Pub Date : 2022-05-31DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.12
Archangela Rachel Dharmaputri, Idil Syawfi
This article aims to answer how Japan responds to China's increasing assertiveness in the South China Sea amidst the limitations of its power projection. Japan's security posture is like 'destined' to have a pacifist character, making Japan only equipped with defensive capabilities that tend to be minimal. At the same time, China also continues to use its influence to aggressively occupy the South China Sea and create threats to Japan. For this reason, the narrative analysis method is used to analyze a series of phenomena based on the framework of Walt's threat balance theory. The results of the study explain that Japan's considerations for balancing against China instead of joining in through understanding the level of threat and the prerequisites for China's alliance are quite balanced. Therefore, the external balancing strategy with the United States and Southeast Asian countries seems to be Japan's strategic move against China. Keywords: alliance, balancing, China, Japan, South China Sea
{"title":"Japan in the South China Sea: Restricted yet Strategic?","authors":"Archangela Rachel Dharmaputri, Idil Syawfi","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.12","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to answer how Japan responds to China's increasing assertiveness in the South China Sea amidst the limitations of its power projection. Japan's security posture is like 'destined' to have a pacifist character, making Japan only equipped with defensive capabilities that tend to be minimal. At the same time, China also continues to use its influence to aggressively occupy the South China Sea and create threats to Japan. For this reason, the narrative analysis method is used to analyze a series of phenomena based on the framework of Walt's threat balance theory. The results of the study explain that Japan's considerations for balancing against China instead of joining in through understanding the level of threat and the prerequisites for China's alliance are quite balanced. Therefore, the external balancing strategy with the United States and Southeast Asian countries seems to be Japan's strategic move against China. Keywords: alliance, balancing, China, Japan, South China Sea","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133913471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-31DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.11
Angel Damayanti, Bryan Libertho Karyoprawiro
This study aims to explain the strategies taken by two major countries in the region, China and India, in overcoming border disputes in the Aksai Chin region. By using rational choice theory to explain the behavior of India and China and the reasons why they choose to use non-confrontational strategies. The research methodology used is qualitative with a case study model to analyze the policies of the two countries. The results of the study found that despite different views regarding Aksai Chin, the two countries both built trust and were committed that the border dispute would not affect their bilateral relationship as a whole. India and China have opted for a strategy of optimizing mutual benefits over purely national interests. It can be concluded that the two countries chose to take a non-confrontational policy in the border dispute in Aksai Chin as a rational choice in times of crisis based on the optimal benefits that can be obtained by both countries. Keywords: Aksai Chin, border dispute, India-China, non-confrontational policy, rational choice
{"title":"Rational Choices in Sino-Indian Border Dispute in Aksai","authors":"Angel Damayanti, Bryan Libertho Karyoprawiro","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.11","url":null,"abstract":"This study aims to explain the strategies taken by two major countries in the region, China and India, in overcoming border disputes in the Aksai Chin region. By using rational choice theory to explain the behavior of India and China and the reasons why they choose to use non-confrontational strategies. The research methodology used is qualitative with a case study model to analyze the policies of the two countries. The results of the study found that despite different views regarding Aksai Chin, the two countries both built trust and were committed that the border dispute would not affect their bilateral relationship as a whole. India and China have opted for a strategy of optimizing mutual benefits over purely national interests. It can be concluded that the two countries chose to take a non-confrontational policy in the border dispute in Aksai Chin as a rational choice in times of crisis based on the optimal benefits that can be obtained by both countries. Keywords: Aksai Chin, border dispute, India-China, non-confrontational policy, rational choice","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126530438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-31DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.2
Ludiro Madu, H. R. Kuncoro
This article aims to assess ASEAN's commitment to enhancing the role of non-state actors that has emerged since the late 1990s. There is a tendency that grassroots social movement activists do not seem to have an official forum in ASEAN. Although some non-state actors have gained access to ASEAN, this privilege is largely granted to business interest groups and elite think-tanks. This research applied qualitative method by using the concept of historical institutionalization, this paper seeks to explain the characteristics of an institution using events that occurred in the past during the process of creating and consolidating institutions. The concept is also responsive to explaining ---and, in some cases, even prescribing--- changes. The study found that the increased participation of non-state actors will increase ASEAN's legitimacy in carrying out its growing role in the region. This article contributes to offer some options that ASEAN must cultivate to improve participation of non-state actors. Keywords: ASEAN, historical institutionalism, non-state actors, participatory regionalism
