Pub Date : 2022-05-14DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-120-133
I. Guliev, Y. Solovova
We examine the evolution of Peru’s energy strategy in the context of global energy transition trends. In the last decade, Peru’s energy sector has been actively developing due to an increase in domestic demand caused by the country’s economic growth. At the moment, the country is facing the task of expanding its energy system to ensure access to energy and at the same time its modernization in the context of the global climate agenda. The risks caused by climate change can have a significant negative impact on the ecosystem of Peru and pose serious threats to the future economic development of the country. Authors analyze the current state and prospects of the energy sector, which is the main engine of national economic growth and a significant factor for poverty eradication. We discuss the foundations of the state energy development strategy, the role of the climate agenda, and the specifics of renewable energy project regulation. Authors conclude that Peru has significant potential both in the field of traditional hydrocarbon energy, including LNGs, and in the field of clean energy. In addition to solar and wind power, Peru also has significant potential for the development of hydrogen and biomass energy. Of particular importance for the country is the gas industry, which has received a serious impetus for development in connection with the implementation of a major Camisea project. During the transition period, gas can partially replace the use of oil in industry, housing and electricity generation, thus contributing to the process of decarbonization. The choice of strategic priorities will determine the country’s energy architecture in the medium and long term.
{"title":"Peru’s energy policy in the context of energy transition","authors":"I. Guliev, Y. Solovova","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-120-133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-120-133","url":null,"abstract":"We examine the evolution of Peru’s energy strategy in the context of global energy transition trends. In the last decade, Peru’s energy sector has been actively developing due to an increase in domestic demand caused by the country’s economic growth. At the moment, the country is facing the task of expanding its energy system to ensure access to energy and at the same time its modernization in the context of the global climate agenda. The risks caused by climate change can have a significant negative impact on the ecosystem of Peru and pose serious threats to the future economic development of the country. Authors analyze the current state and prospects of the energy sector, which is the main engine of national economic growth and a significant factor for poverty eradication. We discuss the foundations of the state energy development strategy, the role of the climate agenda, and the specifics of renewable energy project regulation. Authors conclude that Peru has significant potential both in the field of traditional hydrocarbon energy, including LNGs, and in the field of clean energy. In addition to solar and wind power, Peru also has significant potential for the development of hydrogen and biomass energy. Of particular importance for the country is the gas industry, which has received a serious impetus for development in connection with the implementation of a major Camisea project. During the transition period, gas can partially replace the use of oil in industry, housing and electricity generation, thus contributing to the process of decarbonization. The choice of strategic priorities will determine the country’s energy architecture in the medium and long term.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89209795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-14DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-134-145
P. Pazos
The phenomenon of mobility in Peru has defined a particular worldview of the Peruvian people, manifested in the distinction between work and the state. The gender approach is especially important in relation to German state subsidies, whereas state benefits or lack of access to them has become a criterion of stigmatization. The lives of those Peruvians who have been able to adapt in one way or another to working life in Berlin are markedly different. Through their work, Peruvians have been able to gain the trust of many Germans, and to gain the appreciation and respect of their Peruvian and Latin American compatriots, in fact, prestige. In this context, however, it must also be understood that it is the new way of life, which also involves work and daily activities, that brings confrontation between blood relatives and families, generating deep ruptures.
{"title":"Analysis of Peruvian immigrants in Berlin and cultural ruptures in the labor aspect","authors":"P. Pazos","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-134-145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-134-145","url":null,"abstract":"The phenomenon of mobility in Peru has defined a particular worldview of the Peruvian people, manifested in the distinction between work and the state. The gender approach is especially important in relation to German state subsidies, whereas state benefits or lack of access to them has become a criterion of stigmatization. The lives of those Peruvians who have been able to adapt in one way or another to working life in Berlin are markedly different. Through their work, Peruvians have been able to gain the trust of many Germans, and to gain the appreciation and respect of their Peruvian and Latin American compatriots, in fact, prestige. In this context, however, it must also be understood that it is the new way of life, which also involves work and daily activities, that brings confrontation between blood relatives and families, generating deep ruptures. ","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75866900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-14DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-146-159
W. A. Sánchez
The Republic of Peru marked its bicentennial on July 28, 2021 with political instability, economic problems, a narco-terrorist movement, around one million Venezuelan refugees, and the COVID-19 pandemic. Although the Andean nation has many resources to obtain a greater international role, Peru’s geopolitical weight is limited. The article discusses the main factors that are taken into account to classify a country as a regional power. Moreover, a roadmap is offered for Peru to improve its international image for the tercentennial. These recommendations include ensuring the leading role of the Peruvian armed forces in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions; The Andean Community of Nations under the leadership of Peru to ensure its greatest relevance, as well as “soft power” proposals. Likewise, it is necessary that in Peru, not only the executive power, but also the different governmental agencies and civilian sectors, strive towards making their homeland a regional power. In 2021, in a fragmented Latin America, with no clear regional leader, and with problems such as the pandemic and the situation in Venezuela, there is room for the new regional power to emerge. Peru could take the role, if it has the ambition and a long-term strategic vision.
