and local public policies.Various publications indicate that populations in situation of vulnerability are more exposed in relation to their health/mental health and it has also been analyzed that social participation is a central component in Community Health and constitutes, in cases of greater vulnerability, a condition to ensure survival.This article characterizes the national government measures related to COVID-19 in Argentina, with respect to these populations, and analyzes those that make explicit reference to social participation.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87641626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-2-10-40
M. D. Di Virgilio, M. Díaz, L. Ramírez
In Argentina, during the year 2020, the National Government has implemented numerous and varied assistance, containment and promotion initiatives in key public policy sectors to respond to the crisis unleashed by the COVID-19 pandemic. Likewise, provincial and local governments launched their own initiatives to support those emanating from the central level and facilitate the implementation and adaptation of national initiatives in their territories. The citizens, for their part, have adapted to, used or resisted the guidelines and proposals of the executives of the different levels of government. The pandemic scenario (in its different phases) exposes the tension between a centralized logic - typical of the design of initiatives aimed at responding to an emergency - and multilevel governance at a time when it is impossible to ignored that crisis contexts, such as the one imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic, strongly stress the relations between the different levels of government and between these and the citizenry. In this context, this paper focuses on intergovernmental relations and examines the initiatives, devices and instruments mobilized by the different levels of government to respond to urban issues in general and housing needs in particular, in the pandemic context, focusing on the initiatives that had habitat and housing as a privileged axis of intervention. The work is based on the analysis of regulations and press material. It also draws on in-depth interviews with public officials and agents from different governmental levels. It presents the composition of the political organization of the Greater Buenos Aires Agglomerate and the political-institutional relations between thedifferent levels of government, as well as a characterization of the focal points for intervention, devices and instruments that made public interventions feasible (especially in the National Government, the Government of the City of Buenos Aires and the Government of the Province of Buenos Aires). To conclude, the paper focuses on territorially-based experiences in order to account for the initiatives from a bottom-up perspective.
{"title":"Intergovernmental relations in the management of the COVID-19 pandemic: X-ray of habitat management in a federal setting (Greater Buenos Aires Agglomeration, Argentina)","authors":"M. D. Di Virgilio, M. Díaz, L. Ramírez","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-2-10-40","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-2-10-40","url":null,"abstract":"In Argentina, during the year 2020, the National Government has implemented numerous and varied assistance, containment and promotion initiatives in key public policy sectors to respond to the crisis unleashed by the COVID-19 pandemic. Likewise, provincial and local governments launched their own initiatives to support those emanating from the central level and facilitate the implementation and adaptation of national initiatives in their territories. The citizens, for their part, have adapted to, used or resisted the guidelines and proposals of the executives of the different levels of government. The pandemic scenario (in its different phases) exposes the tension between a centralized logic - typical of the design of initiatives aimed at responding to an emergency - and multilevel governance at a time when it is impossible to ignored that crisis contexts, such as the one imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic, strongly stress the relations between the different levels of government and between these and the citizenry. In this context, this paper focuses on intergovernmental relations and examines the initiatives, devices and instruments mobilized by the different levels of government to respond to urban issues in general and housing needs in particular, in the pandemic context, focusing on the initiatives that had habitat and housing as a privileged axis of intervention. The work is based on the analysis of regulations and press material. It also draws on in-depth interviews with public officials and agents from different governmental levels. It presents the composition of the political organization of the Greater Buenos Aires Agglomerate and the political-institutional relations between thedifferent levels of government, as well as a characterization of the focal points for intervention, devices and instruments that made public interventions feasible (especially in the National Government, the Government of the City of Buenos Aires and the Government of the Province of Buenos Aires). To conclude, the paper focuses on territorially-based experiences in order to account for the initiatives from a bottom-up perspective.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81998922","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-08DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-113-128
S. Rebrey
The article concerns measuring gender equality in Latin American countries based on statistics from international (WEF, OECD, ILO, UNESCO) and regional (UNECLAC) organizations and national statistical services, as well as various gender inequality indices (GGI, SIGI). Gender equality is seen as one of the goals of sustainable development, and gender inequality – as a brake on its path. The study is conducted within institutional approach, since institutions are formal and informal restrictions accepted in society and determine the scale and factors of gender inequality. Particular attention is paid to axial institutions that play a primary role in creation, formation and implementation of human capital, namely the institutions of the family and the labor market, education and science, state and corporate governance. The study shows that, among emerging economies, Latin America has very high levels of gender equality as a result of a high degree of feminization of labor markets among other factors. However, the predominance of traditional division of labor in institution of the family levels out the bonuses from participation of women in paid work and exacerbates the problem of a double burden: women are caught in a vise, where, on the one hand, there is a paid work, and, on the other, an unpaid domestic work, which falls mainly on women. The most significant factor that positively affects the increase in gender equality is the share of women in government, while the level of socio-economic development of the country without a specialized policy aimed at stimulating gender equality does not lead to an increase in the latter.