{"title":"Increasing Participation of Non-State Actors in ASEAN: Problems and Options","authors":"Ludiro Madu, H. R. Kuncoro","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.2","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to assess ASEAN's commitment to enhancing the role of non-state actors that has emerged since the late 1990s. There is a tendency that grassroots social movement activists do not seem to have an official forum in ASEAN. Although some non-state actors have gained access to ASEAN, this privilege is largely granted to business interest groups and elite think-tanks. This research applied qualitative method by using the concept of historical institutionalization, this paper seeks to explain the characteristics of an institution using events that occurred in the past during the process of creating and consolidating institutions. The concept is also responsive to explaining ---and, in some cases, even prescribing--- changes. The study found that the increased participation of non-state actors will increase ASEAN's legitimacy in carrying out its growing role in the region. This article contributes to offer some options that ASEAN must cultivate to improve participation of non-state actors. Keywords: ASEAN, historical institutionalism, non-state actors, participatory regionalism","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133011756","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-31DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.4
P. M. E. Killian
The purpose of this article is to outline the multiple facets of ASEAN�s external economic relations (EER), loosely termed as ASEAN economic diplomacy. In doing so, this article builds on two main frameworks: strands of economic diplomacy and general framework of economic diplomacy and employs research interviews and documentary analysis as the main research method. Findings suggest that ASEAN is most advanced in its trade diplomacy, relying on the ASEAN-plus scheme. ASEAN also displays an interesting pattern in their trade diplomacy, since it is mostly aimed at achieving political goals rather than economic ones. The main reason for this is because ASEAN member states can actually achieve larger economic gains by negotiating individually rather than collectively through ASEAN. However, ASEAN still faces limitations in doing collective negotiations due to its regional development gap, different levels of economic ambition, absence of a common external tariff and the lack of a regional negotiator acting on behalf of ASEAN. Keywords: ASEAN, economic diplomacy, external economic relations, trade diplomacy
{"title":"ASEAN�s External Economic Relations and the Limits of Its Economic Diplomacy","authors":"P. M. E. Killian","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.4","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is to outline the multiple facets of ASEAN�s external economic relations (EER), loosely termed as ASEAN economic diplomacy. In doing so, this article builds on two main frameworks: strands of economic diplomacy and general framework of economic diplomacy and employs research interviews and documentary analysis as the main research method. Findings suggest that ASEAN is most advanced in its trade diplomacy, relying on the ASEAN-plus scheme. ASEAN also displays an interesting pattern in their trade diplomacy, since it is mostly aimed at achieving political goals rather than economic ones. The main reason for this is because ASEAN member states can actually achieve larger economic gains by negotiating individually rather than collectively through ASEAN. However, ASEAN still faces limitations in doing collective negotiations due to its regional development gap, different levels of economic ambition, absence of a common external tariff and the lack of a regional negotiator acting on behalf of ASEAN. \u0000 Keywords: ASEAN, economic diplomacy, external economic relations, trade diplomacy","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"97 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131180908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-31DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.9
Meilinda Sari Yayusman, Ayu Nova Lissandhi
This article aims to explain the movement of Indonesian diaspora and their initiative to create multifarious new activities in today�s globalized era. Focusing on Indonesian diaspora organizations in Europe, namely Indonesian Diaspora Networks (IDN) in the Netherlands and France who are eager to come together, build organizations based on a common identity, and contribute to Indonesia. The newly-emerged concept of hometown transnationalism is used to explain the phenomenon in which collective remittances through development projects are the main output of diasporas� contribution. Qualitative method is applied to this study through a set of in-depth interviews, a study of life history, and literature review completed by site visits to observe diasporas� works. The results of this study show that the emergence of various diaspora organizations is the impact of the increasingly rapid movement of people and technological developments, thus encouraging the diaspora to be more connected to their hometowns. Both IDNs play a vital role in realizing diaspora's aspirations to develop Indonesia through multifarious ways. Keywords: diaspora organizations, hometown transnationalism, Indonesian diaspora, Indonesian diaspora networks
