Pub Date : 2021-11-06DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-89-101
D. Morozov
The article is devoted to the current internal political situation in Nicaragua. The author analyzes the reasons for the acute socio-political crisis that arose in April 2018, presenting a detailed analysis of a historical background of these events. The author notes that a regime of personal power of President Ortega has been established in the country, relying on bureaucracy and power structures, since it is them playing a key role in preserving Ortega as the country’s President. The paper assesses the alignment of political forces and the general political situation in the opposition camp. The author analyzes the reasons for a number of existing contradictions that plague the opposition bloc of Nicaragua. An analysis of political potential and electoral possibilities of the opposition forces is given. The author predicts a possible scenario for the development of events within the framework of internal political situation in connection with the upcoming elections to be held in November 2021. The author comes to conclusion that the regime of Ortega is weakening and losing its positions, but still retains a margin of safety, which allows him to remain in power. As one of the scenarios for the development of events, the author predicts the possibility of a ‘compromise figure’ coming to power, which, however, does not imply a change in the real balance of power and dominant political figures in state politics.
{"title":"Nicaragua: power crisis and elections in 2021","authors":"D. Morozov","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-89-101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-89-101","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the current internal political situation in Nicaragua. The author analyzes the reasons for the acute socio-political crisis that arose in April 2018, presenting a detailed analysis of a historical background of these events. The author notes that a regime of personal power of President Ortega has been established in the country, relying on bureaucracy and power structures, since it is them playing a key role in preserving Ortega as the country’s President. The paper assesses the alignment of political forces and the general political situation in the opposition camp. The author analyzes the reasons for a number of existing contradictions that plague the opposition bloc of Nicaragua. An analysis of political potential and electoral possibilities of the opposition forces is given. The author predicts a possible scenario for the development of events within the framework of internal political situation in connection with the upcoming elections to be held in November 2021. The author comes to conclusion that the regime of Ortega is weakening and losing its positions, but still retains a margin of safety, which allows him to remain in power. As one of the scenarios for the development of events, the author predicts the possibility of a ‘compromise figure’ coming to power, which, however, does not imply a change in the real balance of power and dominant political figures in state politics.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78183552","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-06DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-32-49
Vitor Lengruber
Actualmente varios investigadores han señalado que las Relaciones Internacionales (RRII) es una disciplina formulada principalmente a partir de la experiencia política europea moderna y los desarrollos filosóficos, sin embargo, se propone abordar asuntos internacionales. Varios críticos señalan que la naturaleza eurocéntrica de la Teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales (TRI), dentro de la historia de Europa, no puede dilucidar adecuadamente el pasado y el presente de las regiones no occidentales. En un intento de convertir las RRII en una disciplina netamente internacional, los especialistas de las regiones no occidentales han proporcionado sus propias definiciones locales (por ejemplo, conceptos, experiencias históricas, filosofías, etc.). Asimismo, se tiene como objetivo dar una mejor explicación de cada región. Aunque la Teoría de la dependencia de América Latina no es ampliamente reconocida como una TIR propia, este artículo argumenta que puede contribuir a ella. El artículo se divide en tres secciones. La primera sección desarrolla dos críticas al enfoque eurocéntrico de las RRII y sus teorías. La segunda presenta brevemente el pensamiento de los dependentistas (Fernando Henrique Cardoso y Enzo Faletto, Ruy Marini, y Samir Amin, aunque el último dependentista es franco-egipcio), así como CEPAL. Y la tercera argumenta que la Teoría de la dependencia podría contribuir a la TIR de tres maneras: (1) al reconocer que los problemas, y los intereses, no son homogéneamente universales, enfatizando la necesidad de dar soluciones locales para los problemas locales; (2) susceptibilidad a los actores no tradicionales, como las empresas multinacionales y los grupos económicos nacionales; (3) entendimiento del escenario internacional y constituido jerárquicamente por una rivalidad de la estructura centro-periferia.