{"title":"A roadmap to make Peru regional power in Latin America","authors":"W. A. Sánchez","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-146-159","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-146-159","url":null,"abstract":"The Republic of Peru marked its bicentennial on July 28, 2021 with political instability, economic problems, a narco-terrorist movement, around one million Venezuelan refugees, and the COVID-19 pandemic. Although the Andean nation has many resources to obtain a greater international role, Peru’s geopolitical weight is limited. The article discusses the main factors that are taken into account to classify a country as a regional power. Moreover, a roadmap is offered for Peru to improve its international image for the tercentennial. These recommendations include ensuring the leading role of the Peruvian armed forces in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions; The Andean Community of Nations under the leadership of Peru to ensure its greatest relevance, as well as “soft power” proposals. Likewise, it is necessary that in Peru, not only the executive power, but also the different governmental agencies and civilian sectors, strive towards making their homeland a regional power. In 2021, in a fragmented Latin America, with no clear regional leader, and with problems such as the pandemic and the situation in Venezuela, there is room for the new regional power to emerge. Peru could take the role, if it has the ambition and a long-term strategic vision. ","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83657317","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-11DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-84-100
S. Adins
Since the beginning of the 21st century, Russia has tried to regain its status as a great power in world politics, leaving behind its ideological profile that characterized it during the Soviet era. Although it is true that Russian influence in Latin America is still far from reaching the levels of the United States, the European Union or China, Moscow has recently managed to increase its presence in the region. In turn, Peru aspires to position itself as an “emerging regional power”, with an important economic projection towards Asia-Pacific, although maintaining – for now – its strategic alignment with the West. After describing the main milestones of the historical relationship between Peru and Russia –as an empire, a Soviet republic and a post-Soviet republic –, this article seeks to identify the dynamics, as well as the main dimensions of the bilateral relationship in the 21st century. It concludes that, with the exception of the historical supply of Russian weapons to Peru, the links between the two states have been of a relatively low intensity, as a result of Peru’s international identity, convergent with theWest; a generally unfavorable and/or erroneous image of Russia among the country’s elites; as well as the economizing trend in its contemporary foreign policy.
{"title":"Bilateral relations between Peru and Russia in the 21st century: a Peruvian perspective","authors":"S. Adins","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-84-100","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-84-100","url":null,"abstract":"Since the beginning of the 21st century, Russia has tried to regain its status as a great power in world politics, leaving behind its ideological profile that characterized it during the Soviet era. Although it is true that Russian influence in Latin America is still far from reaching the levels of the United States, the European Union or China, Moscow has recently managed to increase its presence in the region. In turn, Peru aspires to position itself as an “emerging regional power”, with an important economic projection towards Asia-Pacific, although maintaining – for now – its strategic alignment with the West. After describing the main milestones of the historical relationship between Peru and Russia –as an empire, a Soviet republic and a post-Soviet republic –, this article seeks to identify the dynamics, as well as the main dimensions of the bilateral relationship in the 21st century. It concludes that, with the exception of the historical supply of Russian weapons to Peru, the links between the two states have been of a relatively low intensity, as a result of Peru’s international identity, convergent with theWest; a generally unfavorable and/or erroneous image of Russia among the country’s elites; as well as the economizing trend in its contemporary foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85848551","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-11DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-10-33
J. J. Beraún Chaca
The year 2014 culminates for Peru the last border dispute at the international level, and and only on this date can the territory of the Republic be configured in its entirety. During the 20th century international land boundary agreements were reached with significant territorial losses, compared to the surface with which the Republic of Peru was born; and in the second decade of the 21st century international maritime boundaries were defined even with the participation of the International Court of Justice in The Hague. Regarding the internal territorial organization, after two centuries of republican life, Peru still faces many challenges. Approximately 75% of its political-administrative districts do not have boundaries established by law and are configured solely on the basis of referential limits with consequent internal boundary differences and permanent decision-making based on territorial informality.The progressive creation of non-functional constituencies, with evident political nuances, also constitutes a challenge in the attempt to configure rational constituencies.Similarly, the inability to create political-administrative regions leads to the consolidation of departmental bureaucracies that use their powers to weaken the regionalization process. This research, using historical analysis, develops the most relevant processes of territorial configuration and reconfiguration that took place between 1821–2021, which explain the current territorial organization of Peru.