{"title":"Hometown Transnationalism and the Emergence of Indonesian Diaspora Organizations in Europe","authors":"Meilinda Sari Yayusman, Ayu Nova Lissandhi","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.9","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to explain the movement of Indonesian diaspora and their initiative to create multifarious new activities in today�s globalized era. Focusing on Indonesian diaspora organizations in Europe, namely Indonesian Diaspora Networks (IDN) in the Netherlands and France who are eager to come together, build organizations based on a common identity, and contribute to Indonesia. The newly-emerged concept of hometown transnationalism is used to explain the phenomenon in which collective remittances through development projects are the main output of diasporas� contribution. Qualitative method is applied to this study through a set of in-depth interviews, a study of life history, and literature review completed by site visits to observe diasporas� works. The results of this study show that the emergence of various diaspora organizations is the impact of the increasingly rapid movement of people and technological developments, thus encouraging the diaspora to be more connected to their hometowns. Both IDNs play a vital role in realizing diaspora's aspirations to develop Indonesia through multifarious ways. Keywords: diaspora organizations, hometown transnationalism, Indonesian diaspora, Indonesian diaspora networks","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130041430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.10
Laode Muhammad Fathun
This paper discusses the consideration of the formulation of Indonesia's foreign policy and diplomacy in the digital era in the economic and social fields. This study uses a qualitative paradigm with a descriptive analysis type. This research uses a case study method with secondary data collection techniques taken from various relevant references such as books, journals and reports and others. So this research uses a research library. The author uses poly-acoustic theory and foreign policy formulations in the digital era. Hasilyang found that the formulation of foreign policy in the digital era contains the question of why it is oriented towards promoting foreign policy, What, is oriented towards policy support in the digital era, who, namely the government, companies and society. Then the question where, in the country and region. And how about through politheuistic. The analysis found that the formulation of Indonesia's foreign policy and diplomacy has two considerations, namely cognitive cognition and rational calculation. Thus, it is concluded that Indonesia's interests in the economic and social fields have a great opportunity to make Indonesia a transforming country in the digital era.
{"title":"Indonesia's Foreign Policy in Digital Era : Poliheuristic Theory","authors":"Laode Muhammad Fathun","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.10","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses the consideration of the formulation of Indonesia's foreign policy and diplomacy in the digital era in the economic and social fields. This study uses a qualitative paradigm with a descriptive analysis type. This research uses a case study method with secondary data collection techniques taken from various relevant references such as books, journals and reports and others. So this research uses a research library. The author uses poly-acoustic theory and foreign policy formulations in the digital era. Hasilyang found that the formulation of foreign policy in the digital era contains the question of why it is oriented towards promoting foreign policy, What, is oriented towards policy support in the digital era, who, namely the government, companies and society. Then the question where, in the country and region. And how about through politheuistic. The analysis found that the formulation of Indonesia's foreign policy and diplomacy has two considerations, namely cognitive cognition and rational calculation. Thus, it is concluded that Indonesia's interests in the economic and social fields have a great opportunity to make Indonesia a transforming country in the digital era.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130751853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.2
Riska Putri Hariyadi, Nurul Isnaeni
Indonesia merupakan negara pertama yang berhasil menerbitkan Lisensi Forest Law Environment, Governance and Trade (FLEGT), sebuah regulasi internasional berbasis mekanisme pasar yang diinisiasi oleh Uni Eropa untuk mendorong tata kelola hutan yang berkerlanjutan, khususnya di negara-negara berkembang. Capaian ini seringkali dianggap sebagai keberhasilan diplomasi ekonomi Indonesia. Namun, temuan awal menunjukan terdapat perubahan sikap yang dilakukan Indonesia pada proses negosiasi bersama Uni Eropa pada kurun waktu 2015-2016. Oleh karenaitu, artikel ini bertujuan menganalisis faktor-faktor yang melatarbelakangi perubahan sikap Indonesia dalam proses negosiasi penerbitan Lisensi FLEGT. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dan pendekatan studi kasus tunggal yang dipandu oleh Teori Faktor-Faktor Pembentuk Diplomasi Ekonomidari Stephen Woolcock (2016). Tulisan ini berargumen bahwa sikap Indonesia didasari oleh adanya hubungan asimetris antara Indonesia dan Uni Eropa dalam implementasi FLEGT, inkoherensi kebijakan antara kementerian dan lembaga terkait, dan perbedaan persepsi antara aktor pemangku kepentingan terkait kewajiban SVLK (Sistem Verifikasi Legalitas Kayu). Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa proses pembentukan kebijakan negara dalam diplomasi ekonomi terkait dengan pertimbangan dari faktor sistemik, domestik dan ideasional berupa perbedaan persepsi antara aktor-aktor yang berkepentingan.
