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Canadian Club: Birthright Citizenship and National Belonging Lois Harder, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2022, pp. 216 加拿大俱乐部:出生公民权和国民归属路易斯哈德,多伦多:多伦多大学出版社,2022年,第216页
Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000215
Félix Lévesque
military keeps a vigilant watch on those who attempt to get too deep into its politics. But Balochistan is one of Pakistan’s four major provinces, and it seems an oversight not to devote a chapter to the ethnic parties that dominate its political landscape. Second, the editors point to how this volume adds to a burgeoning literature on political parties and party systems in non-Western, developing contexts. But there is little theoretical discussion on where Pakistan falls on the “hybrid regime” spectrum or what the scope conditions of some of the claims are. But these are minor points that should not detract from the major contributions of this volume. It will serve as an excellent resource to all those interested in gaining—and teaching—a broad yet nuanced overview of Pakistan’s party system.
军方对那些试图深入政治的人保持警惕。但俾路支省是巴基斯坦四大省之一,不专门为主导其政治格局的少数民族政党写一章似乎是一种疏忽。其次,编辑们指出,这本书如何为非西方发展中国家的政党和政党制度的新兴文献增添了新的内容。但是,关于巴基斯坦属于“混合政权”的哪一类,或者某些主权要求的范围条件是什么,几乎没有理论上的讨论。但这些都是次要的问题,不应减损本书的主要贡献。对于那些有兴趣获得和教授巴基斯坦政党制度的广泛而细致的概述的人来说,这将是一个极好的资源。
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引用次数: 1
The Pretendian Problem 自命不凡的问题
Pub Date : 2023-05-02 DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000239
Jessica Kolopenuk
Abstract Pretendianism is a problem in academia (and of whiteness). Its long-standing existence is well researched and analyzed in the academic record, and it has been brought to wider audiences through news and social media. In response, task forces, committees and advisory councils are being created in universities to determine stronger identity validation policies, with emphasis on engaging relationships with local Indigenous nations, communities, elders, and knowledge holders. Policy making, including processes and procedures of identity validation, will be a powerful apparatus going forward to administer indigeneity in universities. This approach will also lead to the intensification of Indigenous definition and regulation by predominantly non-Indigenous institutions. This article proposes a set of complementary extrapolicy practices addressing pretendianism worth exploring and that emerge from the everyday embodied vantage points of Indigenous academics. We must (continue to) name whiteness, model Indigenous relationality and learn from Indigenous women's leadership.
自命不凡是学术界(以及白人)的一个问题。它的长期存在在学术记录中得到了充分的研究和分析,并通过新闻和社交媒体被带到更广泛的受众面前。作为回应,各大学正在成立特别工作组、委员会和咨询委员会,以确定更强有力的身份验证政策,重点是与当地土著民族、社区、长老和知识持有人建立联系。政策制定,包括身份验证的过程和程序,将成为未来在大学管理土著问题的有力工具。这种做法还将导致主要由非土著机构加强土著的定义和管理。本文提出了一套互补的政策外实践,解决自命不凡值得探索的问题,这些实践来自土著学者的日常体现优势。我们必须(继续)命名白人,示范土著关系,并向土著妇女的领导学习。
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引用次数: 0
Behavioural Insights and Public Policy in Canada 加拿大的行为洞察和公共政策
Pub Date : 2023-04-28 DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000100
Vincent Hopkins, A. Lawlor
Abstract Much of political science rests on assumptions about how policy makers and citizens behave. However, questions remain about how public policy can improve the government–citizen relationship. In this research note, we present behavioural insights (BI) as one way to address this gap. First, we argue that BI can be strategically used both to alleviate administrative burdens and to enhance citizen experience. Second, we argue that BI interventions can assist in several stages of the policy process, strengthening causal inferences about policy efficacy. Third, we present original data from Canada's ongoing experimentation with BI across multiple jurisdictions and areas of public policy. We conclude by acknowledging the myriad pathways through which BI research can engage with public policy to support the enhancement of citizen-oriented service delivery.