{"title":"Gender equality in Latin America","authors":"S. Rebrey","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-113-128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-113-128","url":null,"abstract":"The article concerns measuring gender equality in Latin American countries based on statistics from international (WEF, OECD, ILO, UNESCO) and regional (UNECLAC) organizations and national statistical services, as well as various gender inequality indices (GGI, SIGI). Gender equality is seen as one of the goals of sustainable development, and gender inequality – as a brake on its path. The study is conducted within institutional approach, since institutions are formal and informal restrictions accepted in society and determine the scale and factors of gender inequality. Particular attention is paid to axial institutions that play a primary role in creation, formation and implementation of human capital, namely the institutions of the family and the labor market, education and science, state and corporate governance. The study shows that, among emerging economies, Latin America has very high levels of gender equality as a result of a high degree of feminization of labor markets among other factors. However, the predominance of traditional division of labor in institution of the family levels out the bonuses from participation of women in paid work and exacerbates the problem of a double burden: women are caught in a vise, where, on the one hand, there is a paid work, and, on the other, an unpaid domestic work, which falls mainly on women. The most significant factor that positively affects the increase in gender equality is the share of women in government, while the level of socio-economic development of the country without a specialized policy aimed at stimulating gender equality does not lead to an increase in the latter.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82981209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-08DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-27-37
L. Okuneva
The right-wing populist phenomenon has become one of the main trends in world politics. Its spread in the “old” and “new democracies” forces researchers to reconsider the categorical apparatus by means of which they analyzed world processes in the very recent past. Characteristic features, manifesting themselves in different countries, inevitably acquire a local flavor. The surge of right-wing populism in Europe was provoked by an external factor – migration flows, but in Brazil there were purely internal reasons and motives that created fertile ground for the right-wing populist leader to come to power, while in the USA it was a mixture and interweaving of both internal and external factors. The author analyzes the Brazilian version of modern right-wing populist ideology and political practice, embodied in the “Bolsonaro phenomenon”. The author examines reasons and circumstances that made possible the emergence and implanting of right-wing populism on Brazilian political terrain. The paper indicates main features of right-wing populism in its “Bolsonarist” version. It is shown that the Brazilian right-wing populism of the beginning of the 21st century reflects both the modern world trend and all the classic signs of populism, and at the same time has its own unique national characteristics. The “Bolsonaro phenomenon” brings forward many debatable problems.
{"title":"The modern face of right-wing populism in Brazil","authors":"L. Okuneva","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-27-37","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-27-37","url":null,"abstract":"The right-wing populist phenomenon has become one of the main trends in world politics. Its spread in the “old” and “new democracies” forces researchers to reconsider the categorical apparatus by means of which they analyzed world processes in the very recent past. Characteristic features, manifesting themselves in different countries, inevitably acquire a local flavor. The surge of right-wing populism in Europe was provoked by an external factor – migration flows, but in Brazil there were purely internal reasons and motives that created fertile ground for the right-wing populist leader to come to power, while in the USA it was a mixture and interweaving of both internal and external factors. The author analyzes the Brazilian version of modern right-wing populist ideology and political practice, embodied in the “Bolsonaro phenomenon”. The author examines reasons and circumstances that made possible the emergence and implanting of right-wing populism on Brazilian political terrain. The paper indicates main features of right-wing populism in its “Bolsonarist” version. It is shown that the Brazilian right-wing populism of the beginning of the 21st century reflects both the modern world trend and all the classic signs of populism, and at the same time has its own unique national characteristics. The “Bolsonaro phenomenon” brings forward many debatable problems.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75193945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-08DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-38-52
B. Martynov
The results of the Caribbean crisis in the domestic and foreign literature have rarely been covered from the point of view of the Soviet-Cuban relations that influenced the internationalist policy of Cuba in Africa in the 1970s. The author analyzes: the degree of independence of Cuba’s policy in Africa, the participation of the USSR in it and the fairness of accusations brought by Washington. The results of the analysis show that deploying of Cuban “volunteers” in Angola and then in Ethiopia was not initiated by the USSR, which aimed at maintaining détente in relations with the West. Moreover, new deterioration of relations with Cuba amid escalating Chinese-Soviet tensions, increasing centrifugal tendencies in the “socialist commonwealth” and emergence of “Eurocommunism” threatened to further weaken the “world system of socialism” and erode the ideological foundations of Marxism-Leninism. By analyzing Cuba’s internationalist activity in Africa, the author has been able to draw some conclusions about its implications for the international communist movement and its influence on the balance of power in the world before perestroika policy began in the Soviet Union. The end of détente policy did not allow the USSR to redirect the resources released from the arms race to improving the living conditions of the Soviet people. Cuban revolutionary activity contributed to fragmentation of the formerly united “upfront antiimperialist forces.” The weakening of the ideological foundations of “real socialism” was an additional factor that prompted the Soviet leadership, represented by Mikhail Gorbachev, to begin a policy of perestroika. Cuba’s ‘progress’ in Africa contributed to consolidation of Cuban society around the policy of the Cuban Communist Party, which, in turn, helped it to withstand the difficulties of the “peculiar period of peace” in the early 1990s.