{"title":"Diplomasi Indonesia Dalam Perdagangan Kayu Ke Uni Eropa : Studi Kasus Penundaan Implementasi Lisensi FLEGT","authors":"Riska Putri Hariyadi, Nurul Isnaeni","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.2","url":null,"abstract":"Indonesia merupakan negara pertama yang berhasil menerbitkan Lisensi Forest Law Environment, Governance and Trade (FLEGT), sebuah regulasi internasional berbasis mekanisme pasar yang diinisiasi oleh Uni Eropa untuk mendorong tata kelola hutan yang berkerlanjutan, khususnya di negara-negara berkembang. Capaian ini seringkali dianggap sebagai keberhasilan diplomasi ekonomi Indonesia. Namun, temuan awal menunjukan terdapat perubahan sikap yang dilakukan Indonesia pada proses negosiasi bersama Uni Eropa pada kurun waktu 2015-2016. Oleh karenaitu, artikel ini bertujuan menganalisis faktor-faktor yang melatarbelakangi perubahan sikap Indonesia dalam proses negosiasi penerbitan Lisensi FLEGT. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dan pendekatan studi kasus tunggal yang dipandu oleh Teori Faktor-Faktor Pembentuk Diplomasi Ekonomidari Stephen Woolcock (2016). Tulisan ini berargumen bahwa sikap Indonesia didasari oleh adanya hubungan asimetris antara Indonesia dan Uni Eropa dalam implementasi FLEGT, inkoherensi kebijakan antara kementerian dan lembaga terkait, dan perbedaan persepsi antara aktor pemangku kepentingan terkait kewajiban SVLK (Sistem Verifikasi Legalitas Kayu). Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa proses pembentukan kebijakan negara dalam diplomasi ekonomi terkait dengan pertimbangan dari faktor sistemik, domestik dan ideasional berupa perbedaan persepsi antara aktor-aktor yang berkepentingan.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133364489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.11
T. Taufik, S. Pratiwi
Isu imigrasi merupakan salah satu isu domestik di Amerika Serikat dibawah kepemimpinan Donald Trump. Amerika Serikat merupakan salah satu negara besar yang menjadi tujuan kaum imigran hingga disebut sebagai �bangsa kaum imigran�. Namun Kedatangan kaum imigran membawa masalah bagi negara dan masyarakat asli Amerika Serikat. Adanya persaingan dalam mendapatkan pekerjaan, masalah budaya, tindak kejahatan dan keamanan nasional menjadi fokus pemerintahan Trump. Pembatasan masuknya kaum imigran ke Amerika Serikat yang mengacu pada tiga kebijakan yaitu kebijakan nasionalisme, kebijakan anti-imigran dan kebijakan anti-muslim. Ketiganya juga didukung oleh kebijakan luar negeri Amerika Serikat pada era Trump yang lebih menekankan pada isolasionisme dan proteksionisme; sesuai dengan slogan kampanye Trump American First, yaitu; Make America Great Again yang diaplikasikan ke berbagai kebijakannya. Dengan menggunakan konsep kebijakan luar negeri dan imigran, artikel ini mencoba untuk mendiskusikan alasan Trump mengeluarkan kebijakan pembatasan masuknya kaum imigran ke Amerika Serikat di bawah isu American First. Adapun metode yang digunakan ialah metode deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif untuk melihat fenomena pembatasan masuknya imigran ke AS. Artiel ini menghasilkan sebuah asumsi bahwa Kebijakan pembatasan imigran Trump dilakukan untuk melindungi masyarakat dan mengamankan wilayah Amerika Serikat dalam mencapai tujuan kepentingan nasional Amerika Serikat.