政治科学的大部分内容都建立在对决策者和公民行为的假设之上。然而,关于公共政策如何改善政府与公民关系的问题仍然存在。在本研究报告中,我们提出行为洞察(BI)作为解决这一差距的一种方法。首先,我们认为商业智能可以战略性地用于减轻行政负担和增强公民体验。其次,我们认为商业智能干预可以在政策过程的几个阶段提供帮助,加强对政策有效性的因果推论。第三,我们提供了来自加拿大正在进行的跨多个司法管辖区和公共政策领域的BI实验的原始数据。最后,我们承认商业智能研究可以通过多种途径与公共政策相结合,以支持增强面向公民的服务交付。
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引用次数: 0
Affective Polarization in the Canadian Party System, 1988–2021 1988-2021年加拿大政党制度中的情感极化
Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000112
Richard Johnston
Abstract This article brings three decades of broadly consistent survey data on survey respondents’ feelings about the parties as evidence of affective polarization. It also presents evidence about policy differences among the parties and makes an explicit link between elite and mass data with multilevel modelling. The article shows that affective polarization is real and also demonstrates its connection to the ideological landscape. But it also shows that conceptual categories originating in the United States must be adapted to Canada's multiparty system and to the continuing contrasts between Quebec and the rest of Canada. It suggests that accounts of Canada's twentieth-century party system may not apply to the twenty-first century.
摘要本文以三十年来大致一致的调查数据作为情感两极分化的证据。它还提供了有关政党之间政策差异的证据,并通过多层次建模在精英和大众数据之间建立了明确的联系。文章表明,情感两极分化是真实存在的,并论证了其与意识形态格局的联系。但它也表明,起源于美国的概念类别必须适应加拿大的多党制以及魁北克与加拿大其他地区之间的持续反差。它表明,对加拿大20世纪政党制度的描述可能不适用于21世纪。
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引用次数: 6
Reassessing Provincial Political Cultures: Evidence from Five Decades of Canadian Public Opinion Surveys (1974–2019) 重新评估省级政治文化:来自五十年加拿大民意调查的证据(1974-2019)
Pub Date : 2023-04-20 DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000124
Maxime Blanchard
Abstract In 1974, Richard Simeon and David Elkins published an influential analysis of provincial political cultures. Nearly half a century later, their results still operate as the baseline against which new studies compare their own results. In this article, I re-examine their conclusions, combining five decades of Canadian public opinion survey data (1974–2019). The article replicates their analysis by focusing on three dimensions of political culture examined by Simeon and Elkins: political cynicism, internal political efficacy and external political efficacy. It also expands on their work by accounting for contextual factors that can potentially drive or hinder provincial differences in political culture. The results suggest that Simeon and Elkins’ interpretation of Canadian provincial political cultures needs to be updated, as the patterns they found differ markedly from those identified in this article.
1974年,理查德·西蒙(Richard Simeon)和大卫·埃尔金斯(David Elkins)发表了一篇对地方政治文化有影响的分析。近半个世纪后,他们的研究结果仍然是新研究比较他们自己研究结果的基准。在本文中,我结合加拿大五十年的民意调查数据(1974-2019),重新审视了他们的结论。本文复制了他们的分析,重点关注西蒙和埃尔金斯所考察的政治文化的三个维度:政治犬儒主义、内部政治效能和外部政治效能。它还通过考虑可能推动或阻碍各省政治文化差异的背景因素,扩展了他们的工作。结果表明,Simeon和Elkins对加拿大省级政治文化的解释需要更新,因为他们发现的模式与本文中确定的模式明显不同。
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引用次数: 0
Pakistan's Political Parties: Surviving between Dictatorship and Democracy Mariam Mufti, Sahar Shafqat and Niloufer Siddiqui, eds., Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2020, pp. 336 《巴基斯坦政党:在独裁与民主之间生存》Mariam Mufti, Sahar Shafqat和Niloufer Siddiqui编。,华盛顿特区:乔治城大学出版社,2020年,第336页
Pub Date : 2023-04-14 DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000148
Mashail Malik
reference to what has become the “orthodox” view. As for approaching Marx’s ambivalent statements about rights in the German Ideology and elsewhere, the book tries to assess Marx’s positions in “real time”—that is, by examining where he stood when issues of justice, legality and rights were critically at stake. Examples include the 1843 petition by leaders of the Rhenish Jewish community for equal rights, which Marx endorsed; his consistent defence of civil and political rights during the European Revolutions of 1848; and his detailed reflections on legally enforced limits on the working day in Capital. In all these critical instances, Marx’s political actions speak louder than his ambivalent statements about rights. As Gray dutifully acknowledges, Revisiting Marx’s Critique of Liberalism offers a “ ‘reconstruction’ of Marx’s critique of liberal rights and law.” In Habermas’ terminology, a critical reconstruction “signifies taking a theory apart and putting it back together in a new form in order to attain more fully the goal that it has set for itself” (1979: 95). There are retrospective and prospective dimensions to the critical reconstruction that was pursued in the book. Retrospectively, the book revisits Marx’s critical reflections on justice, legality and rights, as well as their political reverberations in the twentieth century, taking stock of possible paths that remained untravelled. Prospectively, it looks to the present and foreseeable future, identifying features of Marx’s thought that remain prescient for a world confronting vast inequalities and exhibiting widespread assaults on hard-won rights and liberties.