{"title":"Soviet-Cuban relations after the Caribbean crisis, the collapse of détente and lessons for the future","authors":"B. Martynov","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-38-52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-38-52","url":null,"abstract":"The results of the Caribbean crisis in the domestic and foreign literature have rarely been covered from the point of view of the Soviet-Cuban relations that influenced the internationalist policy of Cuba in Africa in the 1970s. The author analyzes: the degree of independence of Cuba’s policy in Africa, the participation of the USSR in it and the fairness of accusations brought by Washington. The results of the analysis show that deploying of Cuban “volunteers” in Angola and then in Ethiopia was not initiated by the USSR, which aimed at maintaining détente in relations with the West. Moreover, new deterioration of relations with Cuba amid escalating Chinese-Soviet tensions, increasing centrifugal tendencies in the “socialist commonwealth” and emergence of “Eurocommunism” threatened to further weaken the “world system of socialism” and erode the ideological foundations of Marxism-Leninism. By analyzing Cuba’s internationalist activity in Africa, the author has been able to draw some conclusions about its implications for the international communist movement and its influence on the balance of power in the world before perestroika policy began in the Soviet Union. The end of détente policy did not allow the USSR to redirect the resources released from the arms race to improving the living conditions of the Soviet people. Cuban revolutionary activity contributed to fragmentation of the formerly united “upfront antiimperialist forces.” The weakening of the ideological foundations of “real socialism” was an additional factor that prompted the Soviet leadership, represented by Mikhail Gorbachev, to begin a policy of perestroika. Cuba’s ‘progress’ in Africa contributed to consolidation of Cuban society around the policy of the Cuban Communist Party, which, in turn, helped it to withstand the difficulties of the “peculiar period of peace” in the early 1990s.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86121532","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-08DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-99-112
V. X. Medina Gonzalez, E. Orellana Solano
The article examines key trends and prospects for the development of Ecuadorian-Peruvian relations, which are of particular interest in the sphere of international cooperation for both Ecuador and Peru. The purpose is to examine the trends of cooperation in various areas between Peru and Ecuador. In accordance with the main goal, the following objectives were set: to identify the features of joint coordination of stability in the border areas, including activities to curb illegal trade of weapons and drugs; to examine Ecuadorian-Peruvian economic relations, including development of trade relations; to identify key aspects of the development of Ecuadorian-Peruvian relations in culture, education and tourism, as well as environmental cooperation and support for indigenous peoples. In the areas of culture, tourism, education and the environment, Ecuadorian-Peruvian relations are quite underdeveloped and require activation of a number of measures proposed by the authors: improvement of the legal and regulatory framework in the field of above mentioned relations; increased financial support for cooperation in culture, education, tourism and the environment; increased promotion of the importance of relations between Ecuador and Peru, especially among youth; attraction to more active cooperation of public representatives organizations and businesses. Another important factor is the enhanced activity of Ecuadorian representatives in attracting foreign direct investment from Peru for the implementation of projects in different sectors of the economy in the country.