{"title":"American First : Kebijakan Donald Trump dalam Pembatasan Kaum Imigran ke Amerika Serikat","authors":"T. Taufik, S. Pratiwi","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.11","url":null,"abstract":"Isu imigrasi merupakan salah satu isu domestik di Amerika Serikat dibawah kepemimpinan Donald Trump. Amerika Serikat merupakan salah satu negara besar yang menjadi tujuan kaum imigran hingga disebut sebagai �bangsa kaum imigran�. Namun Kedatangan kaum imigran membawa masalah bagi negara dan masyarakat asli Amerika Serikat. Adanya persaingan dalam mendapatkan pekerjaan, masalah budaya, tindak kejahatan dan keamanan nasional menjadi fokus pemerintahan Trump. Pembatasan masuknya kaum imigran ke Amerika Serikat yang mengacu pada tiga kebijakan yaitu kebijakan nasionalisme, kebijakan anti-imigran dan kebijakan anti-muslim. Ketiganya juga didukung oleh kebijakan luar negeri Amerika Serikat pada era Trump yang lebih menekankan pada isolasionisme dan proteksionisme; sesuai dengan slogan kampanye Trump American First, yaitu; Make America Great Again yang diaplikasikan ke berbagai kebijakannya. Dengan menggunakan konsep kebijakan luar negeri dan imigran, artikel ini mencoba untuk mendiskusikan alasan Trump mengeluarkan kebijakan pembatasan masuknya kaum imigran ke Amerika Serikat di bawah isu American First. Adapun metode yang digunakan ialah metode deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif untuk melihat fenomena pembatasan masuknya imigran ke AS. Artiel ini menghasilkan sebuah asumsi bahwa Kebijakan pembatasan imigran Trump dilakukan untuk melindungi masyarakat dan mengamankan wilayah Amerika Serikat dalam mencapai tujuan kepentingan nasional Amerika Serikat.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121419763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.8
Deden Habibi Ali Alfathimy, Yunita Permatasari, E. Susilawati, Dini Susanti, Shinta Rahma Diana, Joko Susanto, A. R. Darmawan
Dinamika geopolitik kawasan Indo-Pasifik dipengaruhi juga oleh kerja sama dan persaingan antara Cina, Jepang, dan India di ranah antariksa. Indonesia yang berada di tengah kawasan geopolitik ini serta memiliki kepentingan nasional keantariksaan berada dalam situasi yang menguntungkan sekaligus menantang. Dengan menggunakan konsep pragmatic equidistance dan diplomasi antariksa, makalah ini membahas situasi diplomatik keantariksaan Indonesia dihadapkan pada tiga spacefaring nations kawasan. Makalah ini menyimpulkan bahwa Indonesia secara alamiah menjaga jarak dan mencoba mengambil manfaat dari kondisi ini, namun belum secara sistematis dan aktif menggunakan strategi yang komprehensif dalam menghadapi ketiganya demi kepentingan dan agenda keantariksaan nasionalnya sendiri.
{"title":"Di Antara Tiga Launchpad : Indonesia dan Dinamika Diplomasi Antariksa dalam Geopolitik Indo-Pasifik","authors":"Deden Habibi Ali Alfathimy, Yunita Permatasari, E. Susilawati, Dini Susanti, Shinta Rahma Diana, Joko Susanto, A. R. Darmawan","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.8","url":null,"abstract":"Dinamika geopolitik kawasan Indo-Pasifik dipengaruhi juga oleh kerja sama dan persaingan antara Cina, Jepang, dan India di ranah antariksa. Indonesia yang berada di tengah kawasan geopolitik ini serta memiliki kepentingan nasional keantariksaan berada dalam situasi yang menguntungkan sekaligus menantang. Dengan menggunakan konsep pragmatic equidistance dan diplomasi antariksa, makalah ini membahas situasi diplomatik keantariksaan Indonesia dihadapkan pada tiga spacefaring nations kawasan. Makalah ini menyimpulkan bahwa Indonesia secara alamiah menjaga jarak dan mencoba mengambil manfaat dari kondisi ini, namun belum secara sistematis dan aktif menggunakan strategi yang komprehensif dalam menghadapi ketiganya demi kepentingan dan agenda keantariksaan nasionalnya sendiri.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"154 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126200994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v6n1.4
Nurul Aulia
Penelitian ini menganalisa gagasan tentang Cina sebagai kekuatan yang bertanggungjawab dengan melihat bagaimana Cina menjalankan bantuan internasionalnya di Sudan Selatan. Artikel ini menginvestigasi perilaku para aktor yang terlibat dalam aktivas luar negeri Cina di Sudan Selatan. Para aktor tersebut adalah pemerintah Cina dengan Kementerian Luar Negeri beserta Kementerian Perdagangan sebagai perwakilannya. Sementara itu, pasukan perdamaian PBB Cina berada dibawah arahan Kementerian Pertahanan Nasional. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa tindakan pemerintah Cina dalam kerangka bantuan luar negeri telah mengarah kepada spektrum barat terkait gagasan kekuatan yang bertanggungjawab. Sementara itu, kebijakan dan tindakan Cina terkait penugasan pasukan perdamaian Cina di Sudan Selatan tetap menerapkan prinsip non-intervensi dan menghargai kedaulatan Sudan Selatan. Oleh karena itu, tindakan pasukan perdamaian Cina masih berada di spektrum Cina tentang kekuatan yang bertanggungjawab.
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