参考已成为“正统”观点。为了接近马克思在《德意志意识形态》和其他地方关于权利的矛盾陈述,这本书试图评估马克思在“实时”中的立场——也就是说,通过考察他在正义、合法性和权利问题处于危急关头时的立场。例子包括1843年莱茵犹太社区领袖要求平等权利的请愿书,马克思对此表示赞同;他在1848年欧洲革命期间一贯捍卫公民权利和政治权利;以及他对《资本论》中法定工作日限制的详细反思。在所有这些关键的例子中,马克思的政治行动比他关于权利的矛盾陈述更能说明问题。正如格雷尽职尽责地承认的那样,《重访马克思对自由主义的批判》提供了“对马克思对自由权利和法律的批判的‘重建’”。用哈贝马斯的术语来说,批判性重建“意味着把一个理论拆开,然后以一种新的形式把它重新组合起来,以便更充分地实现它为自己设定的目标”(1979:95)。书中所追求的批判性重构有回顾和展望两个维度。这本书回顾了马克思对正义、合法性和权利的批判性思考,以及它们在20世纪的政治反响,并评估了尚未走过的可能道路。展望未来,它着眼于现在和可预见的未来,确定了马克思思想的特征,这些特征对于一个面临巨大不平等和表现出对来之不易的权利和自由的广泛攻击的世界仍然具有先见之明。
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引用次数: 8
Response to Paul Gray's review of Revisiting Marx's Critique of Liberalism 对保罗·格雷对《重访马克思的自由主义批判》的评论的回应
Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423923000136
Igor Shoikhedbrod
E. P. Thompson, who argues for the historical significance of struggles for rights and laws. Shoikhedbrod, using his interpretation of Marx’s critique of liberalism, provides a more systematic account of the importance of constitutionalism and the rule of law in constraining arbitrary power, providing essential space for contestation in egalitarian struggles, and forming crucial preconditions for the communism that will achieve right and legality in a higher form. The clear strength of Shoikhedbrod’s work is his engagement with the legal and juridical aspects of these debates. He offers an important corrective to the dismissive attitude found in some schools of Marxism. Shoikhedbrod also provides persuasive arguments for the enduring importance of rights, whatever the form of the society. If there is a limitation to the book, it is that Shoikhedbrod describes as “orthodox” the interpretation that Marx ultimately dismisses right and legality. This discounts the variety of disagreements between commentators and the different schools of thought in the long-running debates about Marx and justice. For example, Marx asserts, “As far as right is concerned, we with many others have stressed the opposition of communism to right, both political and private, as also in its most general form as the rights of man.” Shoikhedbrod contends that this assertion, like other similar assertions by Marx, has often been “taken out of context.” But Shoikhedbrod does not provide enough contextual evidence to refute common-sense interpretations of this passage as Marx’s plain disavowal of rights as such. (Admittedly, there are other passages where Marx does seem to affirm some notion of rights.) This book is unlikely to persuade many of the commentators who think that Marx regards his critique of capitalism, as well as his theory of communism, as beyond appeals to justice, though Shoikhedbrod might convince some of them that Marxism needs a robust theory of rights and, indeed, that Marx provides some resources for such a theory. Shoikhedbrod offers a spirited critique of liberalism and a good case for why no theory or practice, whether communist or otherwise, can dispense with rights and legality. Although Habermas once called himself “the last Marxist,” Shoikhedbrod’s book shows that, in our age of rising global inequality, this is not the last we have heard from Marx.