{"title":"Teoría de la dependencia: desarrollos y contribuciones de las Relaciones Internacionales","authors":"Vitor Lengruber","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-32-49","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-32-49","url":null,"abstract":"Actualmente varios investigadores han señalado que las Relaciones Internacionales (RRII) es una disciplina formulada principalmente a partir de la experiencia política europea moderna y los desarrollos filosóficos, sin embargo, se propone abordar asuntos internacionales. Varios críticos señalan que la naturaleza eurocéntrica de la Teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales (TRI), dentro de la historia de Europa, no puede dilucidar adecuadamente el pasado y el presente de las regiones no occidentales. En un intento de convertir las RRII en una disciplina netamente internacional, los especialistas de las regiones no occidentales han proporcionado sus propias definiciones locales (por ejemplo, conceptos, experiencias históricas, filosofías, etc.). Asimismo, se tiene como objetivo dar una mejor explicación de cada región. Aunque la Teoría de la dependencia de América Latina no es ampliamente reconocida como una TIR propia, este artículo argumenta que puede contribuir a ella. El artículo se divide en tres secciones. La primera sección desarrolla dos críticas al enfoque eurocéntrico de las RRII y sus teorías. La segunda presenta brevemente el pensamiento de los dependentistas (Fernando Henrique Cardoso y Enzo Faletto, Ruy Marini, y Samir Amin, aunque el último dependentista es franco-egipcio), así como CEPAL. Y la tercera argumenta que la Teoría de la dependencia podría contribuir a la TIR de tres maneras: (1) al reconocer que los problemas, y los intereses, no son homogéneamente universales, enfatizando la necesidad de dar soluciones locales para los problemas locales; (2) susceptibilidad a los actores no tradicionales, como las empresas multinacionales y los grupos económicos nacionales; (3) entendimiento del escenario internacional y constituido jerárquicamente por una rivalidad de la estructura centro-periferia.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78938052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-01DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-105-113
L. V. Savin
Interview with Elena Maria Diaz Gonzalez, Professor at the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences (FLACSO). Academic career of Prof. Diaz Gonzalez focuses on social development in Latin America and divergences on public policy and gender. She has led numerous research teams, developing valuable materials on the history of Cuba, the dynamics reflecting Cuba’s importance in the international arena, and the recognized Cuban contribution to countries that require international humanitarian support, especially in the face of natural disasters. In addition, through her work, Prof. Diaz Gonzalez has researched several issues connected to the repercussions of the North American hegemony towards Cuba, tracing a new horizon of the new world leaderships in financial, political and diplomatic matters with a historical and analytical reference. She also discusses achievements and democratic challenges of the Cuban society as a sovereign and patriotic struggle, even against the mainstream beliefs on the matter.
{"title":"Construction of the Cuban identity and its evolution in the socio-political system","authors":"L. V. Savin","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-105-113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-105-113","url":null,"abstract":"Interview with Elena Maria Diaz Gonzalez, Professor at the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences (FLACSO). Academic career of Prof. Diaz Gonzalez focuses on social development in Latin America and divergences on public policy and gender. She has led numerous research teams, developing valuable materials on the history of Cuba, the dynamics reflecting Cuba’s importance in the international arena, and the recognized Cuban contribution to countries that require international humanitarian support, especially in the face of natural disasters. In addition, through her work, Prof. Diaz Gonzalez has researched several issues connected to the repercussions of the North American hegemony towards Cuba, tracing a new horizon of the new world leaderships in financial, political and diplomatic matters with a historical and analytical reference. She also discusses achievements and democratic challenges of the Cuban society as a sovereign and patriotic struggle, even against the mainstream beliefs on the matter.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72394117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-01DOI: 10.17566/ciads.v10i3.789
Florencia Luna, Felicitas Holzer
The world witnessed one of the fasted responses in history to a new disease in terms of drug and vaccine development. However, despite the fact that safe and effective vaccines for COVID-19 were developed at a remarkable pace, international cooperation seems to have failed regarding the global equitable allocation of vaccines. This article explores challenges to international cooperation in global health and specifically to the fair allocation of vaccines at a global scale. We will present major obstacles to cooperative efforts and an interesting answer such as the COVAX facility, a cooperative redistribution scheme that has recently been launched by WHO, CEPI and Gavi. Considering COVAX a laudable and necessary first step to improve international cooperation in health, we nevertheless argue that the facility needs to identify key areas of potential improvement.