{"title":"Trends and prospects for the development of Ecuadorian-Peruvian relations","authors":"V. X. Medina Gonzalez, E. Orellana Solano","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-99-112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-99-112","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines key trends and prospects for the development of Ecuadorian-Peruvian relations, which are of particular interest in the sphere of international cooperation for both Ecuador and Peru. The purpose is to examine the trends of cooperation in various areas between Peru and Ecuador. In accordance with the main goal, the following objectives were set: to identify the features of joint coordination of stability in the border areas, including activities to curb illegal trade of weapons and drugs; to examine Ecuadorian-Peruvian economic relations, including development of trade relations; to identify key aspects of the development of Ecuadorian-Peruvian relations in culture, education and tourism, as well as environmental cooperation and support for indigenous peoples. In the areas of culture, tourism, education and the environment, Ecuadorian-Peruvian relations are quite underdeveloped and require activation of a number of measures proposed by the authors: improvement of the legal and regulatory framework in the field of above mentioned relations; increased financial support for cooperation in culture, education, tourism and the environment; increased promotion of the importance of relations between Ecuador and Peru, especially among youth; attraction to more active cooperation of public representatives organizations and businesses. Another important factor is the enhanced activity of Ecuadorian representatives in attracting foreign direct investment from Peru for the implementation of projects in different sectors of the economy in the country.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81138408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-08DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-69-83
I. Krivushin
The aim of the article is to examine the reasons for the Basque nationalists’ improving electoral performance in Navarre in the late 2000–2010s. The author identifies the main stages of the historical development of Basque nationalism in Navarre and its confrontation with various forms of local regionalism (Fuerism, Carlism, and Navarrism) from the beginning of the 20th century up to the present, as well as the features of its evolution in comparison with the evolution of nationalism in other Basque territories. The analysis of electoral statistics and opinion polls shows that, in the post-Franco period, the traditional centrist and Catholic version of Basque nationalism, represented by the Basque Nationalist Party, was pushed back by its left and secular version (“Herri Batasuna”, “Batzarre”, “Aralar”, etc.) and that, in the last decade, Basque nationalists managed to significantly expand their influence among social groups that do not favour separatist claims and do not share nationalist feelings. On the one hand, the success of this expansion was due to the new electoral tactics of the Basque nationalists (formation of two coalitions – left and center-left), and, on the other, to the growing discontent of voters towards the central and regional authorities in the context of the financial crisis of 2008 – 2014 and the gradual increase in the popularity of the Basque language and strengthening of the Basque identity in Navarre. The rising separatist movement in Navarre, together with the growing popularity of secessionism in Galicia, threatens to increase the number of separatist-leaning regions in Spain and poses a serious challenge to the Spanish “State of Autonomous Communities.”
本文的目的是研究巴斯克民族主义者在2000年至2010年后期在纳瓦拉改善选举表现的原因。作者梳理了20世纪初至今纳瓦拉地区巴斯克民族主义历史发展的主要阶段及其与各种形式的地方主义(富尔主义、卡尔主义和纳瓦拉主义)的对抗，并与其他巴斯克地区民族主义的演变进行了比较。对选举统计数据和民意调查的分析表明，在后佛朗哥时期，以巴斯克民族主义党为代表的传统中间派和天主教版本的巴斯克民族主义被其左翼和世俗版本(" Herri Batasuna "、" Batzarre "、" Aralar "等)所击退，而在过去十年中，巴斯克民族主义者成功地在不赞成分离主义主张和不认同民族主义感情的社会群体中显著扩大了他们的影响力。一方面，这种扩张的成功是由于巴斯克民族主义者的新选举策略(形成两个联盟-左翼和中左翼)，另一方面，在2008 - 2014年金融危机的背景下，选民对中央和地方当局的不满日益增加，巴斯克语的普及程度逐渐提高，纳瓦拉巴斯克身份的加强。纳瓦拉分离主义运动的兴起，加上加利西亚分离主义的日益流行，可能会增加西班牙倾向分离主义的地区的数量，并对西班牙的“自治区国家”构成严重挑战。
{"title":"Basque nationalists in Navarre: a long road to success","authors":"I. Krivushin","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-69-83","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-69-83","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the article is to examine the reasons for the Basque nationalists’ improving electoral performance in Navarre in the late 2000–2010s. The author identifies the main stages of the historical development of Basque nationalism in Navarre and its confrontation with various forms of local regionalism (Fuerism, Carlism, and Navarrism) from the beginning of the 20th century up to the present, as well as the features of its evolution in comparison with the evolution of nationalism in other Basque territories. The analysis of electoral statistics and opinion polls shows that, in the post-Franco period, the traditional centrist and Catholic version of Basque nationalism, represented by the Basque Nationalist Party, was pushed back by its left and secular version (“Herri Batasuna”, “Batzarre”, “Aralar”, etc.) and that, in the last decade, Basque nationalists managed to significantly expand their influence among social groups that do not favour separatist claims and do not share nationalist feelings. On the one hand, the success of this expansion was due to the new electoral tactics of the Basque nationalists (formation of two coalitions – left and center-left), and, on the other, to the growing discontent of voters towards the central and regional authorities in the context of the financial crisis of 2008 – 2014 and the gradual increase in the popularity of the Basque language and strengthening of the Basque identity in Navarre. The rising separatist movement in Navarre, together with the growing popularity of secessionism in Galicia, threatens to increase the number of separatist-leaning regions in Spain and poses a serious challenge to the Spanish “State of Autonomous Communities.”","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82937384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-08DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-53-68