{"title":"The territorial organization of Peru (1821–2021)","authors":"J. J. Beraún Chaca","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-10-33","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-10-33","url":null,"abstract":"The year 2014 culminates for Peru the last border dispute at the international level, and and only on this date can the territory of the Republic be configured in its entirety. During the 20th century international land boundary agreements were reached with significant territorial losses, compared to the surface with which the Republic of Peru was born; and in the second decade of the 21st century international maritime boundaries were defined even with the participation of the International Court of Justice in The Hague. Regarding the internal territorial organization, after two centuries of republican life, Peru still faces many challenges. Approximately 75% of its political-administrative districts do not have boundaries established by law and are configured solely on the basis of referential limits with consequent internal boundary differences and permanent decision-making based on territorial informality.The progressive creation of non-functional constituencies, with evident political nuances, also constitutes a challenge in the attempt to configure rational constituencies.Similarly, the inability to create political-administrative regions leads to the consolidation of departmental bureaucracies that use their powers to weaken the regionalization process. This research, using historical analysis, develops the most relevant processes of territorial configuration and reconfiguration that took place between 1821–2021, which explain the current territorial organization of Peru. ","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89616188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-11DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-101-119
J. Lust
The measures taken by the Peruvian government to contain the coronavirus have not prevented the expansion of the virus during the months of total lockdown. Thepolicies that have been implemented to reduce the economic effects of Covid-19 on business and workers, show that the pre-Covid-19 neoliberal model was not adjusted to confront the economic, social and health crisis. The interests of capital maintained themselves as the principal guides for decisionmaking by the governing class. This article argues that economic and political restrictions impede a post-Covid-19 state transformation in Peru. The dialectical triangle of the dependent character of peripheral countries, the internal expressions of the economic and business structure of dependency, and the particularities of the state in the periphery of world capitalism, provide the theoretical starting point for the analysis of the continuity of the neoliberal state in Peru’s post-Covid society. The economic restrictions refer to Peru’s role in the international division of labor, the power of extractive capital, the economic weakness of small and micro-enterprises, and the economic interests of the Peruvian bureaucratic state apparatus. The political restrictions relate to the political power of capital in the state apparatus, the political and social weakness of the progressive forces of social change and the political interests of the Peruvian state bureaucracy.
{"title":"The continuity of the neoliberal state in Peru in the post-Covid-19 era","authors":"J. Lust","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-101-119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-101-119","url":null,"abstract":"The measures taken by the Peruvian government to contain the coronavirus have not prevented the expansion of the virus during the months of total lockdown. Thepolicies that have been implemented to reduce the economic effects of Covid-19 on business and workers, show that the pre-Covid-19 neoliberal model was not adjusted to confront the economic, social and health crisis. The interests of capital maintained themselves as the principal guides for decisionmaking by the governing class. This article argues that economic and political restrictions impede a post-Covid-19 state transformation in Peru. The dialectical triangle of the dependent character of peripheral countries, the internal expressions of the economic and business structure of dependency, and the particularities of the state in the periphery of world capitalism, provide the theoretical starting point for the analysis of the continuity of the neoliberal state in Peru’s post-Covid society. The economic restrictions refer to Peru’s role in the international division of labor, the power of extractive capital, the economic weakness of small and micro-enterprises, and the economic interests of the Peruvian bureaucratic state apparatus. The political restrictions relate to the political power of capital in the state apparatus, the political and social weakness of the progressive forces of social change and the political interests of the Peruvian state bureaucracy.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75842225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-11DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-68-83
R. Reinhardt
Thisarticle is dedicated to the200th anniversary of Peru’s independence and deals with the main milestones in evolution of Russia’s bilateral relations with this country in the context of history, foreign policy, culture and especially science. Taking into account the recently introduced new archival data, in the first part of the study, the author examines some of the circumstances of the first interstate contacts between the Russian Empire and the Republic of Peru alongside paying attention to the issues of intercultural communication. Further, applying an interdisciplinary approach, we study the period preceding the official establishment of diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and Peru in 1969. Then, working from the premises of academic diplomacy with a focus on humanities, the author analyzes the formation and development of Peruvian studies undertaken by Russian scholars. Finally, we cast light upon the current state of affairs in Russia-Peru relations in terms of both State and public diplomacy.