{"title":"Brief communication International cooperation in a non-ideal world: the example of COVAX.","authors":"Florencia Luna, Felicitas Holzer","doi":"10.17566/ciads.v10i3.789","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17566/ciads.v10i3.789","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>The world witnessed one of the fasted responses in history to a new disease in terms of drug and vaccine development. However, despite the fact that safe and effective vaccines for COVID-19 were developed at a remarkable pace, international cooperation seems to have failed regarding the global equitable allocation of vaccines. This article explores challenges to international cooperation in global health and specifically to the fair allocation of vaccines at a global scale. We will present major obstacles to cooperative efforts and an interesting answer such as the COVAX facility, a cooperative redistribution scheme that has recently been launched by WHO, CEPI and Gavi. Considering COVAX a laudable and necessary first step to improve international cooperation in health, we nevertheless argue that the facility needs to identify key areas of potential improvement.</p>","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8691259/pdf/nihms-1759278.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"39749749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-01DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-92-104
A. Boreyko
The author examines the evolution of Cuban medical diplomacy under the governments of Raul Castro and Miguel Diaz-Canel. The author shows that the essence of the Cuban national health system, which developed after the 1959 Revolution, is its accessibility. At the time of collapse of the socialist bloc, the Cuban government managed to maintain and surpass the achieved level of development of medicine. The presence of a large number of medical specialists allows the socialist government of Cuba to organize cooperation with dozens of states around the world. Under the leadership of Castro, the export of medical goods and services has become the main source of foreign exchange earnings and a driver of economic growth, and medical diplomacy has become an important tool of soft power, which is used to form an attractive image of the state among the world community. In doing so, the government combines pragmatism, increasing the cost-effectiveness of the programs, and altruism, providing gratuitous aid to the countries most in need. The main difficulty in developing this direction in Cuba’s foreign policy is associated with the North American embargo. In 2018, the US government launched a large-scale campaign to discredit Cuban medical internationalism. This policy aims to further restrict already limited access to essential resources. The country was also negatively affected by the ‘right turn’ in the region: the neoliberal governments of several countries refused to continue medical cooperation with Cuba. At the same time, the trends of recent years indicate an imminent repetition of the shift to the left, which in the future can significantly strengthen the Cuban positions in the region. In addition, the coronavirus pandemic showed that the world community needs a rapid medical response force with Cuban missions serving as a basis thereof.
{"title":"The evolution of Cuban medical diplomacy","authors":"A. Boreyko","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-92-104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-92-104","url":null,"abstract":"The author examines the evolution of Cuban medical diplomacy under the governments of Raul Castro and Miguel Diaz-Canel. The author shows that the essence of the Cuban national health system, which developed after the 1959 Revolution, is its accessibility. At the time of collapse of the socialist bloc, the Cuban government managed to maintain and surpass the achieved level of development of medicine. The presence of a large number of medical specialists allows the socialist government of Cuba to organize cooperation with dozens of states around the world. Under the leadership of Castro, the export of medical goods and services has become the main source of foreign exchange earnings and a driver of economic growth, and medical diplomacy has become an important tool of soft power, which is used to form an attractive image of the state among the world community. In doing so, the government combines pragmatism, increasing the cost-effectiveness of the programs, and altruism, providing gratuitous aid to the countries most in need. The main difficulty in developing this direction in Cuba’s foreign policy is associated with the North American embargo. In 2018, the US government launched a large-scale campaign to discredit Cuban medical internationalism. This policy aims to further restrict already limited access to essential resources. The country was also negatively affected by the ‘right turn’ in the region: the neoliberal governments of several countries refused to continue medical cooperation with Cuba. At the same time, the trends of recent years indicate an imminent repetition of the shift to the left, which in the future can significantly strengthen the Cuban positions in the region. In addition, the coronavirus pandemic showed that the world community needs a rapid medical response force with Cuban missions serving as a basis thereof.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81544936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-01DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-54-64
Santiago E. Bejerano
Given the geostrategic importance of Cuba for the entire American continent and the increasing complexity of the nature of security as such, and accordingly, of the mechanisms of ensuring it in the modern world, the problem of drug trafficking is rather high on the agenda of the U.S.-Cuban relations. The article examines the issue of combating drug trafficking in the context of bilateral relations between Cuba and the United States in order to assess the prospects for joint efforts on this track. The author presents a retrospective of mostly unilateral initiatives by U.S. presidents that did not lead to real tangible results, in particular due to the prevailing erroneous approach of militarization in the fight against drug trafficking. The new century requires new forms and a qualitatively higher level of interaction. With a noticeable warming in the dialogue with Cuba under Barack Obama the situation has changed in many respects, and quite a few initiatives of bilateral nature began to bear fruit. Nevertheless, with Donald Trump’s rise to power, there is an obvious setback in the rapprochement, in proof of which the author gives examples of specific destructive steps, although this position of the administration met if not open criticism, then proposals for alternative scenarios of the development of contacts between the states. The potential that exists in both countries for cooperation in this area can be realized provided that the interests of common security prevail over political disagreements and state channels of cooperation are strengthened, with the dynamics of this process being reflected in the situation in the region as a whole.