e.p.汤普森,他认为争取权利和法律的斗争具有历史意义。Shoikhedbrod运用他对马克思对自由主义批判的解释,更系统地阐述了宪政和法治在限制专制权力方面的重要性,为平等主义斗争中的争论提供了必要的空间,并为共产主义在更高形式中实现权利和合法性形成了关键的先决条件。Shoikhedbrod作品的明显优势在于他对这些辩论的法律和司法方面的参与。他对某些马克思主义流派的轻蔑态度提出了重要的纠正。《Shoikhedbrod》也为权利的持久重要性提供了有说服力的论据,无论社会形式如何。如果说这本书有什么局限性的话,那就是Shoikhedbrod将马克思最终摒弃权利和合法性的解释描述为“正统”。这忽略了评论家和不同思想流派在关于马克思和正义的长期辩论中存在的各种分歧。例如,马克思断言:“就权利而言,我们和其他许多人都强调共产主义反对政治权利和私人权利,也反对最一般形式的人权。”Shoikhedbrod认为,这一论断和马克思的其他类似论断一样,经常被“断章取义”。但Shoikhedbrod并没有提供足够的背景证据来反驳对这段话的常识性解释,即马克思对权利的明确否定。(诚然,在其他一些段落中,马克思似乎确实肯定了某些权利概念。)这本书不太可能说服许多评论家,他们认为马克思认为他对资本主义的批判,以及他的共产主义理论,超越了正义的诉求,尽管Shoikhedbrod可能会说服他们中的一些人,马克思主义需要一个强有力的权利理论,事实上,马克思为这样一个理论提供了一些资源。Shoikhedbrod对自由主义进行了激烈的批判,并很好地说明了为什么任何理论或实践,无论是共产主义的还是其他的,都不能放弃权利和合法性。尽管哈贝马斯曾称自己为“最后的马克思主义者”,但Shoikhedbrod的书表明,在我们这个全球不平等加剧的时代,这并不是我们最后一次听到马克思的声音。
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引用次数: 1
Beyond the Constitutional Architecture: An Act respecting First Nations, Inuit and Métis children, youth and families at the Supreme Court of Canada 超越宪法架构:加拿大最高法院关于第一民族、因纽特人和姆萨梅蒂斯儿童、青年和家庭的法案
Pub Date : 2023-03-31 DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000197
Alana Cattapan, J. Patrick, Brenda Yuen
Abstract In December 2022, the Supreme Court of Canada heard arguments in a reference case about the constitutionality of An Act respecting First Nations, Inuit and Métis children, youth and families (the Act). At issue is whether the Act infringes on provincial jurisdiction and changes the constitutional architecture by giving First Nations law governing child welfare the force of federal law. In this short Currents article, we argue that the Supreme Court's consideration of the Act marks a critical juncture in the ongoing relationship between Canadian and Indigenous law. Through an examination of the arguments made before the Supreme Court, we assert that it is essential that the Court move beyond its historical commitments to protecting the Constitution and umpiring jurisdictional disputes and toward a recognition of the failures of the constitutional framework to account for an expansive understanding of inherent rights and inherent jurisdiction, including child welfare.