{"title":"Russia – Peru: History and Science Diplomacy","authors":"R. Reinhardt","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-68-83","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-68-83","url":null,"abstract":"Thisarticle is dedicated to the200th anniversary of Peru’s independence and deals with the main milestones in evolution of Russia’s bilateral relations with this country in the context of history, foreign policy, culture and especially science. Taking into account the recently introduced new archival data, in the first part of the study, the author examines some of the circumstances of the first interstate contacts between the Russian Empire and the Republic of Peru alongside paying attention to the issues of intercultural communication. Further, applying an interdisciplinary approach, we study the period preceding the official establishment of diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and Peru in 1969. Then, working from the premises of academic diplomacy with a focus on humanities, the author analyzes the formation and development of Peruvian studies undertaken by Russian scholars. Finally, we cast light upon the current state of affairs in Russia-Peru relations in terms of both State and public diplomacy. ","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82428370","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-11DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-53-67
A. Guerra-Barón
This article discusses the driving forces behind the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Peru. Accordingly, the importance of bilateral cooperation in the development of Sino-Peruvian relations is being assessed. Given that the Chinese presence in Peru is an extended phenomenon, the article attempts to determine the extent of China’s influence on bilateral relations and its importance in building the official narrative of Peruvian decision-makers regarding the trans-Pacific image they aim to project in relation to China. For this reassion the article recurs to the productive notion of power, focusing on intangible elements mainly to enquire by the discursive constructions of the Peruvian technocrat agents and related practices embedded into the Sino-Peruvian relation −strongly led by the Asian country. The article concludes that the main topics of bilateral cooperation make it possible to single out four stages of China’s international policy towards Peru. Even though the Sino-Peruvian relation does not ground either can be explained exclusively on economic criteria or an institutional basis, the current associativity between both countries answer to the reciprocal knowledge triggered by migratory waves of the Chinese in moments of economic and political stress. At the same time, the discourses and narratives created by Peruvian technocrats acknowledge the country’s trans-Pacific identity; China’s weight in this identification is defining for the narrative of Peru as a bridge country in the 1990s and South America’s operational hub in Asia in the 21st century.
{"title":"The Sino-Peruvian relation and the construction of the official narrative of Peru as a hub management","authors":"A. Guerra-Barón","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-53-67","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-53-67","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the driving forces behind the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Peru. Accordingly, the importance of bilateral cooperation in the development of Sino-Peruvian relations is being assessed. Given that the Chinese presence in Peru is an extended phenomenon, the article attempts to determine the extent of China’s influence on bilateral relations and its importance in building the official narrative of Peruvian decision-makers regarding the trans-Pacific image they aim to project in relation to China. For this reassion the article recurs to the productive notion of power, focusing on intangible elements mainly to enquire by the discursive constructions of the Peruvian technocrat agents and related practices embedded into the Sino-Peruvian relation −strongly led by the Asian country. The article concludes that the main topics of bilateral cooperation make it possible to single out four stages of China’s international policy towards Peru. Even though the Sino-Peruvian relation does not ground either can be explained exclusively on economic criteria or an institutional basis, the current associativity between both countries answer to the reciprocal knowledge triggered by migratory waves of the Chinese in moments of economic and political stress. At the same time, the discourses and narratives created by Peruvian technocrats acknowledge the country’s trans-Pacific identity; China’s weight in this identification is defining for the narrative of Peru as a bridge country in the 1990s and South America’s operational hub in Asia in the 21st century. ","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82124009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-11DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-34-52
G. Romero Somme
This article studies the nature of Peru-United States relations during the period 1963–1975 through an analysis of the dispute over the potential expropriation of the US-owned International Petroleum Company. The United States government implemented a tough policy towards the first government of Fernando Belaúnde – who sough a “special” relation with the Unites States –characterized by the threat of economic sanctions if the Peruvian government did not solve the issue in favor of the company. The threat of the Hickenlooper Amendment, which sought to penalize countries that expropriated American owned businesses, was a clear sign of this. Once the company was expropriated by the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces in 1968 the American government was ironically forced to follow a more flexible approach, as the new military regime sought to diversify its bilateral relations in the bipolar context of the Cold War. The American policy of supporting the IPC had negative long-term effects fo American interests in the region, as it accelerated the overthrown of Belaúnde and ushered in the arrival of a military junta which sought a more independent foreign policy. A country that had been solid American ally camp since the end of World War II had become a nonaligned nation.