{"title":"Cuba, United States and fight against drug trafficking: ups and downs of a necessary cooperation","authors":"Santiago E. Bejerano","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-54-64","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-54-64","url":null,"abstract":"Given the geostrategic importance of Cuba for the entire American continent and the increasing complexity of the nature of security as such, and accordingly, of the mechanisms of ensuring it in the modern world, the problem of drug trafficking is rather high on the agenda of the U.S.-Cuban relations. The article examines the issue of combating drug trafficking in the context of bilateral relations between Cuba and the United States in order to assess the prospects for joint efforts on this track. The author presents a retrospective of mostly unilateral initiatives by U.S. presidents that did not lead to real tangible results, in particular due to the prevailing erroneous approach of militarization in the fight against drug trafficking. The new century requires new forms and a qualitatively higher level of interaction. With a noticeable warming in the dialogue with Cuba under Barack Obama the situation has changed in many respects, and quite a few initiatives of bilateral nature began to bear fruit. Nevertheless, with Donald Trump’s rise to power, there is an obvious setback in the rapprochement, in proof of which the author gives examples of specific destructive steps, although this position of the administration met if not open criticism, then proposals for alternative scenarios of the development of contacts between the states. The potential that exists in both countries for cooperation in this area can be realized provided that the interests of common security prevail over political disagreements and state channels of cooperation are strengthened, with the dynamics of this process being reflected in the situation in the region as a whole.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90983467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-01DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-65-78
Claudia Marín Suárez, Lourdes M. Regueiro Bello
In examining Cuba’s positioning in Latin America and the Caribbean and in the world at large, the author identifies several relevant factors, including the US foreign policy, the Venezuela issue, as well as the balance of political power in the region and Cuba’s domestic policy. In view of this, it is also worth considering global trends that are projected onto regional dynamics. The configuration of integration entities in South America is of importance in this context: the realities are such that the political orientation of these entities, as well as the foreign policy aspirations of the key players, predetermine the participation prospects for specific countries in the region. Amid the present Sino-American disagreements, the political strivings of the Latin American leaders in the wake of the United States limits the opportunities that the cooperation with China offers to the region. As for Cuba, it is becoming involved into the regional disposition, mainly through diplomatic, economic, cultural and migration channels, but also through political dialogue and cooperation in specific areas. For instance, health care is considered a promising area, although the US has attempted to block Cuban ambitions in this regard. The current political balance of power, exacerbated by the decisions of the Trump administration, has not provided a favourable scenario for Cuba. Nevertheless, such circumstances serve as a test of the ability of the Cuban national diplomacy to maintain the delicate balance of such components as defending national sovereignty, supporting the closest allies and maintaining diplomatic and economic relations with the governments in the region, in the face of a crisis and weakening regional integration mechanisms that are a priority for Cuba.
{"title":"Latin America and the Caribbean within the new world order: a perspective from Cuba","authors":"Claudia Marín Suárez, Lourdes M. Regueiro Bello","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-65-78","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-65-78","url":null,"abstract":"In examining Cuba’s positioning in Latin America and the Caribbean and in the world at large, the author identifies several relevant factors, including the US foreign policy, the Venezuela issue, as well as the balance of political power in the region and Cuba’s domestic policy. In view of this, it is also worth considering global trends that are projected onto regional dynamics. The configuration of integration entities in South America is of importance in this context: the realities are such that the political orientation of these entities, as well as the foreign policy aspirations of the key players, predetermine the participation prospects for specific countries in the region. Amid the present Sino-American disagreements, the political strivings of the Latin American leaders in the wake of the United States limits the opportunities that the cooperation with China offers to the region. As for Cuba, it is becoming involved into the regional disposition, mainly through diplomatic, economic, cultural and migration channels, but also through political dialogue and cooperation in specific areas. For instance, health care is considered a promising area, although the US has attempted to block Cuban ambitions in this regard. The current political balance of power, exacerbated by the decisions of the Trump administration, has not provided a favourable scenario for Cuba. Nevertheless, such circumstances serve as a test of the ability of the Cuban national diplomacy to maintain the delicate balance of such components as defending national sovereignty, supporting the closest allies and maintaining diplomatic and economic relations with the governments in the region, in the face of a crisis and weakening regional integration mechanisms that are a priority for Cuba.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89040978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-01DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-39-53
M. Kodzoev