M. Sigachev, Yu. A. Timofeeva
The authors analyze political cycles of the Portuguese (Lusophone) world, which is based on Portugal-Brazil civilizational axis. The authors seek to prove the existence of synchronicity and parallelism in the context of the movement of political pendulum from right to left and back within the Lusophone world of Iberoamerica. The main thesis of this study is that the Ibero-American transcontinental macro-region is sandwiched between a “left wave” and a “right turn”, with the conclusion that further continuation of the “left wave” with right-wing fluctuations in the current context is going to continue. As far as Portugal is concerned, the case of the municipal elections of September 26, 2021 is used as empirical material and is subjected to a detailed analysis from the perspective of the Portuguese party-political landscape. In addition, some attention is paid to the early parliamentary elections of January 30, 2022 in Portugal. The authors also assess the development of populism in Portugal, given that in European countries, left-wing and right-wing populist movements are gaining popularity. Similarly, the authors consider the results of the 2020 municipal elections, and political situation in Brazil on the eve of the 2022 presidential elections. We give a forecast about further shift to the left of the Ibero-American Lusophone world, if after the confident victory of the Portuguese socialists under the leadership of Costa the socialist president Lula da Silva comes to power in Brazil, and, as a result, about formation of the left-socialist power pole within the framework of the Ibero-American Lusophony.
{"title":"The lusophone world of Iberoamerica: between the “left wave” and the “right turn” (the example of Portugal and Brazil)","authors":"M. Sigachev, Yu. A. Timofeeva","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-53-68","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-53-68","url":null,"abstract":"The authors analyze political cycles of the Portuguese (Lusophone) world, which is based on Portugal-Brazil civilizational axis. The authors seek to prove the existence of synchronicity and parallelism in the context of the movement of political pendulum from right to left and back within the Lusophone world of Iberoamerica. The main thesis of this study is that the Ibero-American transcontinental macro-region is sandwiched between a “left wave” and a “right turn”, with the conclusion that further continuation of the “left wave” with right-wing fluctuations in the current context is going to continue. As far as Portugal is concerned, the case of the municipal elections of September 26, 2021 is used as empirical material and is subjected to a detailed analysis from the perspective of the Portuguese party-political landscape. In addition, some attention is paid to the early parliamentary elections of January 30, 2022 in Portugal. The authors also assess the development of populism in Portugal, given that in European countries, left-wing and right-wing populist movements are gaining popularity. Similarly, the authors consider the results of the 2020 municipal elections, and political situation in Brazil on the eve of the 2022 presidential elections. We give a forecast about further shift to the left of the Ibero-American Lusophone world, if after the confident victory of the Portuguese socialists under the leadership of Costa the socialist president Lula da Silva comes to power in Brazil, and, as a result, about formation of the left-socialist power pole within the framework of the Ibero-American Lusophony.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74230888","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-08DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-84-98
A. Shcherbakova
At the beginning of the 21st century, international relations in South America are developing in a paradigm of regionalization, manifested in emergence of multiple social associations on the continent, linked to each other not only geographically but also functionally. In parallel, trends of fragmentation and polarization, resulting from the crisis of Latin American multilateralism and from political heterogeneity established by the results of the next electoral period, are directly or indirectly influencing the nature of regional relations. In this context, and given their impact on regional affairs, the analysis of the current state of relations between Argentina and Brazil, characterized by polarized positions on a range of issues, deserves particular attention. The author chose a systemic approach to the analysis of international relations and the current foreign policy situation as the main methodological tool to achieve the goal of research. This, in turn, allowed the author of this article to consider South America as a regional subsystem, within which political systems and regimes compete, including for the choice of the vector of sub-regional development. The article demonstrates that recently the Argentine-Brazilian contradictions have fueled and strengthened political and ideological heterogeneity of the whole South American continent. In addition, the author cites different visions of formats and vectors of integration development of associations and subregional organizations in South America. According to the author, the actions of the governments of Alberto Fernández and Jair Bolsonaro make it quite difficult to implement and put in practice the necessary measures and formulated strategic goals, as well as to determine the vector of future development for Latin American states.