摘要:2022年12月,加拿大最高法院听取了一项关于《尊重第一民族、因纽特人和姆萨伊特人儿童、青年和家庭法案》(《法案》)合宪性的参考案件的辩论。争论的焦点是,该法案是否侵犯了省管辖权,并通过赋予第一民族关于儿童福利的法律与联邦法律同等的效力,从而改变了宪法架构。在这篇简短的文章中,我们认为最高法院对该法案的审议标志着加拿大和土著法律之间持续关系的关键时刻。通过对在最高法院面前提出的论点的审查,我们断言,法院必须超越其保护宪法和裁决管辖权争端的历史承诺,并承认宪法框架在解释对固有权利和固有管辖权(包括儿童福利)的广泛理解方面的失败。
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引用次数: 0
Participer ou s'autodéterminer ? Un état des lieux de la littérature décoloniale autochtone–CORRIGENDUM 参与还是自我决定?土著非殖民文学的现状-勘误表
Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000094
Simon Dabin
Dabin, Simon. 2022. « Participer ou s’autodéterminer ? Un état des lieux de la littérature décoloniale autochtone ». Revue canadienne de science politique 55 (4) : 939–957. Starblanket, Gina et Heidi Kiwetinepinesiik Stark. 2018. « Towards a Relational Paradigm-Four Points for Consideration : Knowledge, Gender, Land, and Modernity ». Dans M. Asch, J. Borrows et J. Tully (dir.), Resurgence and Reconciliation : Indigenous-Settler Relations and Earth Teachings (pp. 175–207). Toronto/Buffalo/London : University of Toronto Press. Wolfe, Patrick. 2006. « Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native ». Journal of Genocide Research 8 (4) : 387–409.
西蒙·达宾,2022年。“参与还是自我决定?”《土著非殖民文学的现状》。加拿大政治科学杂志55(4):939 - 957。Starblanket, Gina和Heidi Kiwetinepinesiik Stark, 2018。«迈向了视图Paradigm-Four for议题:Knowledge, Gender,土地,与现代性»。M. Asch, J. Borrows和J. Tully(编辑),复兴与和解:土著-定居者关系和地球教学(第175 - 207页)。= =地理= =根据美国人口普查,该县的总面积为,其中土地和(0.964平方公里)水。帕特里克·沃尔夫,2006年。《定居者殖民主义与土著的消灭》。《种族灭绝研究杂志》8(4):387 - 409。
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引用次数: 0
Souverainetés et autodéterminations autochtones : Tïayoriho'ten’ Geneviève Nootens et Geneviève Motard (dir.), Québec: Presses de l'Université Laval, 2022, pp. 270 土著主权和自决:tiayoriho 'ten genevieve Nootens和genevieve Motard(编),quebec: press de l' universite Laval, 2022,第270页
Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s000842392200097x
Éléna Choquette
ique alors que, jusqu’à présent, les travaux sur le sujet étaient plutôt traités par des historiens ou des journalistes. Enfin, le texte est suffisamment vulgarisé pour intéresser un public large en raison de son format et de son style. Toutefois, le format atypique, engagé et court pourrait frustrer des universitaires désireux de lire une analyse empirique approfondie. À cet égard, l’ouvrage aurait pu fournir de plus amples explications concernant la méthodologie et quelques notions rhétoriques. Ces dernières pourraient rester obscures pour un public non-averti. Par ailleurs, l’ouvrage Reactionary Democracy: How Racism and the Populist Far Right Became Mainstream d’Aurélien Mondon et d’Aaron Winter (2020) pourrait répondre à quelques interrogations et fournir un cadre théorique très complet sur le processus de banalisation du racisme et de l’extrême-droite. Quoiqu’il en soit, cet essai représente une lecture très argumentée et documentée. De plus, il offre une riche introduction à la rhétorique pour mener une lecture critique et ouvrir la voie à de nouvelles études portées cette fois-ci sur les discours électoraux de Zemmour.
然而,到目前为止,有关这一主题的工作主要是由历史学家或记者进行的。最后,由于其格式和风格,文本足够普及,足以引起广大读者的兴趣。然而,这种非典型的、投入的、简短的格式可能会让那些想要阅读深入实证分析的学者感到沮丧。在这方面,这本书本可以提供更多关于方法论的解释和一些修辞概念。对于不知情的公众来说,这些可能仍然是模糊的。此外,aurelien Mondon和aaron Winter(2020)的《反动民主:种族主义和民粹主义右翼如何成为主流》一书可能会回答一些问题,并为种族主义和极右翼的平庸化过程提供一个非常全面的理论框架。无论如何,这篇文章代表了一个高度论证和记录的阅读。此外,它还提供了丰富的修辞介绍,以进行批判性阅读,并为进一步研究Zemmour的选举演讲铺平了道路。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Canadian Journal of Political Science
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