After Donald Trump becoming US president, the process of normalizing US-Cuban relations was interrupted for four years. After his inauguration, as he had promised during the election campaign, he canceled almost all of the achievements of his predecessor in the area of improving bilateral ties and subsequently consistently tightened sanctions against Havana. This could have been due to the desire of Trump to provide a reciprocal ‘service’ to the ultra-conservative interest groups in Washington, D.C. whose substantial support was used during the elections. At the same time, the Republican, usually not inclined to caution in decision-making, gradually introduced new restrictions on interaction with the Latin American country and was in no hurry to use all instruments available at once. Probably, in this way Trump tried to keep for himself as long as possible the main ‘bargaining chip’, which the Island of Freedom became in his internal political game quid pro quo the new partners from among the ‘hawks’. Therefore, the White House began to take the most aggressive measures just on the eve of the 2020 elections and immediately after them. The victory of the Democrat Joseph Biden, who served as a vice-president in Barack Obama administration, did not allow the calculations of the ultra-conservatives to come true in full: Cuba withstood the pressure from the United States and there was hope that Washington and Havana would again meet at the negotiating table. But under what conditions the parties can return to the topic of normalizing relations is still unknown. In this sense, a lot will depend on the team of the elected president, senior officials who will be included in his team. In addition, the changes in regional international relations that have taken place in recent years will also play a role. The situation some six years ago, which prompted the White House to move closer to the Island of Freedom, has partially lost its relevance today. In this regard, the position of the Latin American states, the American-Cuban community in the United States, as well as the current balance of power in the Congress deserve special attention. The article uses a problematic approach, the main task of which was to analyze the main results of Trump’s anti-Cuban policy and to identify opportunities for improving US-Cuban relations during the Biden administration.
{"title":"The results of Donald Trump’s anti-Cuban policy and the prospects for US–Cuban relations under Joseph Biden","authors":"M. Kodzoev","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-39-53","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-39-53","url":null,"abstract":"After Donald Trump becoming US president, the process of normalizing US-Cuban relations was interrupted for four years. After his inauguration, as he had promised during the election campaign, he canceled almost all of the achievements of his predecessor in the area of improving bilateral ties and subsequently consistently tightened sanctions against Havana. This could have been due to the desire of Trump to provide a reciprocal ‘service’ to the ultra-conservative interest groups in Washington, D.C. whose substantial support was used during the elections. At the same time, the Republican, usually not inclined to caution in decision-making, gradually introduced new restrictions on interaction with the Latin American country and was in no hurry to use all instruments available at once. Probably, in this way Trump tried to keep for himself as long as possible the main ‘bargaining chip’, which the Island of Freedom became in his internal political game quid pro quo the new partners from among the ‘hawks’. Therefore, the White House began to take the most aggressive measures just on the eve of the 2020 elections and immediately after them. The victory of the Democrat Joseph Biden, who served as a vice-president in Barack Obama administration, did not allow the calculations of the ultra-conservatives to come true in full: Cuba withstood the pressure from the United States and there was hope that Washington and Havana would again meet at the negotiating table. But under what conditions the parties can return to the topic of normalizing relations is still unknown. In this sense, a lot will depend on the team of the elected president, senior officials who will be included in his team. In addition, the changes in regional international relations that have taken place in recent years will also play a role. The situation some six years ago, which prompted the White House to move closer to the Island of Freedom, has partially lost its relevance today. In this regard, the position of the Latin American states, the American-Cuban community in the United States, as well as the current balance of power in the Congress deserve special attention. The article uses a problematic approach, the main task of which was to analyze the main results of Trump’s anti-Cuban policy and to identify opportunities for improving US-Cuban relations during the Biden administration.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85876651","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-01DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-25-38
Jorge C. Llano
For a comprehensive understanding, one as close to reality as possible, of the U.S.-Cuban relations it is necessary to study in detail the conceptual foundations and historical background of the U.S. foreign policy towards the Latin American region in general, and towards Cuba in particular. To this end, the author offers a retrospective overview of the U.S. policy in interaction with the Cuban state, taking as a starting point the very formation of the United States as a state from thirteen original colonies. The origins of the U.S.-Cuban interaction, the context of the victory of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, as well as the political motivation of American leaders, both Democratic and Republican, in the context of building relations with Cuba are examined. The political decisions of the U.S. leadership regarding Cuba are immersed into the global dynamics of world political processes and the positioning of the U.S. in the international arena in different periods. Building the sequence of the U.S. relations with the island the author comes to the conclusion that the dialogue with Cuba has always been from the position of force, and it is proven in the article that such approach, often accompanied by unfair destructive actions, remained in place even in the moment of warming, namely during the restoration of relations with Cuba in the years of Barack Obama’s presidency. The author is convinced that the solution of the conflict between the two countries will be realistically possible only when the U.S. government fully recognizes Cuba’s sovereignty and ambitions to be more actively involved in the regional and international agenda.