{"title":"Expropriation and consequence: Peru-United States relations (1963–1975)","authors":"G. Romero Somme","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-34-52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-34-52","url":null,"abstract":"This article studies the nature of Peru-United States relations during the period 1963–1975 through an analysis of the dispute over the potential expropriation of the US-owned International Petroleum Company. The United States government implemented a tough policy towards the first government of Fernando Belaúnde – who sough a “special” relation with the Unites States –characterized by the threat of economic sanctions if the Peruvian government did not solve the issue in favor of the company. The threat of the Hickenlooper Amendment, which sought to penalize countries that expropriated American owned businesses, was a clear sign of this. Once the company was expropriated by the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces in 1968 the American government was ironically forced to follow a more flexible approach, as the new military regime sought to diversify its bilateral relations in the bipolar context of the Cold War. The American policy of supporting the IPC had negative long-term effects fo American interests in the region, as it accelerated the overthrown of Belaúnde and ushered in the arrival of a military junta which sought a more independent foreign policy. A country that had been solid American ally camp since the end of World War II had become a nonaligned nation. ","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84204571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-108-120
E. Ermolieva
The European labour market, being an integral part of the global one, is currently under the influence of cyclical macroeconomic trends when periods of positive growth are replaced by crises and economic recessions. The instability of the European economy during the protracted crisis, which started in 2008, led to the labour market slack, an increase in unemployment and the spread of nonstandard forms of employment. The post crisis period defined as the “new norm” and used to describe the socio-economic impact of the global recession, turned out to be short to stabilize working sectors: in early 2020 the world was struck down by the COVID-19 pandemic which caused unprecedented and widespread job loss. Countries of Southern Europe, including Spain, were among the most deeply affected. By using the Iberian case, the author tries to show the main patterns of employment situation during the pandemic and analyze the steps taken by the Spanish government to prevent further employment decline. To reduce unemployment and preserve jobs, Spain, following its neighbors’ model, introduced a shortterm underemployment regime (ERTE) which implies a temporary suspension of labour contracts. These measures had certain results; however, a cross-country analysis reveals their lower efficiency in comparison with the achievements in the states of the center and north of Europe. Spanish employment sector is predicted to recover slowly. The future will show how successful these initiatives of the Spanish government will be. However, on this path, a greater political consensus should be achieved.
{"title":"New realities of European labour market. Focus on Spain","authors":"E. Ermolieva","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-108-120","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-108-120","url":null,"abstract":"The European labour market, being an integral part of the global one, is currently under the influence of cyclical macroeconomic trends when periods of positive growth are replaced by crises and economic recessions. The instability of the European economy during the protracted crisis, which started in 2008, led to the labour market slack, an increase in unemployment and the spread of nonstandard forms of employment. The post crisis period defined as the “new norm” and used to describe the socio-economic impact of the global recession, turned out to be short to stabilize working sectors: in early 2020 the world was struck down by the COVID-19 pandemic which caused unprecedented and widespread job loss. Countries of Southern Europe, including Spain, were among the most deeply affected. By using the Iberian case, the author tries to show the main patterns of employment situation during the pandemic and analyze the steps taken by the Spanish government to prevent further employment decline. To reduce unemployment and preserve jobs, Spain, following its neighbors’ model, introduced a shortterm underemployment regime (ERTE) which implies a temporary suspension of labour contracts. These measures had certain results; however, a cross-country analysis reveals their lower efficiency in comparison with the achievements in the states of the center and north of Europe. Spanish employment sector is predicted to recover slowly. The future will show how successful these initiatives of the Spanish government will be. However, on this path, a greater political consensus should be achieved.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81407339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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