{"title":"Argentine-Brazilian contradictions as a factor of disintegration in South America","authors":"A. Shcherbakova","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-84-98","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-84-98","url":null,"abstract":"At the beginning of the 21st century, international relations in South America are developing in a paradigm of regionalization, manifested in emergence of multiple social associations on the continent, linked to each other not only geographically but also functionally. In parallel, trends of fragmentation and polarization, resulting from the crisis of Latin American multilateralism and from political heterogeneity established by the results of the next electoral period, are directly or indirectly influencing the nature of regional relations. In this context, and given their impact on regional affairs, the analysis of the current state of relations between Argentina and Brazil, characterized by polarized positions on a range of issues, deserves particular attention. The author chose a systemic approach to the analysis of international relations and the current foreign policy situation as the main methodological tool to achieve the goal of research. This, in turn, allowed the author of this article to consider South America as a regional subsystem, within which political systems and regimes compete, including for the choice of the vector of sub-regional development. The article demonstrates that recently the Argentine-Brazilian contradictions have fueled and strengthened political and ideological heterogeneity of the whole South American continent. In addition, the author cites different visions of formats and vectors of integration development of associations and subregional organizations in South America. According to the author, the actions of the governments of Alberto Fernández and Jair Bolsonaro make it quite difficult to implement and put in practice the necessary measures and formulated strategic goals, as well as to determine the vector of future development for Latin American states.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89542013","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-07DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-10-26
P. Yakovlev, N. Yakovleva
The authors show that the historical and political role of populism in Latin American countries is an extremely relevant, but at the same time complex research and practical topic, which has been causing sharp discussions in the expert community for more than a decade. This is due to the inconsistency and ambiguity of populism as a social phenomenon, its dynamic and variable nature, which constantly puts forward new research tasks to scientists. Latin America is the birthplace of modern populism. Here, as in no other region of the world, populism has long become an integral part of social landscape and a specific feature of political processes. Dozens of prominent populist figures headed governments in most states of the region, were the creators of leading political parties and movements, left an indelible mark on Latin American history. Up to this day, populists of different beliefs largely form a vector of socio-economic development of an entire region. All this determines relevance of the article, and its main goal is to explore the topic of Latin American populism, its ideological pedigree and perspectives on the basis of new knowledge and phenomena. The novelty of the work is the interpretation of ideology and practice of populism, based on the methods of historical research and comparative analysis, which makes it possible to identify features of populist regimes in Latin America. The main conclusion made by the authors is the assertion that it is impossible to use old populist methods to respond to new challenges that await the peoples of Latin America in the future.
{"title":"Latin American Populism: historical context and modern trends","authors":"P. Yakovlev, N. Yakovleva","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-10-26","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-1-10-26","url":null,"abstract":"The authors show that the historical and political role of populism in Latin American countries is an extremely relevant, but at the same time complex research and practical topic, which has been causing sharp discussions in the expert community for more than a decade. This is due to the inconsistency and ambiguity of populism as a social phenomenon, its dynamic and variable nature, which constantly puts forward new research tasks to scientists. Latin America is the birthplace of modern populism. Here, as in no other region of the world, populism has long become an integral part of social landscape and a specific feature of political processes. Dozens of prominent populist figures headed governments in most states of the region, were the creators of leading political parties and movements, left an indelible mark on Latin American history. Up to this day, populists of different beliefs largely form a vector of socio-economic development of an entire region. All this determines relevance of the article, and its main goal is to explore the topic of Latin American populism, its ideological pedigree and perspectives on the basis of new knowledge and phenomena. The novelty of the work is the interpretation of ideology and practice of populism, based on the methods of historical research and comparative analysis, which makes it possible to identify features of populist regimes in Latin America. The main conclusion made by the authors is the assertion that it is impossible to use old populist methods to respond to new challenges that await the peoples of Latin America in the future.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78053872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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