{"title":"Cuba and the United States in Democratic and Republican times: continuity or change?","authors":"Jorge C. Llano","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-25-38","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-25-38","url":null,"abstract":"For a comprehensive understanding, one as close to reality as possible, of the U.S.-Cuban relations it is necessary to study in detail the conceptual foundations and historical background of the U.S. foreign policy towards the Latin American region in general, and towards Cuba in particular. To this end, the author offers a retrospective overview of the U.S. policy in interaction with the Cuban state, taking as a starting point the very formation of the United States as a state from thirteen original colonies. The origins of the U.S.-Cuban interaction, the context of the victory of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, as well as the political motivation of American leaders, both Democratic and Republican, in the context of building relations with Cuba are examined. The political decisions of the U.S. leadership regarding Cuba are immersed into the global dynamics of world political processes and the positioning of the U.S. in the international arena in different periods. Building the sequence of the U.S. relations with the island the author comes to the conclusion that the dialogue with Cuba has always been from the position of force, and it is proven in the article that such approach, often accompanied by unfair destructive actions, remained in place even in the moment of warming, namely during the restoration of relations with Cuba in the years of Barack Obama’s presidency. The author is convinced that the solution of the conflict between the two countries will be realistically possible only when the U.S. government fully recognizes Cuba’s sovereignty and ambitions to be more actively involved in the regional and international agenda.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91164105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-01DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-79-91
Ruvislei Gonzalez Saez
The countries of Asia and Oceania occupy a prominent place in Cuba’s foreign policy orientation, which is especially relevant today when the country is facing another strengthening of restrictions by the United States, as well as trying to overcome the crisis caused by the Covid-19 pandemic. The author analyzes the history and potential of Cuba’s cooperation with Asia, which is the most dynamic region in the world economy, in order to demonstrate the level of existing interaction and the prospects of emerging opportunities. The article provides an overview of the process of Cuba’s establishing diplomatic relations with the countries of Asia and Oceania, reflecting on both the incentives and the difficulties that accompanied this dynamic. The author looks at different areas of cooperation with the countries of the region, including health care (exchange of medical professionals, support by sharing medical brigades, shipments of diagnostic equipment and medications), agriculture and food security, academic exchange, etc. Particular attention is paid to trade, where economic ties with key partners are examined, taking into account the structure of trade. In conclusion, the research stresses the essential importance of developing already consolidated and trending relations between Cuba and the Asia-Pacific region, both with its “giants” and with the smaller states. This thesis is also supported by political preconditions, in particular by the fact that, from the political perspective, the countries of the region have expressed support and agreement with Cuba in many bilateral and multilateral aspects, especially those related to the condemnation of the U.S. economic and financial embargo against Cuba.
{"title":"Cuba – Asia y Oceanía: historical relations","authors":"Ruvislei Gonzalez Saez","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-79-91","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-79-91","url":null,"abstract":"The countries of Asia and Oceania occupy a prominent place in Cuba’s foreign policy orientation, which is especially relevant today when the country is facing another strengthening of restrictions by the United States, as well as trying to overcome the crisis caused by the Covid-19 pandemic. The author analyzes the history and potential of Cuba’s cooperation with Asia, which is the most dynamic region in the world economy, in order to demonstrate the level of existing interaction and the prospects of emerging opportunities. The article provides an overview of the process of Cuba’s establishing diplomatic relations with the countries of Asia and Oceania, reflecting on both the incentives and the difficulties that accompanied this dynamic. The author looks at different areas of cooperation with the countries of the region, including health care (exchange of medical professionals, support by sharing medical brigades, shipments of diagnostic equipment and medications), agriculture and food security, academic exchange, etc. Particular attention is paid to trade, where economic ties with key partners are examined, taking into account the structure of trade. In conclusion, the research stresses the essential importance of developing already consolidated and trending relations between Cuba and the Asia-Pacific region, both with its “giants” and with the smaller states. This thesis is also supported by political preconditions, in particular by the fact that, from the political perspective, the countries of the region have expressed support and agreement with Cuba in many bilateral and multilateral aspects, especially those related to the condemnation of the U.S. economic and financial embargo against Cuba.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85092005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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